DOCSLIB.ORG

European-Asian Journal of Law and Governance Vol. 6, 2016

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
European-Asian Journal of Law and Governance Vol. 6, 2016 European-Asian Journal of Law and Governance Vol. 6, 2016 Editorial Board † Henning Glaser Jörg Menzel † Executive Editor University of Bonn Thammasat University Michael Nelson Lasse Schuldt CPG, Thammasat University Deputy-Executive Editor Thammasat University Safri Nugraha † University of Indonesia Moritz Bälz Goethe-University Frankfurt am Main Worachet Pakeerut Thammasat University Siegfried Broß Albert-Ludwigs-University Freiburg Kittisak Prokati Thammasat University Björn Dressel Australian National University Seog-Yun Song Seoul National University Dirk Ehlers Westfälische-Wilhelms-University Mark R. Thompson Münster City University of Hong Kong Tom Ginsburg Yueh-Sheng Weng University of Chicago National Taiwan University Chien-Liang Lee Miroslaw Wyrzykowski National Taiwan University Warsaw University Peter Leyland Libin Xie China London Metropolitan University University of Political Science and Law, Beijing Duc Quang Ly CPG, Thammasat University Patrick Ziegenhain Trier University Bartosz Makowicz European University Viadrina Frankfurt/Oder Submissions The European-Asian Journal of Law and Governance (EAJLG) provides a forum for discussions about public law, governance and politics in order to contribute to the inter- and intra-regional discourse of academics and professionals. Contributions are welcome and accepted for consideration provided they are not submitted elsewhere or previously published. Explorative articles submitted to the European-Asian Journal of Law and Governance will be peer-reviewed by one or more independent referees and by the Editorial Board. For correspondence and queries please notice the contact information below: Mailing address: Editors European-Asian Journal for Law and Governance German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG) Faculty of Law, Thammasat University 2 Prachan Road Bangkok 10200, Thailand Telephone: 66 2 613 2971 Fax: 66 2 613 2971 Email: [email protected] Website: www.eajlg.org Table of Contents Articles Setting the Course for Thailand? – Content, Structure and Impact of the 2016 Constitution Bill Henning Glaser ………………………………………………………….5 Thoughts on the Publication of the Biography of General Ne Win: Four Quotes and Some Comparative Comments Myint Zan ……………………………………………………………….89 The Rule-of-Law Challenge to Environmental Conservation in Myanmar Jonathan Liljeblad ……………………………………………………..140 Politicization of Constitutional Courts in Asia: Institutional Features, Contexts and Legitimacy Jiunn-rong Yeh …………………………………………………………154 Constitutional Adjudications of the Supreme Court of Japan Yasuo Hasebe …………………………………………………………..171 Searching for the Leak: Press Freedom vs. Criminal Prosecution in the Jurisprudence of the European Court of Human Rights Lasse Schuldt……………………………………………………………189 Commentaries Rethinking Violence in Myanmar: A Confronting Imperative for Domestic and International Actors Jonathan Bogais ……………………………………………………….215 Crisis? What crisis? Mekong water resources management in 2016 and beyond Philipp Magiera ………………………………………………………..220 Table of Contents The Taiwan Question after the 2016 Elections: Significance for Cross-Straits Relations Chin-peng Chu ………………………………………………………....225 The Future Cross-Strait Relations: Challenges and Opportunities of the DPP Government Chin-peng Chu………………………………………………………….234 External Challenges in the Russia-South Korea Defense Relationship Anthony V. Rinna……………………………………………………….240 Beyond the Panama Papers: Leaks Activism and the Struggle for Information Control Arne Hintz ……………………………………………………………...244 Special feature Expert Opinions on Law and Politics: The Constitutional Referendum 7 August 2016 in Thailand ……………………………247 Translation Thai Constitutional Court Ruling No. 18-22/2555 (2012) …………263 Thai Constitutional Court Ruling No. 15/2555 (2012) …………….290 Book release Norms, Interests, and Values: Conflict and Consent in the Basic Constitutional Order, ed. Henning Glaser, Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015 (CPG Series of Comparative Constitutional Law, Politics and Governance, Vol. 2) ……………..297 Setting the Course for Thailand? – Content, Structure and Impact of the 2016 Constitution Bill Henning Glaser* Thailand is on the way to promulgate its 20th Constitution. This article aims at providing an introduction to the Constitution Bill which is expected to soon replace the currently still ruling Interim Constitution 2014. The latter has been established after the Coup d’état of 2014 that has turned the country into a military dominated (soft) authoritarian regime. In times of a coup-frozen, yet lingering divisional crisis, and facing profound shifts at heart of the socio- political system, the new Constitution is supposed to become the country’s supreme law for the foreseeable future. Technically well expressed in terms of conceptual craft and coherence, the draft’s propositions to shape the political process are highly determined. Providing some significant modifications to established Thai constitutionalism, the draft’s major direction is still conservative and profoundly anti-electoral, while establishing a rigidly preservative constitutional hegemony of the powers-that-be. Introduction By a national referendum of August 7, 2016, the electorate adopted the Bill of the 20th Thai constitution with around 61% of the votes.1 Being currently still under some adjustment, it will soon be presented to the King of Thailand to command its enactment as the new supreme law of the land.2 The present article tries to explore the major structure of the Constitution Bill and its prospective effects on the political process. With respect to the previous 2007 * Henning Glaser, Director, German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG), Faculty of Law, Thammasat University. This article is an updated and extended version of a working paper published in issue No. 5, 2016 of COM, the Online Magazine of the German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG). 