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New Left Collection
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf3k4002tq No online items Register of the New Left collection Finding aid prepared by Ron Bulatoff; revised and edited by David Jacobs and Emilia Schrier Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6003 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 1998, 2014 Register of the New Left 69001 1 collection Title: New Left collection Date (inclusive): 1923-2004 Collection Number: 69001 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of Material: English Physical Description: 70 manuscript boxes, 4 oversize boxes, 1 oversize folder, 1 envelope, 1 microfilm, 3 phonorecords(28.0 linear feet) Abstract: The New Left Collection largely relates to radical movements for political and social change in the United States during the 1960s and 1970s. It is the largest resource in the archives devoted to this turbulent period in American history. Organized alphabetically by subject file, the collections consists of serial issues and other printed matter, and includes a great deal of ephemera, especially leaflets and flyers. Topics covered in the collection include the movement against the Vietnam War; student radicalism; the civil rights movement and black militancy; revolutionary organizations; the women's liberation movement; and the counter-culture. Access The collection is open for research; materials must be requested at least two business days in advance of intended use. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 1969. An increment was added in 2011. Related Collection(s) Radical Right Collection, Hoover Institution Archives Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. -
PRECEDENTIAL UNITED STATES COURT of APPEALS for the THIRD CIRCUIT No. 06-2241 MARAKAY J. ROGERS, Esquire, Candidate for Governo
PRECEDENTIAL UNITED STATES COURT OF APPEALS FOR THE THIRD CIRCUIT No. 06-2241 MARAKAY J. ROGERS, Esquire, Candidate for Governor of Pennsylvania; THE GREEN PARTY OF PENNSYLVANIA, c/o Paul Teese, Chair; THE CONSTITUTION PARTY OF PENNSYLVANIA; KEN V. KRAWCHUK; HAGAN SMITH, Appellants. v. THOMAS W. CORBETT, JR., Attorney General of Pennsylvania; COMMONWEALTH OF PENNSYLVANIA, c/o Office of the Attorney General of Pennsylvania; GOVERNOR EDWARD G. RENDELL; PEDRO A. CORTES, Secretary of Commonwealth of Pennsylvania On Appeal from the United States District Court for the Middle District of Pennsylvania District Court No. 06-cv-00066 District Judge: Hon. John E. Jones, III Argued on July 10, 2006 Panel Rehearing Granted November 3, 2006 Before: SMITH, ALDISERT, and ROTH, Circuit Judges (Opinion filed: November 3, 2006) O P I N I O N Samuel C. Stretton, Esquire (Argued) 301 South High Street P. O. Box 3231 West Chester, PA 19381-3231 Counsel for Appellants Thomas W. Corbett, Jr., Esquire Attorney General Howard G. Hopkirk, Esquire (Argued) Senior Deputy Attorney General John G. Knorr, III, Esquire Chief Deputy Attorney General Chief, Appellate Litigation Section Office of the Attorney General of Pennsylvania Strawberry Square, 15th Floor Harrisburg, PA 17120 Counsel for Appellees ROTH, Circuit Judge: Plaintiffs, a group of minor political parties and minor party nominees for state-wide office,1 challenged the constitutionality of Section 2911 of the Pennsylvania election code, 25 PA. CONS. STAT. § 2911(b), as applied to minor political parties and their candidates. They moved for a 1Plaintiffs are Marakay Rogers, Esq., the Green Party candidate for Governor in the November 2006 general election; the Green Party of Pennsylvania; Hagan Smith, the Constitution Party candidate for Governor; the Constitution Party of Pennsylvania; and Ken V. -
DSA's Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism
DSA’s Options and the Socialist International DSA Internationalism Committee April 2017 At the last national convention DSA committed itself to holding an organizational discussion on its relationship to the Socialist International leading up to the 2017 convention. The structure of this mandatory discussion was left to DSA’s internationalism committee. The following sheet contains information on the Socialist International, DSA’s involvement with it, the options facing DSA, and arguments in favor of downgrading to observer status and withdrawing completely. A. History of the Socialist International and DSA The Socialist International (SI) has its political and intellectual origins in the nineteenth century socialist movement. Its predecessors were the First International (1864-1876), of which Karl Marx was a leader, and the Second International (1889-1916). In the period of the Second International, the great socialist parties of Europe (particularly the British Labour Party, German Social Democratic Party, and the French Section of the Workers International) formed and became major electoral forces in their countries, advancing ideologies heavily influenced