LESSONS OF BURNING MAN:

A CASE STUDY OF THE GATHERING AND ITS

AUDIENCE DEVELOPMENT PRACTICES

A Thesis

Submitted to the Faculty

of

Drexel University

by

Naima L. Murphy

in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the degree

of

Master of Science in Arts Administration

September 2015

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to thank Andrew Zitcer and Julie Goodman­Hawkins for their support during the development and completion of this thesis. Their guidance encouraged me to unpack themes and find research in unexpected areas. Thank you to interview participants Will Gardner,

Alexandra Kirsch, Lauren Christianson, Laura Oxenfeld, and Olga Grigorenko who graciously and uninhibitedly shared their stories of the Playa. This same group, including Alexandra

Piacquad and Jenny Lykken, assisted in my preparation for travelling to Burning Man in 2014 and equipped me with several packing lists, costumes, coconut water, and endless memories.

Thank you to the many people I met on the Playa, all of which exemplified the strongest themes or Burning Man and helped to expand my perspective and remember that if you can build a vehicle shaped like an octopus shooting flames from each tentacles, you can build absolutely anything.

1 TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ...... 3

ABSTRACT ...... 4

INTRODUCTION ...... 5

METHODOLOGY ...... 14

BURNING MAN HISTORY...... 20

EXTERNAL VIEW OF BURNING MAN ...... 30

AUDIENCE PARTICIPATION ...... 34

SUMMARY ...... 45

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 47

2 LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE 1 ­ Burning Man participant works on mural beside his camp ...... 7 ​ ​ FIGURE 2 ­ Sign encouraging participants to read carved wooden poetry towers and contribute ​ to next year’s poetry project ...... 8 ​ FIGURE 3 ­ Several vehicles making their way from Gerlach ...... 11 ​ ​ FIGURE 4 ­ Burning Man participant completing the census ...... 14 ​ ​ FIGURE 5 ­ From left to right: Camp at burning man, my reflection in a Center Camp mirror ​ installation, and Burning Man grant­funded Sea of Dreams installation on the Playa ...... 17 ​ FIGURE 6 ­ Burners in the Center Camp tent during an open mic session ...... 19 ​ ​ FIGURE 7 ­ The evolution of Black Rock City maps ...... 22 ​ ​ FIGURE 8 ­ Mutant Vehicle riding through the Playa ...... 23 ​ ​ FIGURE 9 ­ Radical Inclusion ...... 26 ​ ​ FIGURE 10 ­ Celtic Chaos bar and dance party in the Playa ...... 32 ​ ​ FIGURE 11 ­ Temple of Grace ...... 35 ​ ​ FIGURE 12 ­ Live instrumental music at Burning Man ...... 37 ​ ​ FIGURE 13 ­ Spectrum of audience engagement and involvement via Alan Brown ...... 38 ​ ​ FIGURE 14 ­ Free­form capoeira and dance workshop in Center Camp, Burning Man ​ participant engages with art ...... 39 ​ FIGURE 15 ­ Sunrise burning of Embrace installation, Saturday night burn schedule ...... 41 ​ ​ FIGURE 16 ­ Burning Man information board on the Playa ...... 43 ​ ​

3 ABSTRACT

Burning Man is recognized as an annual gathering in the desert that encourages curiosity and a disregard for societal norms. The latter is at the core of public perception, but with the event’s embrace by tech and art professionals, the temporary city in Nevada regularly inspires studies and think­pieces about the benefits of experiencing Burning Man. The research in this paper considers what brings participants to the gathering and keeps inspiring them to make the pilgrimage to the desert each year.

Alongside audience development surveys prepared for United States arts organizations, interviews with Burning Man participants, and the event’s official census help to unpack how

Burning Man attracts over 60,000 people annually. By acknowledging the Burning Man Project as a non­profit arts organization, research is used to illuminate transferrable audience development and retention tactics. The effective engagement practices of the Burning Man project are focused on inclusivity, community development, embrace of ever­evolving technology, and partnership between full­time staff and volunteers.

4 INTRODUCTION

This thesis is a case study of the Burning Man festival that seeks to draw from the week­long event’s growth since 1986 and understand how other, more traditional arts organizations can learn from the temporary city in Nevada’s desert and similarly inspire long­term commitment and creativity among participants. As many arts organizations continue to seek opportunities to build audiences while maintaining their faithful contributors, this study will displays Burning Man and its location in the desert beyond the most­common perceptions and uses its commitment to art and community as a foundation to connect to other participation­driven art organizations.

Burning Man is a week­long annual gathering that began in San Francisco but has been held in northern Nevada’s Black Rock Desert since 1991. Organizers work year­round to develop

“Black Rock City”, a temporary urban oasis filled annually with over 60,000 residents, an unobtrusive infrastructure and artistic installations strewn throughout the desert. Loyalists of the event, a fairly homogeneous community frequently referred to as “Burners”, travel from around the world to experience a departure from a “default world” filled with rules and societal regulations. For many, Burning Man provides a space for uninhibited release, creativity and community. In order to embrace the growth of this event and the various intentions of its audiences, the Burning Man Project has developed its gathering into a week­long party, a shared spiritual retreat, a massive art exhibit, a hands­on social experiment, an opportunity to meet new people and anything else that is brought by its community.

In a documentation of the gathering’s history, Brian Dougherty noted:

5 It is the most glamorous, anarchic city on earth, where on any given stroll you might wander past giant metal flame­spewing lotus flowers, or hop on a life­size, glowing white whale as it sails over the sands backlit by an endless starry sky. But Burning Man is more than just fun. It’s a place where accumulated cultural debris is swept aside in order to reinvent what is important. It’s an underground mecca for Americans who are searching for community and meaning (Dougherty, 313).

What was once a small group of friends celebrating the summer solstice has since evolved into a year­round nonprofit organization that seeks to spread the innovations and creativity of its August festival internationally. The Burning Man Project’s mission to “facilitate and extend the culture that has issued from the Burning Man event into the larger world” is carried out by approximately 70 year­round staff, 17 board members, 40 emeritus influencers and over 2000 volunteers each year. The event is imagined and constructed by this passionate community inspired by a set of principles rooted in participation and self­reliance (Burning Man,

2015). This makes Burning Man an evolving experience, one that has both familiar and foreign elements for those who visit Black Rock City and explore “the Playa” each year.

Radical inclusion, gifting, decommodification, radical self­reliance, radical self­expression, communal effort, civic responsibility, leaving no trace, participation and immediacy are at the core of Burning Man’s mission and the organization provides a variety of tools to communities hoping to apply the principles once they leave the Playa. The infrastructural framework of these tools is structured similarly to other arts organizations and allows Burning

Man to support local communities with grants and other resources.

An important characteristic about the annual gathering facilitated by the Burning Man

Project is that it depends heavily on volunteers and other Burners to create an eclectic, experientially diverse environment by welcoming different activities and embracing strange.

Burners are eager to attend the event year after year because of the various types of art and spontaneous encounters found on the Playa. By recognizing the unique experiences of Burning

6 Man participants, my objective is to demonstrate that notions of pursuing curiosity, hands­on explorations, being kind and taking ownership in new experiences are not unique to the Burning

Man Project and can be pursued in the most creative ways, particularly in the arts and culture sector.

In the 2015 research report When Going Gets Tough: Barriers and Motivations Affecting ​ Attendance, the National Endowment of the Arts (NEA) examines the factors that may contribute ​ to the declining numbers of adults in the United States who attend performing and visual arts events each year. Researchers found that the biggest barriers for U.S. adults who were interested in, but did not attend arts events within a year of the survey were the following: could not find the time (47.3%), event was too expensive (38.3%), too difficult to get there (36.6%) and could not find anyone to go with (21.6%). (NEA, 2015).