1 In fact, 61.4% of the voter turn-out of 59.4% approved the draft constitution, while 38.6% rejected it. Concerning a second referendum question pertaining to an interim period on the participation of the Senate in the creation of the government during this 5- years transitional period the ratio was 58% “yes” and 42% “no”. See http://www. bangkokpost.com/news/politics/1058026/official-charter-referendum-figures-posted. 2 In this article, reference is made to the unofficial English translation of the Draft Constitution 2016 provided by the Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA), the Office of the United Nations Resident Coordinator, and the International Commission of Jurists, available at http://www.Constitutionnet org/sites/default/files/thailand-draft-constitution_englishtranslation_ june_2016.pdf. EAJLG 2016 Constitution, some significant pattern of continuity and change of Thai constitutionalism will be taken into account, with regard especially of constitutional identity. Like Thai constitutionalism in general, the present Constitution Bill should indeed not be underestimated as a mere façade, but rather understood as a determined proposition of constitutional governance albeit not one of Western provenance. Expressing the respective decisions of the ruling authoritarian regime, it offers a comprehensive, technically well-conceived, hard- line formula of how to rule the country. Produced by a small circle of carefully selected experts in a highly exclusive way, its nature fully corresponds with the process of its generation. Excluded was not only one of the two contending political camps of the country’s divided polity but the entire political party caste as such. Moreover, in the absence of a free debate before the referendum, the latter appears rather as an act of acclamation in an authoritarian setting than an expression of public participation in a discursive context even if voting itself was largely free and free from allegations of fraud. Accordingly, the Bill matches the hegemonic demands perfectly well and proves the technical ability of Thai drafters once more to create a constitutional frame that is responding neatly to the order of the day. It will shape future constitutional politics profoundly and pave the way for continuity of the current regime against potential challenges by an electorate whose majority has consistently voted for those forces that is sees as challenging the established hegemonic social contract since 2001. Since neither the final bill has been presented to the King nor the organic laws supposed to complement it having being completed yet, only a rough and tentative overview is possible here. Overarching Status: Four Constitutional Regimes The 2016 Constitution Bill which is supposed to replace the 2014 Interim Constitution provides as a special feature in comparison to most other constitutions three subsequent stages of constitutional rule that differ significantly from each other, effectively constituting three distinct constitutional regimes.3 The final, permanent stage of constitutional rule under the future constitution will be anteceded by two subsequent transitional stages. Additionally, there is still the Interim Constitution, which is closely interconnected with the first transitional phase of the future constitution. At present, there are thus effectively four subsequently activated stages of the constitutional process based on two constitutional documents. One link 3 This kind of multi-phase constitutionalism is not new
Load more

Recommended publications
  • A Coup Ordained? Thailand's Prospects for Stability
    A Coup Ordained? Thailand’s Prospects for Stability Asia Report N°263 | 3 December 2014 International Crisis Group Headquarters Avenue Louise 149 1050 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 502 90 38 Fax: +32 2 502 50 38 [email protected] Table of Contents Executive Summary ................................................................................................................... i I. Introduction ..................................................................................................................... 1 II. Thailand in Turmoil ......................................................................................................... 2 A. Power and Legitimacy ................................................................................................ 2 B. Contours of Conflict ................................................................................................... 4 C. Troubled State ............................................................................................................ 6 III. Path to the Coup ............................................................................................................... 9 A. Revival of Anti-Thaksin Coalition ............................................................................. 9 B. Engineering a Political Vacuum ................................................................................ 12 IV. Military in Control ............................................................................................................ 16 A. Seizing Power