by Marx and political programs calling for the abolition of capitalism and the creation of new systems of worker democracy. The Second International collapsed when nearly all of its member parties, breaking their promise not to go to war against other working people, rallied to their respective governments in the First World War. The Socialist Party of America (SPA)—DSA’s predecessor—was one of the very few member parties to oppose the war. Many of the factions that opposed the war and supported the Bolshevik Revolution came together to form the Communist International in 1919, which over the course of the 1920s became dominated by Moscow and by the 1930s had become a tool of Soviet foreign policy and a purveyor of Stalinist orthodoxy. -
FEDERAL ELECTIONS 2018: Election Results for the U.S. Senate and The
FEDERAL ELECTIONS 2018 Election Results for the U.S. Senate and the U.S. House of Representatives Federal Election Commission Washington, D.C. October 2019 Commissioners Ellen L. Weintraub, Chair Caroline C. Hunter, Vice Chair Steven T. Walther (Vacant) (Vacant) (Vacant) Statutory Officers Alec Palmer, Staff Director Lisa J. Stevenson, Acting General Counsel Christopher Skinner, Inspector General Compiled by: Federal Election Commission Public Disclosure and Media Relations Division Office of Communications 1050 First Street, N.E. Washington, D.C. 20463 800/424-9530 202/694-1120 Editors: Eileen J. Leamon, Deputy Assistant Staff Director for Disclosure Jason Bucelato, Senior Public Affairs Specialist Map Design: James Landon Jones, Multimedia Specialist TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Preface 1 Explanatory Notes 2 I. 2018 Election Results: Tables and Maps A. Summary Tables Table: 2018 General Election Votes Cast for U.S. Senate and House 5 Table: 2018 General Election Votes Cast by Party 6 Table: 2018 Primary and General Election Votes Cast for U.S. Congress 7 Table: 2018 Votes Cast for the U.S. Senate by Party 8 Table: 2018 Votes Cast for the U.S. House of Representatives by Party 9 B. Maps United States Congress Map: 2018 U.S. Senate Campaigns 11 Map: 2018 U.S. Senate Victors by Party 12 Map: 2018 U.S. Senate Victors by Popular Vote 13 Map: U.S. Senate Breakdown by Party after the 2018 General Election 14 Map: U.S. House Delegations by Party after the 2018 General Election 15 Map: U.S. House Delegations: States in Which All 2018 Incumbents Sought and Won Re-Election 16 II. -
A History of Appalachia
University of Kentucky UKnowledge Appalachian Studies Arts and Humanities 2-28-2001 A History of Appalachia Richard B. Drake Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Drake, Richard B., "A History of Appalachia" (2001). Appalachian Studies. 23. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_appalachian_studies/23 R IC H ARD B . D RA K E A History of Appalachia A of History Appalachia RICHARD B. DRAKE THE UNIVERSITY PRESS OF KENTUCKY Publication of this volume was made possible in part by grants from the E.O. Robinson Mountain Fund and the National Endowment for the Humanities. Copyright © 2001 by The University Press of Kentucky Paperback edition 2003 Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kenhlcky Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com 12 11 10 09 08 8 7 6 5 4 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Drake, Richard B., 1925- A history of Appalachia / Richard B. -
Peoples News Service
4r ' SOTRIOvol. 1 NO. JcV^TV MARfM '21, ;v70 PATRIOT PARTY MiNISTRY OF INFORMATiON 1742 IHD AV£, NEW rom^ PEOPLES NEWS SERVICE WE ARE THE UVRlK^ REMINDER THAT WHEN THEY THREW OUT THEIR WHITE TRASH THEY DIDNt BURN IT" PREACHERMAN THE PATRIOT, MARCH 21» 1970. PAGE Z The South will rise again, only this time with the North, and all oppressed people throughout the world. RATRIOT PROGRAM. The Patriot Party Program is a Peoples' Program. The to the fact that they can take care of their own medical WHAT WE DEMAND Program of the Patriot Party is a Program of oppressed needs. All the Peoples' Programs are part of the white people of the United States. The 10 Point community and eventually will be run and expanded Program came from the people themselves. The people and enlarged by the people themselves. This is how the 1. We demand freedom. We demand power were asked, "What is it that you want? that you need? Party educates the people - not by talking about our to determine the destiny of our oppressed that you desire to see?" and the people answered. What ideas, but acting on them. We know it is better for the people answered was based on their real life people to cooperate with one another than compete white community. experiences. The peoples' answers are based on the day with one another. The people learn through to day reality of their lives. And the reality of the participation and observation that it is better to peoples' lives is reality made up of not enough to eat, cooperate with one another than to compete. -