The success of Burning Man, resulting in 68,000 visitors and $6,969,030 in revenue minus operating expenses in 2013, confronts the NEA findings and shatters the common deterrents (IRS, 2014). The event is time­consuming, expensive and difficult for many to travel to. At the same time, however, it embraces another desire of arts audiences surveyed: new social experiences. Burning Man does not allow sponsorships or corporate endorsements within Black

Rock City, but participants help to construct the experience for its community and are considered collaborators.

FIGURE 1 ­ Burning Man participant works on mural beside his camp in Black Rock City, NV. ​

7

By championing participation­driven art and partnership, the event provides a platform for artists, strengthens its experience for all Burners, and increases the amount of value placed on time and money spent to travel to the Playa. While organizations of all mediums must ask themselves what motivates new audiences and deters others, the NEA encourages institutions to partner up to increase their value for audiences and raise awareness of other outlets for arts and culture (NEA, 2015).

Among artistic institutions, specifically, there is a constant need to defend cultural value and need for financial contributions (Ivey, 2008). Given the barriers listed above, it is imperative for members of this sector to engage audiences despite typical obstacles. By focusing on what motivates participants in the cultural sector, Burning Man exemplifies the opportunity to override the common concerns of audiences despite the reality of this high­cost and time­consuming gathering. Despite the reality of budget and time restraints for many potential audiences, the NEA notes:

Our report finds that only one in four attendees at free events claimed low cost was a “major reason” for their attendance. More often, attendees at free events were motivated by a desire to support events or organizations in their communities, or by an intrinsic desire to learn new things, regardless of the importance of low cost itself in their decisions. (p48)

FIGURE 2 ­ Sign encouraging participants to read carved wooden poetry towers and contribute to next year’s poetry project. ​

The experiential goals of Burning Man are in line with the motivations described in the

NEA attendance report. Among the most impactful reasons for those who attended an art event

8 within a year of being surveyed were the following: socializing with family or friends (72.9%), seeing an exhibit or performance at a specific location (65.8%), gaining knowledge (64.1%), experiencing high­quality art (63.2%) and supporting a community organization or community event (51.2%) (NEA, 2015). This paper explores the realities of arts audience needs and expectations through the lens of the Burning Man Project. While Burning Man is not alone as an organization that depends on ticket revenue and seeks to put emphasis on some of these themes, more traditional cultural institutions are still evaluating how to become even more innovative while maintaining a commitment to their mission.

The 2014 Patron Loyalty Study: Loyalty by the Numbers conducted by the Greater ​ ​ Philadelphia Cultural Alliance reflects on the long­term value of creating multi­faceted opportunities to engage with culture. The data provided supports the idea that partnerships among organizations and artists can increase general loyalty to arts and culture participation by developing cultural advocates (Cultural Alliance, 2014). Though only reflecting organizational participation in Philadelphia, the report finds that the audience responsible for over 50% of the total revenue of local arts organizations represents less than 5% of the cultural sector’s total patrons (Cultural Alliance, 2014). By inviting participants to have multiple cultural experiences in one space or venue, an organization is increasing the opportunity for a single­ticket buyer to become a cultural advocate.

Organizations seeking to become more innovative in their approach to audience development and engagement are the focus of Alan Brown and Jennifer L. Novak­Leonard’s

2011 report Getting In On the Act in which they encourage cultural institutions to assist “visitors ​ ​ and audiences in having deeper, more meaningful arts experiences” by enhancing engagement levels with use of technology and non­traditional partnerships (24). The Philadelphia Orchestra uniquely embraced this challenge with the introduction of the LiveNote application in 2014. Still

9 in use for the 2015­2016 season, the cell phone program is meant to be used during traditionally technology­free orchestral performances to educate audiences about the music in live time. By playing on the collective desire of arts audiences to learn something new while confronting the social taboo of cell phone use during live performances, Philadelphia Orchestra allows audiences to experience classical music in a modern way.

In addition to new programming and increase of technological tools for audiences, marketing teams within arts and culture organizations try to increase revenue by utilizing new ticketing tactics. The multi­tiered pricing model is often used by arts organizations to incentivize audiences while continuing to combat the price barriers that can limit inclusivity. The range of pricing most commonly ensures more choice when it comes to seating, increased access and other accommodations.

Burning Man also uses a multi­tiered ticketing system in which each level is open one at a time on the website (Burning Man, 2015). Despite the range in each cost point for the 10­day event, every purchaser has to wait in the same line to enter the event in Black Rock City, has the same unlimited access Burning Man activities and must bring enough food and materials to sustain themselves for the week. If anything, what is obtained by paying the highest price is an early guarantee of attendance and an increased contribution to the infrastructure of the organization.

10

FIGURE 3 ­ Several vehicles making their way from Gerlach to Black Rock City, NV ​

Early registration and purchases of general admission into Black Rock City begin seven months before the event and cost patrons $800 each to secure one of 4,000 tickets. Following the first tier is a Directed Group ticket sale. These tickets are reserved for long­time camps and contributors to the Burning Man experience to help build the foundation of the event and are reached out to directly by the staff at the Burning Man Project. These groups typically run theme camps throughout the desert and have a significant impact on participants. This tier is limited to

20,000 tickets and is priced at $390 each.

Following the Directed Group Sale is the general Individual registration and sale of

40,000 tickets for $390 each. Once the Individual tickets sales have closed with just under six months until Burning Man, the organization opens up applications for Low Income Tickets.

These tickets are reserved for participants who are unable to afford the full cost of the event and are limited to 4,000 applicants at $190 each. An OMG Sale three weeks prior to the event is made available for those who were unable to purchase tickets in the first three ticket tiers. There are only 1,000 tickets available at this point for $390 each. All tickets are transferable prior to the event except for those received through the Low Income Ticket application. As a result, many ticket­buyers will resell if they can no longer attend. Hopeful participants can purchase tickets via

11 online classifieds or even show up in good faith that they will obtain a ticket near the entry point at Black Rock City. Despite the obvious opportunity for people to resell tickets above face value, the 2014 Black Rock Census shows that less than 2% of participants paid above the original ticket price (Burning Man Census, 2014).

As a part­time graduate student with a full­time job and additional familial expenses beyond the typical 25­year­old living in Philadelphia, I would not have been unable to attend

Burning Man without being granted a Low Income Ticket. There are extensive additional costs incurred in preparation for 10 days in the desert, including airfare to Nevada, a rental car, camping gear, gallons of water, food, LED lights, toiletries and costumes, a total cost Burning

Man Project estimates being $1000 to $2500 for 38.9% of participants in 2014. Despite the additional costs, benefitting from the accessible ticket option allowed me to have the field notes explored in this paper and did not have a noticeable impact on my experience.

Upon first glance, many may not see the parallels between a non­profit organization trying to build audiences and the seemingly free­form event produced by the Burning Man

Project. By using the established nature of the Burning Man Project as a focal point and interviews from participants who attend the event, I support the theory that organizational structure does not limit opportunities for creativity (Chen, 2009). Thoughtful structures can create room for exciting programs that help others interact in new ways and combat the downward trends of arts audiences and the barriers that deter them. This thesis uses my notes to provide context for this case study and depends on the accounts of on­going participants who play such a large role in the event’s longevity and growth. The role of interviews in this thesis is crucial to outlining the impact of the Burning Man Project’s audience development tactics, but anecdotal evidence is placed alongside academic study to add depth to this unique annual gathering.