    [Show full text]
  • Week 49 (3Rd December 2012 – 09Th December 2012)
    Week 49 (3rd December 2012 – 09th December 2012) ASEAN Newspapers Issues pertaining to Thailand ‐ politics Number of article(s): 7 Keywords/criteria used for search: Thailand, Thai Search Engine: www.google.com Online newspapers included in search: Borneo Bulletin (Brunei) Brunei Times (Brunei) Phnom Penh Post (Cambodia) Jakarta Post (Indonesia) Jakarta Globe (Indonesia) Vientiane Times (Laos) Vietnam Net (Vietnam) Nhan Dan (Vietnam) The Star (Malaysia) The New Straits Times (Malaysia) The Strait Times (Singapore) The Philippine Inquirer (Philippines) The Japan Times (Japan) China Daily (China) The China Post (China) Headlines and Summaries THE BORNEO BULLETIN 5 07 /D EC. / 2012 ­ EX­THAI PM TO FACE MURDER CHARGE (AFP – ALSO PUBLISHED IN THE JAKARTA GLOBE, THE STRAIT TIMES) 5 ‐ Last Thursday, former PM Abhisit Vejjajiva was charged with murder over the death of civilian during 2010 “Red Shirt” rallies. ‐ The Department of Special Investigation (DSI), police and Thai prosecutors based their decision to charge the former PM and his deputy Suthep Thaugsuban on witness testimony and a court’s decision in September that a Taxi driver, Phan Kamkong, was shot by troops. ‐ The oppositional Red Shirts have raised accusations of double standards over terrorism prosecutions against 24 of its leaders, including five current lawmakers, who could in theory face the death penalty in a case that is set to begin on December 13. ‐ Rights campaigners have said both the protesters and the authorities of the time should be held accountable. 06 /D EC. / 2012 – THAI KING CALLS FOR UNITY IN BIRTHDAY SPEECH 6 ‐ At least 200,000 people flooded the capital’s historic district for rare public address by Thailand’s revered king, marking his 85th birthday.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar Illicit Timber Trade Report 15
    Non-sales unedited © United Nations, November 2015. All rights reserved, worldwide. The designations employed and the presentation of material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. This publication has not been formally edited. Cover Page Photo: © Stephen Carmody TABLE OF CONTENTS 1. INTRODUCTION ............................................................................................................................... 1 1.1. Illegal Timber Trade in Myanmar ................................................................................................. 2 1.2 Illegal Wildlife Trade in Myanmar ................................................................................................. 4 2. RESPONSES TO WILDLIFE AND FOREST CRIME ............................................................................... 6 2.1 Competent Law Enforcement Authorities .................................................................................... 6 2.2 Legal Framework for Investigation and Prosecution .................................................................. 11 2.3 Measuring the Impact of Enforcement Activities ....................................................................... 15 3. UNODC PROGRAMME IN MYANMAR ..........................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • CHAPTER 7 Thailand: Securitizing Domestic Politics
    CHAPTER 7 Thailand: Securitizing Domestic Politics Thitinan Pongsudhirak Introduction Thailand’s second military coup in just eight years—this time on 22 May 2014— bears far-reaching ramifications for the country’s armed forces and defense sector. The military is once again triumphant and ascendant in Thai politics. It is as if Thailand’s political clock has been turned back to the 1960s-80s when the army dominated political life during a long stretch of military-authoritarian rule, punctuated by a short-lived democratic interval in the mid-1970s. The latest putsch came after six months of street demonstrations against the government of Yingluck Shinawatra, led by erstwhile Democrat Party senior executive, Suthep Thaugsuban. The street protests paralyzed central Bangkok and eventually paved the way for the coup, led by General Prayuth Chan-o-cha, then the army commander-in-chief. Since the coup, Thai politics has been eerily quiet, partly owing to the indefinite imposition of martial law and tight control on civil liberties and civil society activism. The ruling generals, under the National Council for Peace and Order (NCPO), immediately abolished the 2007 constitution, initially governing through military decrees before promulgating an interim constitution after two months. After that, it ascended a clutch of governing and legislative organs to rule, including the appointment of Gen. Prayuth as prime minister. This was the kind of hard coup and direct military-authoritarian rule Thailand has not seen in decades. But interestingly, the reactions to the coup both at home and abroad were mixed. Within Thailand, the forces belonging to former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Yingluck’s deposed and self-exiled brother have not taken to the streets as anticipated.
