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The Imperial Policy of Otherness Justinian and the Arianism of Barbarians As a Motive for the Recovery of the West

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The Imperial Policy of Otherness Justinian and the Arianism of Barbarians As a Motive for the Recovery of the West 1749-08_ETL_2008-4_06_Mirsanu 08-01-2009 16:27 Pagina 477 Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses 84/4 (2008) 477-498. doi: 10.2143/ETL.84.4.2033455 © 2008 by Ephemerides Theologicae Lovanienses. All rights reserved. The Imperial Policy of Otherness Justinian and the Arianism of Barbarians as a Motive for the Recovery of the West Drago≥ MÎR≥ANU K.U. Leuven It was out of enthusiasm for this liberty that we undertook such extensive wars in Africa and the west, both for right belief about God and for the freedom of our subjects1. This paper is part of a larger study on the Arian Christianity of the “Ger- manic” barbarians of Late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages, and is exploring the importance of the “otherness of faith” (orthodoxy/Arian- ism) in the diplomatic affairs of the time. More specifically, it is my inten- tion to investigate here Justinian’s reign (527-565) in order to find out whether this particular Arianism was a major motive, driven by either a sincere or a politically-motivated spirit, for the military campaigns in the West. Whether there existed in the empire, especially in the East, already prior to Justinian, a constant awareness of the heresy of the barbarian invaders, and to what degree this (un)acceptable otherness in terms of Christian belief triggered an imperial response is, I believe, a legitimate question. An investigation of the imperial attitudes toward the Arianism of the barbar- ians before the age of Justinian, i.e. from the beginning of imperial ortho- doxy and the barbarization of the army in the time of Theodosius, to the fall of Rome, to Justin’s I open policy of “intolerance” toward the Arian heresy answers basically in the negative, as the little evidence that exists seems to point rather to the incidental2. 1. Nov. LXXVIII.4.1 (18 Jan. 539), ed. R. SCHOELL – G. KROLL, Novellae, Dublin – Zürich, 101972, this quotation trans. T. HONORÉ, Tribonian, London, 1978, p. 18. Full Eng- lish trans. of the Novels by F.H. BLUME, url: http://uwacadweb.uwyo.edu/blume&justinian/ default.asp (accessed September 15, 2008). 2. I have tried to offer the larger picture in my essay An Orthodox Holy War in Late Antiquity? Imperial Attitudes towards the Barbarian Arianism, in A. LOUTH – D. MÎR≥ANU – M. NEAMT¸U (eds.), Proceedings of the Panel “Christianity and Neighbouring Religions in Late Antiquity”, the Sixth EASR and a Special IAHR Conference (Bucharest, 20-23 Sep- tember 2006), forthcoming. 1749-08_ETL_2008-4_06_Mirsanu 08-01-2009 16:27 Pagina 478 478 D. MÎR≤ANU JUSTINIAN AND RELIGION: DEALING WITH PROCOPIUS The long reign of Justinian is arguably one of the most well documented in Late Antiquity, and this is chiefly on account of the extremely rich reports provided by the historian Procopius of Caesarea and also because of the extensive legislative activity of the emperor3. If we are to decide over the implications of religious otherness in the Justinianic wars, it is imperative to decide first on how and to what degree we shall rely on this crucial evidence. As far as Justinian’s general piousness and preoccupation with theology is concerned, it appears sincere to me, as it does to most modern schol- ars4. For that as for most evidence one has to deal with Procopius, a man of whom we know to have held a mixed opinion regarding the person and deeds of the emperor. The large amount of information in Procopius gen- erates, for the modern scholar, the irresistible urge to go into detail when dealing with Justinian. One should not forget, however, that relying so much on one man’s opinions can mean embracing a “false” friend. Thus, we need to understand Procopius’ own attitude toward the impli- cation of the religious in the political5. In his Secret History, a bitterly crit- ical work, the historian appears compelled to acknowledge Justinian’s cred- itable habit of fasting and refraining from sleeping long, even though he ends by saying that this austere way of life did not go hand in hand with a good governing morality6. As he finds it “insane folly” to investigate the nature of God and would like that everyone should decide for himself on such matters7, Procopius decries Justinian’s general attitude of persecuting those of a different creed and his use of piety as a pretext for seeing no murder in having people killed on that account8. This necessarily discred- its his praising remarks for Justinian’s action toward religious unity and doctrinal uniqueness in the Buildings9. The historian accuses the ruthless Justinian of spreading terror in peaceful communities (such as those of heretics and other wrongdoers) chiefly in order to be able to confiscate 3. For a brief, informative and balanced treatment of his reign see J. MOORHEAD, Jus- tinian, London – New York, 1994. 