12 The goal of this case study is to capture the curiosity and excitement that are essential to

Burning Man’s audience development and find applicable opportunities for arts administrators focused on audience participation and retention. By exploring how Burning Man actively confronts common barriers, this paper considers the organization’s community and audience development strategy that sparks the initial interest among first­timer Burners and then encourages them to come back.

13 METHODOLOGY

The research methods utilized for this paper are a collection of interviews, personal photos, daily field notes from my experience at Burning Man Caravansary in 2014 and various artifacts and Burning Man materials collected during my week on the Playa. These experiential additions work to give life to the statistical research that reflects trends in audience development among arts organizations in the United States and the documented evolution of the Burning Man

Project.

The following people were interviewed

about their interactions with Burning Man

before, during and after they attended the

event. They reflect the typically college

educated, white American population that

attends the event each year. Each person

interviewed is below the median Burner

age of 34 and contributes to the 52% of

participants that do not currently live in

California (Black Rock City Census,

2014).

FIGURE 4 ­ Burning Man participant completing the census. ​

This generationally and racially homogeneous group also reflects creative and tech­focused professional communities. While there seems to be an inherent link between these professional cultures and The Burning Man Project, interviewees were able to reflect on how the

14 experience at Black Rock City impacts everyday life. My questions specifically focused on what attracted them to the annual event, what they took away from the week and what parts of the community impact them in the “default world”.

NAME: Will Gardner AGE: 28 ​ ​ ​ ​ OCCUPATION: Art Director at Marketing Firm ​ ​ PLACE OF RESIDENCE: Brooklyn, NY ​ ​ PRIOR RELATIONSHIP: Will attended my undergraduate alma mater and served as my guide at ​ Burning Man. He helped me plan packing lists, travel routes and encouraged me to explore every corner of the Playa. He and a friend rented an RV for the week and met me and the rest of our camp in a Walmart parking lot in Fernley, NV, where we stayed until the Burning Man gates opened to the public. NUMBER OF BURNS: Three ​ ​ It’s becoming such a thing and it’s crested that hill of pop culture. It’s fairly ubiquitous, I feel like. And there’s no sense of wanting to keep it a secret or feeling like too many people know. That can continue, I want to bring as many people as I can and I’ve told everyone who’s asked me, “You should go at least once in your life.” Everyone should go, regardless of how old you are.

NAME: Alexandra Kirsch AGE: 28 ​ ​ ​ ​ OCCUPATION: Film Producer ​ ​ PLACE OF RESIDENCE: Chicago, IL ​ ​ PRIOR RELATIONSHIP: Alexandra attended my high school and undergraduate alma mater. She ​ helped guide Will Gardner through his first burn in 2010. It was also her photos shared on social media sites that first visually introduced me to Burning Man. NUMBER OF BURNS: Four ​ ​ The art instillations, costumes, music I have encountered at Burning Man opened my mind to realizing that anything is possible. It starts as an idea, then it becomes a passion. And once it's executed, it becomes a reality. It's all about execution. BM forces you to accept what is in front of you. There is no judging, which allows for an open mind and heart. And open minds are more creative than closed minds.

NAME: Lauren Christianson AGE: 25 ​ ​ ​ ​ OCCUPATION: Account Executive at Communications Firm ​ ​ PLACE OF RESIDENCE: New York, NY ​ ​ PRIOR RELATIONSHIP: Lauren and I briefly crossed paths during our undergraduate ​ experiences, but I got to know her better when she joined our camp at Burning Man. Upon arriving at the Reno airport in Nevada, we travelled throughout the area to purchase supplies, food, and water for Black Rock City. NUMBER OF BURNS: One ​ ​

15 I was, sort of, half terrified by it all, going into the darkness and not knowing where anything was but I was super excited at the same time because everything was so freaking beautiful and you know that all of these lights are not plugged into anything. You can’t capture it on cameras, there’s no way.

NAME: Laura Oxenfeld AGE: 28 ​ ​ ​ ​ OCCUPATION: Research Associate for Health Tech Start­up ​ ​ PLACE OF RESIDENCE: Philadelphia, PA ​ ​ PRIOR RELATIONSHIP: Laura was introduced to me by an instructor at Drexel University. We ​ talked extensively before and after I left for Nevada. Her incredible insights and floor­length faux fur coat helped me to prepare for the many experiences of Burning Man. NUMBER OF BURNS: Two ​ ​ Anyone can benefit from it because it pulls you so far out of your regular that there has to be some sort of response. And it may not be as deep as it was for me but it helps people realize. People in the default world have a really difficult time imagining things being different from how they are… If you haven’t had an experience in your life where there is no regular and everything is so different, your imagination doesn’t work the right way. [Burning Man] exercises it.

NAME: Olga Grigorenko AGE: 27 ​ ​ ​ ​ OCCUPATION: Project Manager at Design Agency ​ ​ PLACE OF RESIDENCE: Brooklyn, NY ​ ​ PRIOR RELATIONSHIP: Olga and I studied together at my alma mater and became friends. ​ Upon learning that we were both interested in attending Burning Man, we quickly worked together to assemble a group to camp with and explore the Playa. Along with Lauren and I, Olga spent two days in Reno stocking up on necessary supplies for the week. NUMBER OF BURNS: One ​ ​ Burning Man’s only able to exist because it is a week long and it’s temporary. Obviously, you can’t have that be year­round. But that isn’t to say that you can’t still take a lot of the things and components and feelings and behaviors and actions of Burning Man and put them into your everyday life. You can.

My own notes and photos from Burning Man Caravansary in 2014 are also included in this paper and act as an additional supplement to the experiences of the interviewees introduced above. This subject developed substantially after colorful depictions of Black Rock City were displayed on social media pages of my former classmates and acquaintances. This was long before I learned about the event’s intimate beginnings and instead viewed Burning Man through a public media and participant lens.

16 After researching Burning Man, its origins and the experiences it sets the stage for, it has become clear that many in this large community of people who travel to rural Nevada each year from various distances appreciate how indescribable the event often is to outsiders. “It’s your

Burn,” is repeated on a regular basis to remind participants that they should do the things that speak directly to their interests and passions. With that in mind, it is important to note that even with various opinions and reflections collected through my research and the Black Rock City census, the participation of over 65,000 people at Burning Man cannot be generalized.

Alternatively, the range of insights depict how the hosting organization has created a space where so many experiences can occur.

FIGURE 5 ­ From left to right: Camp at burning man, my reflection in a Center Camp mirror installation, and Burning Man ​ grant­funded Sea of Dreams installation on the Playa. Black Rock City, NV.

When preparing for my first burn, friends and acquaintances provided expansive packing lists and vague advice. Laura, a stranger introduced to me as a potential resource for my trip, provided me with her floor­length faux­fur coat and was thrilled to have me bring something of hers home with Playa dust clung to the fabric weeks after my return. She told me it was a must­have. Not only for fashion reasons, but to keep warm on those chilly desert nights and to provide an instant costume at any moment. Olga had similar experiences as she prepared for her first burn in 2014:

17 I had so many interactions with people who couldn’t go that year and who, while sad they wouldn’t be present, were so, so happy for me and so excited for my first burn. First, a friend who lent me a number of her outfit pieces (tutu, bodysuit, etc)... She was so happy to give them to me. Not only so that I could benefit from them, but so that she could send some small pieces of herself to BM. The attitude being, if [she] can’t go, at least something of [hers] can with the added bonus of it going with me on my first burn.

