Revolution and Political Transformation in the Middle East
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Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected]
University of Richmond UR Scholarship Repository Political Science Faculty Publications Political Science 2013 Yemen Sheila Carapico University of Richmond, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarship.richmond.edu/polisci-faculty-publications Part of the International Relations Commons, and the Near and Middle Eastern Studies Commons Recommended Citation Carapico, Sheila. "Yemen." In Dispatches from the Arab Spring: Understanding the New Middle East, edited by Paul Amar and Vijay Prashad, 101-121. New Delhi, India: LeftWord Books, 2013. This Book Chapter is brought to you for free and open access by the Political Science at UR Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Political Science Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of UR Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Yemen SHEILA CARAPICO IN FEBRUARY 2011, Tawakkol Karman stood on a stage outside Sanaa University. A microphone in one hand and the other clenched defiantly above her head, reading from a list of demands, she led tens of thou sands of cheering, flag-waving demonstrators in calls for peaceful politi cal change. She was to become not so much the leader as the figurehead ofYemen's uprising. On other days and in other cities, other citizens led the chants: men and women and sometimes, for effect, little children. These mass public performances enacted a veritable civic revolution in a poverty-stricken country where previous activist surges never produced democratic transitions but nonetheless did shape national history. Drawing on the Tunisiari and Egyptian inspirations as well as homegrown protest legacies, in 2011 Yemenis occupied the national commons as never before. -
Protest and State–Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa
SIPRI Policy Paper PROTEST AND STATE– 56 SOCIETY RELATIONS IN October 2020 THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil STOCKHOLM INTERNATIONAL PEACE RESEARCH INSTITUTE SIPRI is an independent international institute dedicated to research into conflict, armaments, arms control and disarmament. Established in 1966, SIPRI provides data, analysis and recommendations, based on open sources, to policymakers, researchers, media and the interested public. The Governing Board is not responsible for the views expressed in the publications of the Institute. GOVERNING BOARD Ambassador Jan Eliasson, Chair (Sweden) Dr Vladimir Baranovsky (Russia) Espen Barth Eide (Norway) Jean-Marie Guéhenno (France) Dr Radha Kumar (India) Ambassador Ramtane Lamamra (Algeria) Dr Patricia Lewis (Ireland/United Kingdom) Dr Jessica Tuchman Mathews (United States) DIRECTOR Dan Smith (United Kingdom) Signalistgatan 9 SE-169 72 Solna, Sweden Telephone: + 46 8 655 9700 Email: [email protected] Internet: www.sipri.org Protest and State– Society Relations in the Middle East and North Africa SIPRI Policy Paper No. 56 dylan o’driscoll, amal bourhrous, meray maddah and shivan fazil October 2020 © SIPRI 2020 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of SIPRI or as expressly permitted by law. Contents Preface v Acknowledgements vi Summary vii Abbreviations ix 1. Introduction 1 Figure 1.1. Classification of countries in the Middle East and North Africa by 2 protest intensity 2. State–society relations in the Middle East and North Africa 5 Mass protests 5 Sporadic protests 16 Scarce protests 31 Highly suppressed protests 37 Figure 2.1. -
'The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings' Jillian Schwedler
1 From Street Mobilization to Political Mobilization September 1-2, 2012- Skhirat, Morocco ‘The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings’ Jillian Schwedler 1 2 The Spatial Dynamics of the Arab Uprisings Jillian Schwedler Like many major events in world politics—such as the outbreak of World War I or the fall of the Soviet Union—the Arab uprisings that began in late 2010 may have taken much of the world by surprise, but that does not mean that they came out of nowhere. In the way that the assassination of Austrian Archduke Franz Ferdinand is said to have started World War I, the Arab uprisings are now commonly said to have begun with the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit-cart vendor Mohamad Bouazizi on December 17, 2010. Protests then spread throughout Tunisia within weeks, culminating in the resignation of President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali on January 14, 2011. From there, the revolutionary spirit spread to Egypt, Libya, Yemen, Bahrain, and Syria, seeing serious challenges to repressive regimes that just months earlier appeared as stable as they had been for decades. But of course the story is not so simple. In Tunisia, at least two other citizens had self-immolated in the months before Bouazizi, and yet those brutal deaths sparked nothing. In Egypt, protests and demonstrations had been escalating almost steadily since at least 2004, notably as more than a million organized laborers participated in strikes and marchers that brought portions of the country to a standstill (Beinin and el-Hamalawy 2007). The 2011 protests may have escalated to revolutionary proportions unexpectedly, but they did not emerge out of thin air. -