    [Show full text]
  • Responsible and Inclusive Business in Myanmar
    Responsible and Inclusive Business in Myanmar Richard Welford Miriam Zieger Disclaimer: The information contained in this publication is provided for general purposes only. While every effort has been made to ensure that the information is accurate and up to date at the time of publishing, CSR Asia accepts no responsibility for any loss that may arise due to information contained in this publication. © CSR Asia 2013 RESPONSIBLE AND INCLUSIVE BUSINESS IN MYANMAR Responsible and Inclusive Business in Myanmar June 2013 Richard Welford and Miriam Zieger ABOUT CSR ASIA CSRABOUT Asia CSRis the ASIA leading provider of training, research and consultancy services on sustainableCSR Asia business is the practicesleading inprovider Asia. Throughof training, our officesresearch in Beijing,and consultancy Hong Kong, services Kuala on Lumpur,sustainable Shenzhen business and practices Singapore in A sia.and Through our partnerships our offices inin Beijing,Vietnam, Hong Thailand Kong, andKuala BangladeshLumpur, CSRShenzhen Asia buildsand Singaporecapacity an dand promotes our partnerships awareness ofin CSR Vietnam, in order Thailand to advance and sustainableBangladesh development CSR Asia acrossbuilds thecapacity region. and promotes awareness of CSR in order to advance sustainable development across the region. For feedback or more information please contact: OfficeFor feedback or more information please contact:A, 15/F, WingOffice Cheong A, Commercial Building,15/F, 19-Wing25 Cheong Jervois Commercial Building,Street, Sheung19-25 Wan, Jervois Hong KongStreet, Tel:Sheung +852Wan, 3579Hong 8079Kong Tel: +852 3579 8079 $ enquiry@csr -asia.com [email protected] www.csr-asia.com RESPONSIBLE AND INCLUSIVE BUSINESS IN MYANMAR PREFACE I first visited Myanmar over twenty years ago and to this day I remember the warmth of the people and the beauty of the natural environment.
    [Show full text]
  • EIA-Report-State-Of-Corruption.Pdf
    State of Corruption The top-level conspiracy behind the global trade in Myanmar’s stolen teak February 2019 ©EIAimage Forests ©EIAimage WeACKNOWLEDGEMENTS would like to thank ABOUT EIA EIA UK Above: Forests in Myanmar CONTENTS 62-63 Upper Street, Ximporae.This report Ut was aut written fugitis restiand editedut atia We investigate and campaign against Front cover: Logs rotting in an London N1 0NY UK Introduction 4 nobitby the ium Environmental alici bla cone Investigation consequam environmental crime and abuse. MTE logyard in East Dagon, T: +44 (0) 20 7354 7960 Yangon, March 2013 cusAgency. aci oditaquates This document dolorem has volla Our undercover investigations E: [email protected] Myanmar’s Forests 5 vendam,been produced consequo with molor the financial sin net expose transnational wildlife crime, eia-international.org fugitatur,assistance qui of int UKaid, que nihicthe Norwegian tem with a focus on elephants,elephants andpangolins Myanmar’s Forest Governance Failures 8 aspedAgency quei for oditaquatesDevelopment dolorem tigers,and tigers, and forestand forest crimes crimes such such as vollaCooperation vendam, (NORAD) conseqci and oditaquates the EIA US JMG Foundation. The contents illegalas illegal logging logging and and deforestation deforestation for Case Study: dolorem volla vendam, consequo PO Box 53343 of this publication are the sole cashfor cash crops crops like like palm palm oil. oil.We Wework to molor sin net fugitatur, qui int que Washington DC 20009 USA The Shadow President – King of Burma Teak 14 responsibility
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition
    United Nations University Centre for Policy Research Crime-Conflict Nexus Series: No 9 April 2017 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition Dr. Vanda Felbab-Brown Senior Fellow, The Brookings Institution This material has been funded by UK aid from the UK government; however the views expressed do not necessarily reflect the UK government’s official policies. © 2017 United Nations University. All Rights Reserved. ISBN 978-92-808-9040-2 Myanmar Maneuvers How to Break Political-Criminal Alliances in Contexts of Transition 2 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY The Myanmar case study analyzes the complex interactions between illegal economies -conflict and peace. Particular em- phasis is placed on understanding the effects of illegal economies on Myanmar’s political transitions since the early 1990s, including the current period, up through the first year of the administration of Aung San Suu Kyi. Described is the evolu- tion of illegal economies in drugs, logging, wildlife trafficking, and gems and minerals as well as land grabbing and crony capitalism, showing how they shaped and were shaped by various political transitions. Also examined was the impact of geopolitics and the regional environment, particularly the role of China, both in shaping domestic political developments in Myanmar and dynamics within illicit economies. For decades, Burma has been one of the world’s epicenters of opiate and methamphetamine production. Cultivation of poppy and production of opium have coincided with five decades of complex and fragmented civil war and counterinsur- gency policies. An early 1990s laissez-faire policy of allowing the insurgencies in designated semi-autonomous regions to trade any products – including drugs, timber, jade, and wildlife -- enabled conflict to subside.