4. See for instance C. CAPIZZI, Giustiniano I tra politica e religione, Messina, 1994, p. 32. 5. See for the debate A. CAMERON, The “Scepticism” of Procopius, in Historia 15 (1966) 466-482 and also A. KALDELLIS, Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity, Philadelphia, PA, 2004, pp. 166-172 and infra. 6. Hist. Arc. XIII.28-33, ed. J. HAURY, included with trans. H.B. DEWING in PROCOPIUS, The Anecdota or Secret History, Cambridge, MA, 1935. 7. Bella V.6-8, ed. J. HAURY, included with trans. H.B. DEWING in PROCOPIUS, The His- tory of the Wars, 5 vols, Cambridge, MA, 1914-1928. However, note here a statement eas- ily recognizable as in accordance with his classicizing historiographic approach. 8. Hist. Arc. XIII.7; cf. AGATHIAS, Historiae, I.7, ed. R. KEYDELL (CFHB SB, II), Berlin – New York, 1967, trans. G.D. FRENDO (CFHB SB, II A), Berlin – New York, 1975. 9. De aedificiis I.1.9, ed. J. HAURY, included with trans. H.B. DEWING in PROCOPIUS, Buildings, Cambridge, MA, 1940. 1749-08_ETL_2008-4_06_Mirsanu 08-01-2009 16:27 Pagina 479 THE IMPERIAL POLICY OF OTHERNESS 479 their estates (though here the bias is rather evident, in that Procopius is voicing the concerns of the rich land-owners against an Illyrian parvenu). Furthermore and on a more general scale, in Procopius’ view, Justinian’s concern with religious matters (“scanning the heavens and developing a curious interest concerning the nature of God”), far from being and asset, had led to a lack of proper political response to serious state affairs10. His preoccupation with theological matters is also expressed in his more neu- tral work, the Wars, where the fact of him sitting down at night and dis- cussing the Scriptures with educated elderly priests is presented (in the mouth of a plotter) as a known habit of a negligent ruler11. Lastly, in the same work the emperor is blamed, though in a less straightforward man- ner than in the Secret History, for having such concerns instead of involv- ing himself personally for the conclusion of the Italian war12. Obviously, this refers to the disputes in the East, but this suspected negligence of the conduct of the war is proof nonetheless that Justinian had a serious, undoubted and perpetual interest in bringing about religious unity, which need not be confined to the East only. To get closer to my subject, one cannot find firm evidence, despite all these general references, as to Procopius’ understanding of, and reaction to, Justinian’s true religious (anti-Arian) commitment behind the launching of the Western wars. Procopius’ text does not contain much help for discerning the genuineness of Justinian’s sentiment of starting a “crusade” in the name of the orthodox faith. I suggest that is because Procopius appreciated more so the honest man of action, Belisarius (especially as an eye-witness to his cam- paigns but also as a good narrative historian), than the architect who sent him to battle for an added, and rather questionable, religious reason13. How- ever true that pious sentiment was, Procopius does nevertheless confirm that it was used to launch the war and I shall follow the evidence below. JUSTINIAN AND THE LEGISLATION PERTAINING TO BARBARIAN ARIANISM After being made patricius in 523 and elevated to Caesar in 525, Jus- tinian was proclaimed Augustus on 1 April 527 while the sick Justin was still emperor14. As co-emperors, they jointly decreed that year the important 10. Hist. Arc. XVIII.29. 11. Bella VII.32.9. 12. Ibid., VII.35.11. 13. The exact opposite is Marcellinus Comes, who ignores Belisarius in his Chronicle in order to give praise to Justinian, his favourite. 14. I see no need to incorporate here Justin’s reign, in spite of Procopius’ interpretation that combines their reigns (Hist. Arc. I.19). Against following his understanding – as done in the past by most scholars, among which E. STEIN, Histoire du Bas-Empire, Paris, 1949, Vol. 2, esp. pp. 222-223 and A.A. VASILIEV, Justin the First: An Introduction to the Epoch 1749-08_ETL_2008-4_06_Mirsanu 08-01-2009 16:27 Pagina 480 480 D. MÎR≤ANU law that exempted the Gothic federates from the general persecution against the heretics15. The decision to go to war with the Vandals in Africa set a high politi- cal value on the otherness of faith as diplomatic currency, as I will take the time to discuss more extensively not far below. The breakdown and destruction of the Vandal kingdom (534) signified the destruction of the Arian Church in Africa. At the beginning, Justinian’s legislation showed no harshness; on the contrary it was quite conciliatory: it showed the emperor’s desire to permit a smooth transition of the Arian clergy and Arian belongings into the Catholic Church16.
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