The second time was when I bought my turkish towel from this little shop in Brooklyn. The lady who owns the store and runs it by herself had gone to BM the past 7 years. She wasn’t able to go last year but when she heard I was going and that it was my first time, she was overjoyed. I still paid for my turkish towel but she gave me a discount on it and then a small little bracelet for free and told me how happy she was that her products would be traveling to BM.

And then the third instance was at that little bead shop I walked into [in Reno]. I bought a few little things, but didn’t spend much money on them at all. [The owner], again, was so overjoyed to hear that I was going and showed me [this] little burning man earring and told me how it had been given to her by a friend a few years ago when she went herself. She seemed to just be showing it to me as a little nostalgic memorabilia that she holds onto and then in what was a totally impromptu gesture, said she wanted to give it to me. It really didn’t seem like something she had planned on doing but then she did! I wore it the whole week we were there and still have it on my dresser at home.

So it was just those kinds of interactions and sentiments from strangers and friends alike that was so giving and so selflessly happy for me and the others who were going no resentment, no jealousy and no ulterior motive…

All of them kind of said a similar amount while also not wanting to tell me too much! The turkish towel lady for example was like, “It’s a good thing you have that towel! Protect yourself from the sun for sure.” But she made a point of telling me that she didn’t feel like she should give much more advice because it needed to just be my own experience, whatever I wanted it to be. And that when going into your first burn, you need to have as few pre­conceptions as possible because there is no way to anticipate what it will be like. (Grigorenko, 2015)

The stories and encouragement of other Burners provided the best preparation for

Burning Man. The seemingly delicate approach to sharing those stories also played a significant role in expectations for the week. Anyone I talked to about Burning Man prior to my arrival shared information regarding the logistics of camping in the desert and other packing necessities.

18 The only advice I received for mental preparation was to take a few days off upon returning to the

“default world” to decompress.

FIGURE 6 ­ Burners in the Center Camp tent during an open mic session. Black Rock City, NV. ​

The excitement of long­time Burners assured me that it would be a truly unique experience. What appealed to me as a researcher was how colorful and free the participants ​ ​ seemed. Despite the overwhelming reputation of being drug­fueled and chaotic, the consistent community­focused approach to explaining the 10­day event made it unsurprising that the

Burning Man Project does not explicitly devote any of its full­year staff to marketing efforts.

Instead, many of their staff members with marketing backgrounds are focused on building regional networks of Burners and connecting those who already celebrate the organization’s principles. (Burning Man, 2015)

That personally­curated look inside what happens on the Playa allows for members of the

Burning Man community to give an just enough information about the experience without providing hard­lined expectations. The result is a free­flowing approach to word­of­mouth marketing and has allowed Burning Man to grow from a small group of 35 celebrating the summer solstice to a year­round movement of over 65,000 people.

19 BURNING MAN HISTORY

The Burning Man Project, formerly Black Rock City, LLC, is now a global 501(c)(3) headquartered in San Francisco. Since 1986, this organization has supported Burning Man, an annual week­long event that transforms a Nevada desert into a dusty, artistic, metropolis home to a vibrant community of over 65,000 participants. Its mission statement is currently “to facilitate and extend the culture that has issued from the Burning Man event into the larger world.” As is, the mission does not describe how or what Burning Man hopes to bring to the larger world, but allows for flexibility as the organization continues to grow. Since the organization was recently recognized as a 501(c)(3), they have the opportunity to refine the mission to represent their public service.

The vision statement, alternatively, describes with more detail how the organization sees itself as an agent for creators and appreciators of community art: “The Burning Man organization will bring experiences to people in grand, awe­inspiring and joyful ways that life the human spirit, address social programs and inspire a sense of culture, community and personal engagement.” The experiences described in this vision statement are also vague, but that is a reflection of the ongoing change that each year brings to the event and how Burners articulate their values upon returning to the “default world.”

Most written histories of Burning Man list Larry Harvey and Jerry James as founders of the event and organization. The origins of the event’s celebration of immediacy and burning artwork, however, is slightly more organic. In This is Burning Man, an examination of the ​ ​ Burning Man’s evolution, writer Brian Doherty discusses how Harvey and James were inspired by their beach trips with girlfriends Janet Lohr and Mary Grauberger during the summer solstice

20 (Doherty, 2006). Grauberger, in particular, had extensive experience in sculpture and regularly hosted spontaneous art parties on Baker Beach in San Francisco. Doherty writes:

It was, Grauberger remembers, “just a bunch of nude freaks going down to the beach to hang out. I was a sculptor and I’d get bored sitting around the studio, so I’d pick up stuff washed up on the shore and build sculptures. We’d stay ‘til the evening and cook and then it seemed natural to torch the sculptures. It was a personal thing, for fun”

Larry [Harvey] would come down at times. Says Mary, “It hit him that you could be free and not have an institution and create this incredible art and burn it. The burning part, it really affects people. Some of us would burn everything we had ­ blankets, clothes. Sometimes I’d spontaneously billow a blanket out and let it settle on the fire. It would really bother people.

“I liked everything to disappear quickly. The need for people to have something permanent of their creation leaves all this junk sitting around. It’s more beautiful to have people experience it and it’s­gone… Doing these things in a group, it gives you license for your own whims and desires to come out.” (p27)

Grauberger’s initial recognition of communal participation created the foundation for the first official Burning Man. When she stopped hosting the fire­fueled summer solstice on Bakers

Beach, Larry Harvey missed the spontaneity of this artistic experience and approached carpenter

Jerry James about building an eight­foot­tall man and reigniting the tradition.

Along with the wooden man, Harvey and James brought their kids to the beach and shared celebrated the first official Burning Man. Even though the ritual did not have its famous name ­ Burning Man was adopted two years later ­ the figure itself has some similarities to what participants now recognize as “The Man”. What bears the most resemblance is the emotional experience had by participants. Upon setting the man on fire, the population swelled from eight people to 35 as the flames grew. In his 1997 speech about the first burn, Harvey recalled:

At the moment it was lit, everybody on that beach, north and south, came running. That beach was a little like the form of our city now, with its two embracing arms around the void of the Playa here. And suddenly, our numbers tripled. And I looked out at this arc of firelit faces and before I knew it I looked over and there was a hippie with his pants on

21 his head and a guitar standing there, materialized out of the murk. And he started singing a song about fire. Now I’m not exactly a hootenanny kind of guy, but it seemed like the thing to do and we started singing.

The next thing we knew, a woman, impetuously ran at the figure and we had the urge to stop her, but it was too late. The wind was shunting all the flames to one side and so she ran up to him and she took him by the hand and stood there. And I think Jerry still has a souvenir photo and you see the little hand down in the corner of it, holding his hand.

That was the first spontaneous performance, that was the first… that was the first geometric increase of Burning Man. What we had instantly created was a community. And… you know know if we had done it as an art event, people would have come and come to the gallery or something and said, “It’s very interesting, perhaps a little derivative, what are you going to do next?” (Burning Man Timeline, 2015)

The event has grown significantly over the last 29 years and has evolved to create a foundation “in pursuit of a more creative and connected existence in the world” (Burning Man,

2015). Harvey’s description of Black Rock City as, “two embracing arms around the void of the

Playa”, has continued to manifest itself throughout the years. Before the city reclaimed the crescent shape of Bakers Beach, it moved to Black Rock Desert near Gerlach, NV in 1991 and the

250­person population naturally congregated in a circular shape, anticipating the 40­foot­man to be set on fire in the center of the city. Seven events spanned the three­day­long celebration and eight theme camps turned what was previously a beach event into the Black Rock Arts Festival.