    [Show full text]
  • A Hyper-Royalist Parapolitics in Thailand
    Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 172 (2016) 225–248 bki brill.com/bki A Hyper-Royalist Parapolitics in Thailand Tyrell Haberkorn* Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University [email protected] Abstract In the years since the 19 September 2006 coup, there has been a resurgence in prose- cutions under Article 112 of the Thai Criminal Code, the measure which criminalizes and provides for harsh penalties for alleged lèse majesté. One of the striking features of recent court decisions in Article 112 cases is that judges have gone beyond the bound- aries of law to justify the convictions, and developed a jurisprudence that centres on monarchical heritage. Right-wing citizens have taken similar ideas as a justification to engage in violence against those with whom they disagree. This article develops a framework—hyper-royalist parapolitics—to examine an attack on law activists, a Criminal Court decision, and a Constitutional Court comment which represent this new political form, and to query the broader transformations they signal in the Thai polity. The article concludes with reflections on the framework in light of the 22 May 2014 coup. Keywords Thailand – monarchy – parapolitics – royalism – lèse majesté – freedom of expression – human rights The 19 September 2006 coup that ousted elected prime minister Thaksin Shi- nawatra set in motion a cycle of fractious contention, open disagreement, and, * The research for this article was supported by an Australian Research Council Discovery Early Career Researcher Grant (de120101838) on ‘Impunity and Human Rights in Thailand’. I would like to thank the organizers of the ‘Performing the State’ project, Jeremy Kingsley and Kari Telle, as well as the two anonymous reviewers for their suggestions for revision.
    [Show full text]
  • August 2, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary COVID-19 News
    August 2, 2021 Thai Enquirer Summary COVID-19 News Thailand continues to see a daily rise in COVID-19 infections. Today’s numbers are as follows: Total New Infections = 17,970 Community Infection = 17,795 Prison Infection = 175 Total New Death = 178 Total New Recovery = 13,919 The field hospital of Thammasart University hospital has come out to warn that within next 2-weeks There will be shortage of medicine to help the Covid-19 Favipiravir which is used is likely to become short in case the cases continued to rise the way they have been rising. This the medical association said comes after Shortage of ICU beds Shortage of ventilators Shortage of beds in hospitals Shortage of medical staff Thailand has announced extension of the ‘semi lockdown’ until August 31 Although the decision was initially made to have the lockdown from 21:00 to 04:00 hrs for 14-days but the announcement was made until the end of the month. No movement of people No movement of goods and services No more than 5-people can gather Eateries can open but only for delivery and have to close at 20:00 hrs. Eateries in shopping complexes can open only for delivery not for dine-in. Barbers, saloons, spas etc. along with sports centre and educations centres such as tutorials have to be closed as well. The announcement also put a total of 29 provinces under deep ‘red zone’ Bangkok, Nonthaburi, Samut Prakan, Samut Sakhon, Pathum Thani, Nakhon Pathom, Ayutthaya, Chon Buri, Chachoengsao, Kanchanaburi, Tak, Nakhon Nayok, Nakhon Ratchasima, Prachuap Khiri Khan, Prachinburi, Phetchaburi, Phetchabun, Rayong, Lopburi, Ratchaburi, Sing Buri, Samut Songkhram, Saraburi, Suphan Buri, Ang Thong, Narathiwat, Pattani, Songkhla and Yala.