Psychological and Personality Profiles of Political Extremists
Psychological and Personality Profiles of Political Extremists Meysam Alizadeh1,2, Ingmar Weber3, Claudio Cioffi-Revilla2, Santo Fortunato1, Michael Macy4 1 Center for Complex Networks and Systems Research, School of Informatics and Computing, Indiana University, Bloomington, IN 47405, USA 2 Computational Social Science Program, Department of Computational and Data Sciences, George Mason University, Fairfax, VA 22030, USA 3 Qatar Computing Research Institute, Doha, Qatar 4 Social Dynamics Laboratory, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY 14853, USA Abstract Global recruitment into radical Islamic movements has spurred renewed interest in the appeal of political extremism. Is the appeal a rational response to material conditions or is it the expression of psychological and personality disorders associated with aggressive behavior, intolerance, conspiratorial imagination, and paranoia? Empirical answers using surveys have been limited by lack of access to extremist groups, while field studies have lacked psychological measures and failed to compare extremists with contrast groups. We revisit the debate over the appeal of extremism in the U.S. context by comparing publicly available Twitter messages written by over 355,000 political extremist followers with messages written by non-extremist U.S. users. Analysis of text-based psychological indicators supports the moral foundation theory which identifies emotion as a critical factor in determining political orientation of individuals. Extremist followers also differ from others in four of the Big -
The Government Doesn't Work
World capital and Thelma and Louise Stalinism slew the "R" Us, writes Soviet economy Clara Fraser Page 6 Page 9 ~ Freedom Socialist Wile 1? /?evpf"'fl1t4~ 1iMiN;M. May-July 1992 Volume 13, Number 3 (51.00 outside U.S.) 75c Let's tool up for a new system! . The government doesn't work BY MATT NAGLE ing-class white men are under at n the good 01' USA, the sun is shin tack in the streets, ing, the birds are singing, the flow courts, and legis ers are blooming - but the govern latures. Unions are Iment is sputtering, hacking and besieged, radicals wheezing in the throes of terminal do are persecuted. nothingness. The cities are poi We should all be delighted! soned war zones The fact that this inhuman, infernal, and the earth is be damned system is rapidly killing itself ing destroyed. means our chance to bust out of these So the politi dark days is tantalizingly close. cians talk about The U.S. government has developed meeting our needs, into a tiresome, petty passel of squab but they can't and .=============="":"'"=~ bling, spoiled rich kids and everybody won't do anything. ~.MFoi~tr.RK_flMI!JiN;.IbaI~iMH!Hl··~_IJIbo~iIoU;.,"'""'-l.&.lu~~~~ ~~ to' a halt '\'fet'clU'se' th~'~pita\ls't'S)'.nem ,.~ problem~rwtthc that the government administers is out changing the cracking up. system - and they The Democrats and Republicans are are the system. feudin' like the Hatfields and McCoys. Leaders don't The Dems don't have the guts or a emerge from cess reason to stand up to the Republicans, pools. -
Freedom Socialist Party Review of International Conference
London antifascist conference sabotaged by sectarian politics of its organizers Luma Nichol January 1998 Along with other questions, the registration form for the International Militant Anti-Fascism Conference in London in October asked if participants wanted to play football. Once I arrived, therefore, I wasn't surprised when the convening group, Anti-Fascist Action (AFA), turned out to be almost entirely male (not that women can't be gridiron contenders!) But I was delighted to see women introducing delegations from Scandinavia, Germany, Spain, and the U.S. Contingents also attended from Scotland, Ireland, England, the Netherlands, France, and Canada, and I represented United Front Against Fascism, a Seattle-based education and direct action organization. Our goal was to discuss forming an international anti-fascist network. But unfortunately, AFA turned out to be vehemently sexist and anti-communist. Its political deficiencies sabotaged the conference - which, due to AFA's outreach, was overwhelmingly white and did not include groups representing immigrants, sexual minorities, Romanis (Gypsies) or Jews, all main targets of fascist violence. AFA's leaders blame the current resurgence of fascism on the "old Left," which they believe is dead and discredited. They focus AFA's energy on trying to keep communists out of "their" movement rather than on uniting anti-fascists against the ultraright. Ironically, they are following the tragically wrong path of the German Communist Party in the 1930s; the CP saw reformist socialists as worse than the Nazis and refused to join with them to stop Hitler. The good news: AFA's views were not held by the majority. -
THE POLITICAL THOUGHT of the THIRD WORLD LEFT in POST-WAR AMERICA a Dissertation Submitted
LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences of Georgetown University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History By Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Washington, DC August 6, 2020 Copyright 2020 by Benjamin Feldman All Rights Reserved ii LIBERATION FROM THE AFFLUENT SOCIETY: THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF THE THIRD WORLD LEFT IN POST-WAR AMERICA Benjamin Feldman, M.A. Thesis Advisor: Michael Kazin, Ph.D. ABSTRACT This dissertation traces the full intellectual history of the Third World Turn: when theorists and activists in the United States began to look to liberation movements within the colonized and formerly colonized nations of the ‘Third World’ in search of models for political, social, and cultural transformation. I argue that, understood as a critique of the limits of New Deal liberalism rather than just as an offshoot of New Left radicalism, Third Worldism must be placed at the center of the history of the post-war American Left. Rooting the Third World Turn in the work of theorists active in the 1940s, including the economists Paul Sweezy and Paul Baran, the writer Harold Cruse, and the Detroit organizers James and Grace Lee Boggs, my work moves beyond simple binaries of violence vs. non-violence, revolution vs. reform, and utopianism vs. realism, while throwing the political development of groups like the Black Panthers, the Young Lords, the League of Revolutionary Black Workers, and the Third World Women’s Alliance into sharper relief. -
THE MARGINALITY of the AMERICAN LEFT: the LEGACY of the 1960S
THE MARGINALITY OF THE AMERICAN LEFT: THE LEGACY OF THE 1960s Barbara Epstein By virtually any definition of the term, the US left is not doing well. In the sixties the left was intertwined with a series of progressive social movements; these movements and the left within them attracted enormous numbers of young people, many of whom changed not only their ideas but the way they led their lives through this experience. A vibrant left politics and culture flourished in every major city in the North and in many in the South; few college or university campuses were untouched by it. The left was a major presence in national politics and in intellectual life, outside as well as within academia. The left brought a freshness, honesty and moral integrity to national discussion that compelled attention and respect. Today this is virtually all gone. Though there are many organizing projects concerned with specific social problems, there are only the remnants of a left able to link these issues and call for systematic social change. In national politics the left has little if any influence. There is a subculture that identifies itself as left, but it is insular and dispirited, and too often preoc- cupied with policing the attitudes and language of those in or close to the left. The staleness of the left's perspective and its political marginality in the nineties stand in sharp contrast to its attractiveness and influence in the sixties. The mistakes of the left are only one reason for its decline: the left has also been undermined by the rising power of global corporate capital and discouraged by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the apparent victory of capitalism over socialism. -
Young Patriots at the United Front Against Fascism Conference, 1969
Young Patriots at the United Front Against Fascism Conference, 1969 A speech by William "Preacherman" Fesperman at the 1969 anti-fascism conference held by the Black Panther Party in Oakland. Introduction The following speech was given by William “Preacherman” Fesperman at the United Front Against Fascism Conference held by the Black Panther Party in Oakland from July 18-21, 1969.1 Fesperman was the field secretary of the Young Patriots Organization (YPO) and a former theology student. The YPO was a Chicago-based group of poor, white, and revolutionary southern transplants. They played a crucial role in founding the original 1969 Rainbow Coalition, a groundbreaking alliance initiated by the Illinois chapter of the Black Panther Party, which also formally included the Puerto Rican street gang-turned-political organization, the Young Lords, and Rising Up Angry, another group that appealed to working class white youth. The Young Patriots are also, because of their explicit identifi- cation as “hillbilly nationalists” and symbolic adoption of the Confederate flag, one of the most fasci- nating, controversial, and understudied organizations to emerge from the intersection of the New Left student movement, civil rights movement, Black Power struggles, and new forms of community orga- nizing that unfolded over the course of the 1960s in urban neighborhoods across the United States. The lack of attention given to the group is understandable; with the exception of a two-page write-up included in the New Left collection The Movement Towards a New