FIGURE 7 ­ The evolution of Black Rock City maps. ​

22 By 1996, Black Rock City had maintained its circular shape but developed in infrastructure. With the introduction of a Burning Man website and streaming capabilities, the event attracted participants from around the world. Now with a population of 8,000 people and a

48­foot man, Burning Man had increased to four days. Over 30 events spanned the extended weekend and over 130 registered theme camps were spread throughout the city. Tickets were purchased for $35.00 per person. The city adopted the detailed crescent­shaped map it has now by

1999. The 54­foot­man was the center point of the city while 320 theme camps and installations use cardinal points of a clock for direction. Mutant vehicles had also been introduced to the city as the only for­wheeled vehicles allowed on the Playa. Tickets were $65­$130 and 23,000 people camped in Black Rock City.

FIGURE 8 ­ Mutant Vehicle riding through the Playa. Black Rock City, NV. ​

The event has continued to develop alongside technological advancements like widespread internet and social media, that have allowed it to reach new Burners around the world.

The San Francisco home of the Burning Man Project’s year­round offices encourages the increase

23 of tech­based corporations on the Playa. For Laura, a tech professional in Philadelphia, Burning

Man is as much of a networking event as it is a place to find artistic community.

I’m interested in the tech innovation world, so where else in the world can I actually serendipitously build relationships with these tech titans any other place than Burning Man? If I were to seek them out ­ I know who they are, I know what they look like ­ that’s the most accessible they will ever be at one time. They all have their walls down and they’re having fun, so you can easily slide into their life (Oxenfeld, 2015).

Simultaneously, the tech community’s national impact also spreads stories of Black Rock

City to communities of people who may not be able to attend Burning Man because of exorbitant costs and travel. Frequently referred to as “Regional Burns”, the events developed by Burning

Man loyalists in areas like Delaware, Texas, South Africa and most recently, Israel have developed gatherings meant to inspire the same creativity as the Nevada gathering (Midburn).

And while the reach has expanded largely due the impact of shared experiences on the internet, the environment at Black Rock City has maintained a commitment to fostering its principles of being in the moment.

When discussing the physical environment surrounding Burning Man, Alexandra Kirsch noted the contrast between tech­obsessed reality of many urban spaces throughout the country and the Playa home to Burners each year:

There’s also something to be said for the design, structure, location and geography of Black Rock City. It’s a stress­free environment, which makes it easy to adopt the principles and let go of judgements. Whereas, default cities are major stress centers that easily trigger and set us back into egotistical mindsets. (Kirsch, 2015)

As the annual numbers have continued to grow ­ currently over 70,000 people ­ existing literature and reflections have provided the widely adopted understanding that Burning Man is a societal experiment that is too alternative to relate to everyday life because of its seemingly unlimited embrace of societal taboo (Saillant, 2012).

24 The embrace of fringe lifestyles is part of what makes the event attractive to first­time

Burners and its commitment to inspiring participants has common threads with arts organizations around the country (Clupper 2007, 7­8). Laura reflected on the first time she remembered hearing ​ about Burning Man around 2009, she was attending an art exhibition in the home of a contemporary New York City artist. When walking through the gift shop, an image caught her attention:

There was a picture of a woman wearing a fairy costume, or a bunny, or something weird. And the caption was saying how, Burning Man is a festival where people who live normal lives, they wait all year and go here and be who they want to be. That’s the first time I remember it clicking...where regular people go to escape and be something different that they can’t be in their regular life, then it went to the back of my mind (Oxenfeld, 2015).

The Burning Man Project and the experiences that surround it are influenced of the 10

Principles mentioned earlier. These tenets serve as the cultural rules for the gathering at Black Rock City and are prominently displayed on the Playa. While they all bear equal importance, the principle that connects all participants is

Radical Inclusion. As described in Burning Man’s online

Philosophical Center, “anyone may be a part of Burning Man.

We welcome and respect the stranger. No prerequisites exist for participation in [this] community” (Burning Man, 2015).

FIGURE 9 ­ Radical Inclusion in Black Rock City, NV. ​ All other ideals of Burning Man stem from the fact that since all are truly welcome, there are no outsiders. In fact, many participants choose to otherize themselves in ways that might not be accepted in the “default world”. Nudity is the most­common expression of this, but regardless

25 of the tutus, sarongs, body paint that clings to bodies, everyone on the playa seems to be at ease because they have been encouraged to find their own comfort.

This embrace of difference and commitment to fostering the creative spirit as it emerges helps to set the stage a desolate space that was a vast desert only weeks before the event. In

Wendy Clupper’s paper examining the performance culture of Burning Man, she observed,

“while the natural environment there is hostile, the creative atmosphere is welcoming and invites a broad scope of performative behaviors and genres to be exhibited” (Clupper, 2007). What is so valuable about this statement is that it is as colorful as it is vague. Clupper paints a picture of individuality that instantly brings life to a dry lifeless space, but a reader must depend on her/his imagination to fill that void. This is true for participants of Burning Man. The unexpected and radical inclusion of different types of people ensures that no year is identical to the last. Instead, bringing life to the desert is what remains constant by removing spectators and demanding that all interaction with art and culture is participation.

The second principle of Burning Man is gifting: “Burning Man is devoted to acts of gifting. The value of a gift is unconditional. Gifting does not contemplate a return exchange for something of equal value” (Burning Man, 2015). Even though the goals of this principle are clearly stated, BM’s gifting economy is often misconstrued as a barter economy. This may be because our cultural inclination to trade and sell (Marks, 1997), but participants are encouraged to share what they have without interest in payment or barter.

Gifting at Burning Man comes in various forms, Lauren suggested that even “offering your presence is the biggest gift,” while Olga reflected on how receiving certain gifts adjusts to the environment of BRC:

My favorite thing about gifting is the really wide range of things that people gift… It would be so unexpected. Like a head­tickler, or like the guy who was giving out watermelon. Watermelon in everyday life is tasty, but isn’t anything super magical. But it

26 was magical to have that watermelon in the desert. That was the best gift and it’s just a watermelon, but out there it’s amazing (Grigorenko, 2015).

By removing the exchange of money from the actual culture of the event, Burning Man sets the stage for two additional principles: decommodification and self­reliance. Rooted in BM’s gifting economy, these two principles ensure that participants share because they want to extend their goods to another and impact a moment in someone’s day. Upon entry to Black Rock City, travelers are expected to have brought everything they need for the week and instead “discover, exercise and rely on his or her inner resources” to get through the week. With the decommodification of the city, very little can distract from participating in the ever­evolving culture throughout (Burning Man, 2015).

Radical self­expression, communal effort, civic responsibility, leave no trace and participation are all principles that continue to support Burning Man’s commitment to building an inclusive and creative society. As a collection, the principles remove barriers that many of us encounter each day as a reason not to follow our instincts. Be it money, fear of judgment or lack of confidence, Burning Man tries to remind its participants that all of the barriers have been removed. To underline this commitment, volunteers exclaim “Welcome home!” upon entry as a reminder that the tensions experienced at work, in school or on the street should not exist there.

Burning Man’s 10th principle also plays an important role to the week: immediacy.

“Immediate experience is, in many ways, the most important touchstone of value in our culture.

We seek to overcome barriers that stand between us and a recognition of our inner selves, the reality of those around us, participation in society and contact with a natural world exceeding human powers. No idea can substitute for this experience” (Burning Man, 2015).