1 Examining Opposition Movements and Regime Stability in Tunisia And
Examining Opposition Movements and Regime Stability in Tunisia and Jordan during the Arab Spring: A Political Opportunities Approach By Paul Meuse MPP Essay Submitted to Oregon State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Public Policy Presented June 20th, 2013 1 Master of Public Policy Essay of Paul Meuse presented on June 20th, 2013 APPROVED: Sarah Henderson Sally Gallagher Steven Ortiz Paul Meuse, Author 2 Introduction The Arab Spring can be described as a revolutionary wave of civil uprisings in the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region that has led to regime change in four countries (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen), an ongoing, violent civil war (Syria) as well as major and minor protests among most countries in the region and some beyond. As events continue to unfold over two years later, much of the academic literature examining the Arab Spring has been centrally focused on questions as to a) what factors caused the Arab Spring and b) why outcomes among countries touched by the Arab Spring varied so starkly. Of the scholarship addressing the latter question, most of the literature to date has emphasized the importance of specific external/internal “top down” factors that explain diverging pathways among MENA countries, often neglecting to explore the influence of the “masses” in driving different outcomes. Moreover among those “bottom-up” accounts of the Arab Spring that do incorporate a role for the masses, the focus has generally been on “diffusion processes” across borders, or the utilization of new media, processes that only affected regime breakdown/stability indirectly. -
Social Media As a Strategy for Protest Movements in an Era of Government Control By
Social Media as a Strategy for Protest Movements in an Era of Government Control by Sarah C. Palmieri-Branco 8349343 Submitted to the Graduate School of Public and International Affairs University of Ottawa In the Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the degree of Masters of Arts © Sarah Palmieri-Branco, Ottawa, Canada, 2021 Abstract In a new era of surveillance and control, governments have expanded their digital knowledge and strategies to prevent and disband social movements and demonstrations. In light of the resurgence of several protests worldwide, have new technological strategies been employed by protest leaders to counteract government efforts? Have digital tools adapted to government control? This study analyzed how social media has adapted in the face of repression in non-Western protest movements through the analysis of digital strategies evoked by protest leaders to organize demonstrations, mobilize people and persuade the undecided. Hong Kong’s Umbrella Movement and the resurgence of protest in the territory in 2019-2020, and Sudan’s 2011-2013 protests and the subsequent 2018-2019 Intifada were chosen as case studies. A thematic analysis approach illustrated the different strategies implemented by both activists and governments and the ways in which social media evolved throughout the protest movements. This highlighted the various ways tools adapted to best facilitate the organization, mobilization and persuasion efforts to counter-act government repression and digital intervention. The technological evolution of social media has created an unprecedented level of transparency that allows for injustices actioned by governments to be shared on an international platform. This has ultimately led to a transfer of power to the people in times of social unrest and protest. -
The Arab Spring: an Empirical Investigation
Protests and the Arab Spring: An Empirical Investigation Tansa George Massoud, Bucknell University John A. Doces, Bucknell University Christopher Magee, Bucknell University Keywords: Arab Spring, protests, events data, political grievances, diffusion Acknowledgements: We would like to thank Polity’s editor-in-chief and anonymous reviewers for their comments. We also thank Emily Brandes for her valuable assistance. All errors remain our own. 1 Abstract This article discusses a variety of major explanations for the intensity of recent protests in Arab states and investigates whether there is empirical support for them. We survey various political, economic, and social factors and develop a comprehensive empirical model to estimate the structural determinants of protests in 19 Arab League states between 1990 and 2011, measured using events data. The results show that protests were stronger in countries with higher inflation, higher levels of corruption, lower levels of freedom, and more use of the internet and cell phones. Protests were also more frequent in countries with partial democracies and factional politics. We find no evidence for the common argument that the surge in protests in 2011 was linked to a bulge in the youth population. Overall, we conclude that these economic, political, and social variables help to explain which countries had stronger protest movements, but that they cannot explain the timing of those revolts. We suggest that a contagion model can help explain the quick spread of protests across the region in 2011, and we conduct a preliminary test of that possibility. 2 I. Introduction The Arab revolts started in Tunisia in December 2010 and spread across the Middle East and North Africa with great speed in early 2011.1 In Tunisia and Egypt, loosely organized groups using mostly nonviolent techniques managed to topple regimes that had been in power for decades. -