    [Show full text]
  • Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) Working Paper Series No
    Southeast Asia Research Centre (SEARC) Working Paper Series No. 188 Authoritarian Constitution-Making in Thailand, 2015-16: Elite (aphichon) Capture Turns a “Dual Polity” into a “System of Elite Rule with Elections,” or a “Thai-style Authoritarianism” Michael H. Nelson German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG) Faculty of Law Thammasat University Authoritarian Constitution-Making in Thailand, 2015-16: Elite (aphichon) Capture Turns a “Dual Polity” into a “System of Elite Rule with Elections,” or a “Thai-style Authoritarianism” Michael H. Nelson German-Southeast Asian Center of Excellence for Public Policy and Good Governance (CPG) Faculty of Law, Thammasat University Preliminary remarks on the referendum result1 This working paper was finished shortly before the second referendum on a draft constitution in Thai history took place on 7 August 2016. The general assumption that scholars of politics “analyze the referendum as an institution within the framework of representative democracy” (Gallagher 2014:173) did not apply to Thailand since both referendums were held when mili- tary dictators ruled the country. The “National Council for Peace and Order” (NCPO), as the coup plotters called themselves, had come up, through their Constitution Drafting Committee (CDC), with a “‘constitution of the victor’ [called aphichon in this text, M.N.] rather than ‘the constitution of the people’” (The Nation, 26 April 2016). Nevertheless, these people ap- proved the draft constitution imposed upon them by a vote of 61.4 percent to 38.7 percent (2007: 57.8 percent to 42.2 percent). They also approved the “additional question” enabling the future military-appointed Senate to participate in the vote for prime minister (more on this below) by 58.1 to 41.9 percent.2 1 The opinions expressed in this paper are my own and do not necessarily reflect the policy of the CPG, the Fac- ulty of Law, or Thammasat University.
    [Show full text]
  • Burma's Displaced People
    issue 30 April 2008 Burma’s displaced people plus our general articles section and regular contributors: UNHCR, Brookings-Bern, RAISE Initiative, NRC, IDMC and RSC Published by the Refugee Studies Centre, University of Oxford Steve Elliott Steve Forced Migration Review from Forced Migration Review provides a forum for the regular exchange of practical experience, information and the ideas between researchers, refugees and internally displaced people, editors and those who work with them. It is FMR encourages organisations and individuals to share their expertise and experience so that others published in English, Arabic, Spanish might benefit. But how do you share research findings, lessons and examples of good practice when and French by the Refugee Studies any dissemination of information might put you, your staff and your partners – and other local people – Centre, University of Oxford. FMR was at risk? launched in 1998 in partnership with the Norwegian Refugee Council. FMR is no stranger to this problem but this issue’s feature section on Burma has, not surprisingly, proven more sensitive in this respect than any other we have worked on. We are therefore all the more grateful to our authors for their contributions and to all those who are helping to disseminate this issue around Editors the world. Marion Couldrey & Maurice Herson Special thanks go to Inge Brees, guest editor for the Burma feature section, whose assistance has been Assistant Editor (Arabic edition) invaluable. We would also like to thank those agencies that have provided funding specifically for this issue: DanChurchAid, DFAIT Canada, International Rescue Committee, UK Department for International Musab Hayatli Development and ZOA Refugee Care.
    [Show full text]
  • Myanmar: a Political Economy Analysis
    Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs Publisher: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs Copyright: © Norwegian Institute of International Affairs 2018 ISSN: 1894-650X The report has been commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Any views expressed in this publication are those of the authors. They should not be interpreted as reflecting the views, official policy or position of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs or the Norwegian Institute of International Affairs. The text may not be printed in part or in full without the permission of the authors. Visiting address: C.J. Hambros plass 2d Address: P.O. Box 8159 Dep. NO-0033 Oslo, Norway Internet: www.nupi.no E-mail: [email protected] Tel: [+ 47] 22 99 40 00 Myanmar: A Political Economy Analysis Kristian Stokke, Roman Vakulchuk, Indra Øverland Report commissioned by the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs 2018 Contents Map of Myanmar .................................................................................................................. VI About the report .................................................................................................................. VII Authors ................................................................................................................................. VIII List of acronyms ..................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]