The week­long timeframe of Burning Man alone endorses its principle of immediacy, but it also serves as a reminder to participants that all things end and must be appreciated for their

27 impact. Because much of the art installations on display during Burning Man are set on fire throughout the week, it becomes important to take time to experience pieces up close and from a distance. In Emily Fletcher’s article describing the lessons learned from Burning Man, she writes,

“Everything is temporary. If you get an inspiration, take action. Have a desire? That’s nature using you as a vessel for creativity. Take action, now” (Fletcher, 2014).

Ongoing focus on inclusion, self­reliance, self­expression, participation, immediacy and the other principles that ground Burning Man is a seemingly simple philosophy to live by. But the organization’s fierce commitment to their mission allows it to thrive off of the high­cost contributions of their community and allows those experiences to inspire the following year. If anything can describe the major differences between Burning Man and traditional arts organizations, it is that BM does not let anything, particularly sponsorships, get in the way of achieving its mission.

While Burning Man has continued to provide a space to trust, explore, be kind and let participants be their wildest selves, its growth has required organizers to be able to keep participants safe from harassment and potential dangers. Black Rock Rangers have been a part of

Burning Man since 1992. It is a volunteer role that has evolved alongside Burning Man, but their role has always been to help those who cannot seem to help themselves. The Burning Man website describes their initial role:

They mostly patrolled the wild borders surrounding their fragile civilization and rescued people who had fallen victims to the real hazards of the Playa, particularly getting lost in its trackless vastness or mired in the often mucky and impassable edges. If you were out on the open Playa or on your own and your car stopped working, or got stuck, or you got lost, you were probably dead unless someone like a Black Rock Ranger found you (Burning Man, 2015).

The modern construction of Black Rock City and the support of Black Rock Rangers can conflict with how participants who view the goal of Burning Man as a creative place without

28 societal limitations. In many ways, Burning Man is about self­exploration but it is also about respecting the experiences of others. Just as Burners are expected to respect one another’s space and direct experience, Black Rock Rangers are also expected to allow participants to explore at their pace and only intervene when necessary to serve as “nonviolent conflict mediators between

Black Rock citizens, liaise with medical staff and police and serve as perimeter guards at big burns” (Doherty 2006, p244).

During her interview, Lauren Christianson compared Burning Man’s organizational tactics for a safe community to what occurs in the “default world”:

It’s not only the pinnacle of what humans can do creatively, but also what we can do politically and socially for each other. It was such a loving, supportive community. And I didn’t see any violence or hate, there’s no negativity, really, that I experienced. I mean, there probably is sometimes, but it was such an overwhelmingly positive environment to be in and sometimes I just think when I’m [in New York], “this could be like that. Our society could be like that and we could have a different way of living.” Like if there was community policing instead of police versus the people. The Black City Rangers, I thought, were a really good example of that. They were people who [understood] what the people wanted to do and didn’t prosecute them for doing what they wanted to do but made sure everyone was safe and happy and healthy. That was a huge moment for me. We could be this good to each other all of the time if things were different (Christianson, 2015).

For many, Burning Man provides something the “default world” does not, a space to trust, experience, be kind and be their wildest selves. This perception is carefully curated and protected by the organizational structure and allows participants to explore freely and contribute to the exhibitional community.

29 EXTERNAL VIEW OF BURNING MAN

Since Burning Man began 29 years ago, it has evolved from a small celebration of summer solstice to a massive event drawing in over 65,000 people each year. As it continues to grow in popularity and numbers, Burning Man has become a culturally fringe phenomenon that most people first interact with through media. For many, the event is defined by eccentric representations of a vast desert colored with LED lights, wild costumes, illegal substances, lots of fire and naked youth. Interview subjects described their first thoughts of Burning Man before attending as “a giant, collective freak show”, “full of crazies”, “a weird version of that rave on

Dawson’s Creek”, “not something that when you’re trying to conform and be popular in high ​ school you want to associate yourself with at all or understand.”

Media perceptions of Burning Man are not always wrong. It would be facetious to write that the nudity, drugs, sex, costume, body paint and fire highlighted in most articles and television depictions do not have a presence on the Playa. In fact, that part of the Burning Man culture likely influences the 35% of first­time participants each year (Burning Man Census, 2014). But while the general understanding of Burning Man as a place of lawlessness and colorful chaos seems accurate, Wendy Ann Clupper describes in The Performance Culture of Burning Man that “the ​ ​ reputation of the event as a wild, week­long party in the desert ignores the fact that Burning Man is a cultural phenomenon and an opportunity through which to consider counterculture critically in this historical moment in the United States” (Clupper 2007). These media depictions fail to express the artistic, emotional and innovative aspects of the week. Only in recent years has the event been widely recognized a cultural experiment that could impact more permanent communities around the country (Chen 2011, 93­100).

30 Based on interviews, the shift from initial popular culture representations of Burning Man to interest in attending happens subtly and alongside general personal growth. The organization’s emphasis on art and vibrant experiences is alluring for many with a sense of curiosity or wanderlust. Will Gardner, reflected on the first time he heard about the event from his babysitter in Vermont:

It was more me watching my parents’ reaction to what she said and what she told them and their reactions were like, “that sounds really cool,” since they both grew up going to Grateful Dead concerts. They were both really accepting of it. So, I don’t know, I always knew I was going to go at some point, it was just a matter of when. And it was actually my first festival experience. I hadn’t really gone to a whole lot of other festivals or concerts, but I love that whole mentality of that and I guess Burning Man was my first experience in that regard. It was like jumping in a cold lake. It was in a good way, but for a first time doing that sort of thing the farthest you could possibly take it. So it was very overwhelming (Gardner 2015).

The parallel that Will makes between Burning Man and music festivals around the country is common. When sharing my own experiences of Black Rock City, many people quickly drew similarities to large music festivals like Bonnaroo, Lollapalooza and Coachella.

This is at times a frustrating juxtaposition for Burners and is likely intensified because of the emergence of festivals and concert experiences that put emphasis on the “VIP Experience”, unlike the regional Burns referenced earlier. While it is the most accessible comparison for people who have never attended the event, mainstream music festivals do not share the same principles as Burning Man. The immediacy and decommodification of Burning Man is rarely replicated in more­mainstream festivals. Laura reflected on her experiences attending events inspired by

Burning Man.

If it’s not an officially­sanctioned Burn, there’s commerce at the festival. And I think having no commerce is the biggest thing because money is a barrier. If we don’t have to exchange money and have that barrier between us, then you and I are not evaluating each other like, “Oh, I’m this and you’re that.” So stripping away commerce is a key

31 ingredient and the duration of time, too. You can unwind from your normal self and then step into that other part of yourself that can’t really exist when you have your normal self on all of the time (Oxenfeld, 2015).

The aggressive commitment to a non­corporate culture, harsh long­term camping conditions, focus on specific principles and extraordinary artwork scattered throughout the desert help separate Burning Man from other festivals around the country. In fact, those same distinguishers are part of the inspiration for others to create new music festivals in the desert that are less attached to Burning Man’s principles and more focused on the event’s dance and music culture.

FIGURE 10 ­ Celtic Chaos bar and dance party in the Playa. Black Rock City, NV ​

Many interviewees attributed these offshoots to the growing numbers of participants from the tech industry, which was first recognized when Google creators created a Burning Man doodle for their out­of­office message. Since then, tech professionals have increased within the

BM populations and have even been encouraged to attend as an opportunity to think in a new way and experience this alternate creative space.