Of International Journal Euro-Mediterranean Studies
Euro-Mediterranean University Kidričevo nabrežje 2 SI-6330 Piran, Slovenia International Journal www.ijems.emuni.si [email protected] 1 of Euro-Mediterranean NUMBER Studies VOLUME 1 4 2021 NUMBER 1 2021 EDITORIAL A defining moment: Can we predict the future of higher education? Abdelhamid El-Zoheiry 14 SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE Security sector reform by intergovernmental organisations in Libya Anna Molnár, Ivett Szászi, Lili Takács VOLUME SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE Interpreting the Mediterranean archaeological landscape through stakeholders’ participation – the case of Vrsar, Croatia Kristina Afrić Rakitovac, Nataša Urošević, Nikola Vojnović REVIEW ARTICLE Olive oil tourism in the Euro-Mediterranean area José Manuel Hernández-Mogollón, Elide Di-Clemente, Ana María Campón-Cerro, José Antonio Folgado-Fernández SCIENTIFIC ARTICLE What ever happened to the EU’s ‘science diplomacy’? The long mission of effective EU-Mediterranean cooperation in science and research Jerneja Penca BOOK REVIEW Transnational Islam and regional security: Cooperation and diversity between Europe and North Africa, by Frédéric Volpi (ed.) Georgi Asatryan EVENT REVIEW Capacity building for healthy seas: Summer school on sustainable blue economy in the Euro-Mediterranean Jerneja Penca Abstracts Résumés Povzetki International Journal The International Journal of Euro- EdITOR-IN-CHIEF Advisory board of Euro-Mediterranean Studies Mediterranean Studies is published in Prof. Dr. Abdelhamid El-Zoheiry, Prof. Dr. Samia Kassab-Charfi, English with abstracts in Slovenian, ISSN 1855-3362 (printed) Euro-Mediterranean University, Slovenia University of Tunis, Tunisia French and Arabic language. The Prof. Dr. Abeer Refky, Arab Academy ISSN 2232-6022 (online) journal is free of charge. managing Editor: for Science, Technology and Maritime Transport, Egypt COPYRIGHT NOTICE Dr. -
Mass Mobilization and the Durability of New Democracies
Mass Mobilization and the Durability of New Democracies Mohammad Ali Kadivar Brown University Corresponding Author: Mohammad Ali Kadivar Watson Institute for International and Public Affairs, 111 Thayer St, Providence, RI 02912. Email: [email protected] Abstract The “elitist approach” to democratization contends that “democratic regimes that last have seldom, if ever, been instituted by mass popular actors” (Huntington 1984:212). This article subjects this observation to empirical scrutiny using statistical analyses of new democracies over the past half-century and a case study. Contrary to the elitist approach, I argue that new democracies growing out of mass mobilization are more likely to survive than are new democracies that were born amid quiescence. Survival analysis of 112 young democracies in 80 different countries based on original data shows that the longer the mobilization, the more likely the ensuing democracy is to survive. I use a case study of South Africa to investigate the mechanisms. I argue that sustained unarmed uprisings have generated the longest-lasting new democracies- largely because they are forced to develop an organizational structure, which provides a leadership cadre for the new regime, forges links between the government and society, and strengthens checks on the power of the post-transition government. Keywords Social Movements, Democratization, Mobilization, Organization The literature on democratic survival rarely takes account of social movements; instead, it focuses primarily on economic, institutional, and international factors (Kapstein and Converse 2008). The literature on social movement outcomes, for its part, rarely examines new democracies—it focuses primarily on consolidated democracies such as the United States—and scarcely considers reversals in outcomes (Amenta et al. -
Libya Conflict Insight | Feb 2018 | Vol
ABOUT THE REPORT The purpose of this report is to provide analysis and Libya Conflict recommendations to assist the African Union (AU), Regional Economic Communities (RECs), Member States and Development Partners in decision making and in the implementation of peace and security- related instruments. Insight CONTRIBUTORS Dr. Mesfin Gebremichael (Editor in Chief) Mr. Alagaw Ababu Kifle Ms. Alem Kidane Mr. Hervé Wendyam Ms. Mahlet Fitiwi Ms. Zaharau S. Shariff Situation analysis EDITING, DESIGN & LAYOUT Libya achieved independence from United Nations (UN) trusteeship in 1951 Michelle Mendi Muita (Editor) as an amalgamation of three former Ottoman provinces, Tripolitania, Mikias Yitbarek (Design & Layout) Cyrenaica and Fezzan under the rule of King Mohammed Idris. In 1969, King Idris was deposed in a coup staged by Colonel Muammar Gaddafi. He promptly abolished the monarchy, revoked the constitution, and © 2018 Institute for Peace and Security Studies, established the Libya Arab Republic. By 1977, the Republic was transformed Addis Ababa University. All rights reserved. into the leftist-leaning Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya. In the 1970s and 1980s, Libya pursued a “deviant foreign policy”, epitomized February 2018 | Vol. 1 by its radical belligerence towards the West and its endorsement of anti- imperialism. In the late 1990s, Libya began to re-normalize its relations with the West, a development that gradually led to its rehabilitation from the CONTENTS status of a pariah, or a “rogue state.” As part of its rapprochement with the Situation analysis 1 West, Libya abandoned its nuclear weapons programme in 2003, resulting Causes of the conflict 2 in the lifting of UN sanctions. -