32 The realization that Burning Man acts as a “home away from home for many tech companies” has fueled ongoing push back among long­time participants (Taylor 2014) but has contributed to how the organization has evolved alongside the “default world”. As screens and wifi become increasingly important to modern global culture, the value of having a week without them maintains significance for Burning Man participants and the subsequent infrastructure only supports the utopian society is has become. Alternatively, the increase of connectivity through technology allows for people around the world to become Burners. In Dawn Aveline’s article about social media’s impact on the Burning Man community, she explains that the cultural impact has grown because of how participants can now document the experience. She writes,

Social media serves as a documentary mirror and archival shadow which constructs and maintains the Burning Man festival, its culture and its participant community. In view of this complex interplay between communities, documentation and performance, the research advocates the expansion of archives to include social media (Aveline 2012).

The ability to share photographs of Burning Man after the event allows the organization to reach new audiences year round. Documentation of urban desert landscapes has allowed for others to experience Burning Man around the world and is a part of what encourages other festivals that borrow from its tenets and inspire participants to carry the 10 principles to a variety of communities. (Saillant 2010) While there are aspects of Burning Man that reflect the popular ​ festival culture commonly seen throughout the United States ­ music, dance parties, panel discussions, its temporary nature ­ an entire city, culture and philosophy is constructed for the week­long event and the participants are left with the responsibility to share its stories.

33 AUDIENCE PARTICIPATION

Defining participation in the arts has only recently emerged as worthy conversation. As traditional arts organizations seek new audiences and new experiences for their loyal contributors, the professional arts sector is occasionally at a loss for the next step and is subsequently at a crossroads to find innovative ways to share their respective medium (Ivey 2008).

In Jennifer Novack­Leonard and Alan Brown’s Beyond Attendance: A multi­modal ​ understanding of arts participation, the researchers push administrators to consider how people ​ interact with art. They write,

Increasingly over the past decade, the conversation about “arts participation” has become a discourse more broadly accepted to imply multiple modes of engagement — including attendance, interactivity through the electronic media, arts learning and arts creation — and a broader scope of contexts and settings. (Novak­Leonard, et al 2011)

This understanding of artistic engagement is at the root of Burning Man. Since the first burn on Bakers Beach with an eight­foot wooden effigy of a man, the event was seen as an opportunity to build and appreciate art before letting it go. (Doherty 2006) The idea of arts participation as one that encourages audiences to build, touch, experience and feel art beyond traditional attendance creates an entrance for Burning Man principles to join communities outside of its own.

The endorsement of self discovery at Burning Man is also a significantly transferable characteristic of the event. Similar to other arts organizations, Burning Man creates an environment and uses art as an instrument for connecting the community, encouraging curiosity and self­reflection (Clupper 2007). Each year at the event, participants are able to touch, enter and explore massive art installations.

34 In 2014, one of those installations was a wooden temple that invited people inside to share thoughts, regrets and hopes for the future by using permanent markers as inscription tools throughout the structure.

FIGURE 11 ­ Temple of Grace. Black Rock City, NV. ​

It took me the entire week to visit The Temple because I feared being so vulnerable.

Caring guides and new friends saw me off on saying, “It’s your Burn” once again when I wandered away from the brightest lights of the Playa and into an isolated area lit only by The

Temple, a surrounding path and the LED­lit bicycles of participants inside. Within the temple were people holding each other peacefully and individuals crying onto the words they had added to the installation.

It was so clearly a tool for self­reflection and individualized participation that it seemed impossible, if not rude, to simply be a spectator. My experience of nervousness and emotional fragility once inside challenged my role as a researcher. I sat inside, wrote a note to my father and only observed myself. Laura reflected on the impact the temple has continually had on her:

Burning Man put itself in my life when I needed it. It felt more like a mecca journey to me. Like I remember when I first got there and set up my tent and started walking towards the temple. I just had to drop down to my knees and start crying. Like this is

35 where I’m supposed to be. I definitely did not expect the whole spiritual aspect at all. I just thought it was party­party, you know. I still partied, obviously, but the second time I went back, I was a temple priestess. I didn’t have that many expectations but when I went back I found kind of that spiritual niche that most people don’t go looking for at Burning Man (Oxenfeld, 2015).

This happened frequently to the people I interviewed about Burning Man. Even though the community is so large, the Playa is larger and provides as many opportunities to reflect alone as there are to be social. Alexandra had similar experiences her first Burn:

My first year I spent almost the entire time alone. But you’re never alone at Burning Man. Even when you think you’re alone, you’re with Playa and Playa brings its own energy to your experience (Kirsch 2015).

Throughout the week, I often felt compelled to leave the group to go off on my own. Some days I just wanted to explore the Playa on my bike and make sure I rode through every corner. When I visit any new or foreign city, I try to safely let my senses guide the turns I make or the restaurants

I go into. In Black Rock City, I found myself needing to follow sounds of instrumental music.

With the amount of Electronic Dance Music on the Playa, taking a moment to dance to a man’s live sousaphone soundtrack or sit in on a Jazz history workshop provided a sense of calm for me and reminded me that there is something for everyone at Burning Man.

36

FIGURE 12 ­ Live instrumental music at Burning Man. Black Rock City, NV ​

Considering the spectrum of audience engagement, it becomes clear that the most participatory experiences could be the end goal for many arts organizations as audiences become more interested in engaging in the creative process. (Brown et al 2011) The Burning Man Temple described previously is a good example of Brown’s co­creation point on the audience involvement spectrum because it involves participating in a curated artistic experience. While a

Burner could potentially experience all five points of Brown’s spectrum, Burning Man makes efforts to be a strictly Participatory experience. Everything at Burning Man, from the live DJ sets to the art installations to the theme camps and art cars, is meant to inspire and driven by audience engagement.

37

FIGURE 13 ­ Spectrum of audience engagement and involvement (Brown et. al 2011) ​

According to Brown’s spectrum (figure 13), there are many audience­as­artist moments at the event but it takes a lot of personal drive to occupy that space. Alexandra reflected about the role of Spectating at Burning Man:

Burning Man is not a spectator sport. Everyone that attends Burning Man is participating by being a member of the community we build together. Some people are certainly more into radical self­expression than others so it’s easy to stare at someone that doesn’t look like your everyday civilian; I’ve seen entire bodies pierced including penis and testicles, I’ve seen elderly people’s sagging asses and tits, I’ve seen costumes that are so original, so expertly crafted that I couldn’t help but stare and be in awe of their beauty ­ those images may be jarring but those people are part of your community. We are all neighbors sharing a lovely city together, so instead of staring at someone that may look like a freak to us in the real world, look at them and understand that they are expressing themselves in a unique and beautiful way (Kirsch 2015).

Despite the encouragement to think creatively and inclusively at most turns, additional interviews suggested that the participation spectrum of Burning Man starts and ends at a different place.

38 When considering that literal definition of spectating, Lauren Christianson, described her participation: “My energy was right. I wasn’t just watching it. I was becoming a part of everything and dancing a lot and engaging” (Christianson 2015). Building on the idea that there are many ways to engage and that event spectatorship has its place, Laura Oxenfeld added:

Without people opting in to being participants, Burning Man doesn’t happen. It would just be roads and porta potties and Center Camp. That’s all it would be. If everyone was just a participant, there would be no one to be awe­struck by how amazing things are. It’s a hard balance. The over­the­top art and spectacle and stuff, it’s made by people that get joy creating. But people who are creators all of the time, they very rarely are the spectators and are very rarely taking it in.

You do need people on both ends of the spectrum. But if there are individuals that are just spectators, they just take­take­take all of the time… Say for example, you’re just a pure spectator ­­ or, a “Sparkle Pony” ­­ and you’re on a take­take journey and you only think, “Wow, all of these people here are giving free stuff to me” and it’s all about the I and the self, that would be too much spectating.

I also think when you are too much of a spectator, you are passing judgement on how people look and how they’re dressing because you’re intimidated or too judgemental. Or you’re passing judgement on the quality of the art or the experience you just went through like, “I can make it better.” Then fucking make it better! (Oxenfeld, 2015)

FIGURE 14 ­ From left to right: Free­form capoeira and dance workshop in Center Camp, Burning Man participant engages with art. ​ Black Rock City, NV.

39 For other interview subjects, spectating is defined more by what Brown describes as

“enhanced engagement” or “crowd sourcing”, a receptive experience where audiences’ creative mind is activated or inspired but they do not actually create artwork. This could be described by engaging with large installations like The Temple or dancing on light­up lily pads in front of a live­DJ set. The alternate, fully­participatory end of this spectrum is creating large installations or art cars, as opposed to only engaging with the created environment. Olga noted:

I don’t feel like I participated in a significant way because I was experiencing everything for the first time and on more of a spectator level. And I’m totally okay with that because I think it made sense given that it was my first time. One thing I really would like to do is to be able to set up a camp that will bring people in. I loved being able to go to Gnome Dome and see that these [participants] had made a space that is welcoming and meant to bring people in. I would love to be able to offer that to people and it’s a great way to meet people. (Grigorenko 2015)

The way that the events and experiences at Black Rock City inspire Burners is a valuable interaction with the audience. It heightens expectations of individuals and their future contributions by exposing them to what others who have paid the same entry fee have shared with this event and its participants.

Brown describes the impact that a participant’s creative control can have on their commitment to an organization. While many institutions have survived with the support of a purely spectator/receptive audience, there are opportunities to develop a more inclusive structure that can attract a variety of supporters (Brown et al 2011). A valuable detail in Noack­Leonard and Brown’s analysis is that they do not believe the two ends of this spectrum are dichotomies.

Instead, they note that there are opportunities for interaction happen at all points when creating an arts experience (Novak­Leonard et al 2011).

40

FIGURE 15 ­ From left to right: Sunrise burning of Embrace installation, Saturday night burn schedule. Black Rock City, NV. ​

Burning Man’s encouragement of total participation and rejection of standard spectatorship fits in line with Brown’s hypothesis. Even as Burners gather to watch installations burn into the sky, it is treated as an active celebration of the overall Burning Man experience.

That commitment extends to its participants and inspires ongoing innovation. For Clupper, her experience had a self­reflective impact that the organization hopes for: “[it] has not made me who

I am but it has helped me to become who I have always known I am. Perhaps that is why it is so often referred to as a utopian vision for today” (Clupper 2007). Will Gardner has a similar view of Burning Man’s approach to creating an environment that inspires creativity and self reflection:

I feel like there’s so much more I can do to participate. I really want to actually commit and put my money where my mouth is next year. Being at The Temple and really being a part of that and interacting with people. You can participate on that level and a lot of people do, but I want to do something next year that I can say changed someone’s experience there and gave them something (Gardner 2015).

Clupper and Gardner’s reflections are experiential but speak to the type of environment created by Burning Man. It endorses creativity and inspiration that participants do not necessarily experience outside of Black Rock City. The active and inclusive society nurtured at Burning Man

41 can find a home in a variety of organizations that are committed to Brown and Novak­Leonard’s findings.

Organizations and researchers committed to making cultural institutions more sustainable are making similar conclusions regarding audience development and engagement. While traditional barriers will persist for organizations that require time, money and travel, the best way to combat these new audience hurdles is to strengthen components of programming and structure that speak to the motivations of participants (Brown et al 2011). The interest of potential arts audiences in using art and culture to socialize with others, learn new things, explore a new location, support a community and experience high­quality art creates a number of opportunities for organizations looking for innovative paths towards growth (NEA 2015).

The 10 principles of Burning Man and how they are built into the construction of Black

Rock City supports the motivations outlined in the NEA study. With ticket prices ranging

$190­$800 and a location that is inherently remote, Burning Man has managed to maintain steady growth in ticket revenue that supports the annual event and supplemental overhead costs (IRS,

2013). The community of Burners that financially and physically support the event is enhanced by organization’s transparent financial records, artist grants, worldwide initiatives and active blogs sharing the stories of the community (Burning Man 2015).

42

FIGURE 16 ­ Burning Man information board on the Playa. Black Rock City, NV. ​

Arts organizations that are committed to turning patrons into community members and institutional advocates can explore the diversity of interests their audiences have and build on offerings. With careful attention paid to the organization’s mission, there are opportunities to add classes, lectures and new ways for audiences to engage. In Live From Your Neighborhood, an ​ ​ NEA study on outdoor festivals, data reflects that at least 62% of outdoor festivals include some sort of additional workshop to connect with audiences beyond the traditional performer/viewer relationship (NEA 2010). This is part of the reason Burning Man gets grouped with large outdoor music festivals.

The temporary nature of festivals creates a now­or­never urgency among ticket­buyers but on the administrative end, it can bring a staff and its volunteers together for the success of one large event. One festival administrator in the NEA study noted:

What impresses me is the spirit of collaboration. There is a way of doing business that, if it is going to benefit the city, everyone is going to pull together. This city has always pulled together. There are politics, too, but we all just want the best to happen for the city (p40).

Many arts organizations are a permanent fixture in their community or cannot afford to host temporary festivals frequently seen throughout the country. The overarching takeaway is

43 instead that staff and volunteers get excited by a common achievable goal. This returns the focus to building a community. To build an audience of repeat visitors must develop a real connection between guests and the organization.

Once a community is developed, there will be more opportunities to build new and engaging programming for organizational advocates. These will be patrons who will visit again and they will also articulate an organization’s value to others (Cultural Alliance 2014).

44 SUMMARY

The range of activities available at Burning Man contribute to its massive success and growing community. The event positions itself as being for everyone because it creates the opportunity for participants to be any and all versions of themselves. This is not feasibly transferrable to all year­round organization because of the different types of expectations that have been set for audiences and patrons. Instead, traditional arts and culture organizations are encouraged to build their own communities and develop a range of programming that speaks their specific base which will activate their valued audiences and increase word­of­mouth marketing.

Embracing technology beyond marketing can also assist organizations looking to provide more engagement among audiences. Burning Man has benefitted from embracing technology within the organization and within the art installations. Traditional arts organizations without enough resources can embrace opportunities for partnerships to increase visibility and reinvigorate offerings.

By understanding the community developed organically through Burning Man and then fostered by its structured organization, this paper explored how others can capitalize on Burning

Man’s ability to overcome common U.S. audience barriers to attendance. Burning Man’s success results in a steady annual increase in attendance despite such high ticket costs.

Organizational structure also has the potential to strengthen efforts to build community.

With an active volunteer base five times the size of its full­time staff, the Burning Man Project works hard to maintain those communities year round by cultivating relationships with artists and regional representatives. By working towards a known common goal, staff and volunteers recognize their role in the overall organizational success. Burning Man’s small full­time staff

45 makes the group dependent on competent volunteers that are a part of larger conversations of strengths, weaknesses and opportunities for innovation. Their trust in the community encourages long­term involvement and growth.

46 BIBLIOGRAPHY

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