A Typology of Conflict Dyads and Instruments of Power in Libya, 2014‐Present
Demystifying Gray Zone Conflict: A Typology of Conflict Dyads and Instruments of Power in Libya, 2014‐Present Report to DHS S&T Office of University Programs and DoD Strategic Multilayer Assessment Branch November 2016 National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence Led by the University of Maryland 8400 Baltimore Ave., Suite 250 • College Park, MD 20742 • 301.405.6600 www.start.umd.edu National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism A Department of Homeland Security Science and Technology Center of Excellence About This Report The authors of this report are Rachel A. Gabriel, Researcher, and Mila A. Johns, Researcher, at the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). Questions about this report should be directed to Barnett S. Koven at [email protected]. This report is part of START project, “Shadows of Violence: Empirical Assessments of Treats, Coercion and Gray Zones,” led by Amy Pate. This research was supported by a Centers of Excellence Supplemental award from the Department of Homeland Security’s Science and Technology Directorate’s Office of University Programs, with funding provided by the Strategic Multilayer Assessment (SMA) Branch of the Department of Defense through grand award number 2012ST061CS0001‐05 made to the National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START). The views and conclusions contained in this document are those of the authors and should not be interpreted as necessarily representing the official policies, either expressed or implied, of the U.S. -
Background Guide
Background Guide CAMBRIDGEINTERNATIONALSCHOOL AMRITSAR-MODELUNITEDNATIONS Disarmament and International Security Agency ABOUT CISAMUN We, at CISA, proudly present the launch of the CISAMUN, a venture into the world of Model United Nation. We are just eight years old but we have the precision of winning awards at every MUN we have participated in. And we thought that if we have it then we ought to share it. The sprawling seven acres and the state of the art infrastructure in the charmed city of the Golden Temple, provides us the perfect backdrop to host some of the best schools for an interactive session on global issues. In these last years, we have we have moved on from infancy to maturity. Our main achievements being a 1700 strong student brigade and their guardians as our shareholders, a committed team of teaching and non teaching staff and a management with a vision. Young minds have the freshest ideas. Keeping this in mind, CISAMUN wishes to tap this pool of ideas and contribute to issues that matter, in whatever little way possible. United Nations: as the name suggests, thinks globally and that is exactly what we strive for too. Issues ranging from environment concerns and religious intolerance to terrorism and trade have an impact on all, hence the urgency to start young. We proudly launch the CISAMUN scheduled for the 3rd, 4th and 5th of August 2017. A LETTER FROM THE SECRETARYGENERAL Dear Delegates, Welcome to the first session of the Cambridge International School Amritsar Model United Nations Conference. I am Vansh Aggarwal and I am thrilled to be your Secretary General at CISAMUN '17. -
Arab Spring Incidents in the End of the “Green Era” in Libya: Questions on the Right to Intervene and the Duty to Interfere
Austral: Brazilian Journal of Strategy & International Relations | e-ISSN 2238-6912 | ISSN 2238-6262| v.2, n.3, Jan-Jun 2013 | p.145-165 ARAB SPRING INCIDENTS IN THE END OF THE “GREEN ERA” IN LIBYA: QUESTIONS ON THE RIGHT TO INTERVENE AND THE DUTY TO INTERFERE Gladys Lechini de Álvarez1, Noemí S. Rabbia2 The Arab Spring has quietly started in the end of 2010 with the wave of protests against the Tunisian regime of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, in power for more than two decades. Nonetheless, it caused a domino effect that fully impacted the oldest autocracies in Northern Africa and the Middle East. In this context, the Tunis’ case has been constituted in the beginning of a long series of successes that reshaped the Arab and Maghrebi regional political scene with similar results, considering the specifics of each scenario. It is interesting to highlight that Tunis paradoxically had been sustained many times by the same Western countries that defended the end of the Libyan autocracy. In reference to this particular case, Muammar Gaddafi has died in obscure circumstances during the seizure of his hometown, Sirte, in October 20th, 2011. The elucidation of this fact has been diluted with the euphoria and increasing successes, and Western employees like the Vice-President of the United States of America, Joseph Biden, have limited themselves to affirm that 1 Gladys Lechini is Profesor of International Relations at Universidad Nacional de Rosario, Argentina; researcher at CONICET; and director of the South-South Cooperation and Relations Program (PRECSUR). E-mail: [email protected].