The Claim of U.S. Exceptionalism Within a Context of Race, Gender and Class Inequality

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Claim of U.S. Exceptionalism Within a Context of Race, Gender and Class Inequality Journal of Law and Judicial System Volume 2, Issue 3, 2019, PP 7-17 ISSN 2637-5893 (Online) The Claim of U.S. Exceptionalism within a Context of Race, Gender and Class Inequality Julian B. Roebuck, Komanduri S. Murty* Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Fort Valley State University, USA *Corresponding Author: Komanduri S. Murty, Department of Social and Behavioral Sciences, Fort Valley State University, USA, Email: [email protected] ABSTRACT American exceptionalism has gained considerable attention among scholars and political leaders alike. Some scholars pointed out that the presence and extent of U.S. exceptionalism is that procedural political democracy has been spelled out in the U.S. legal system; that is, universal participation; political equality; majority rule; representative democracy; and, governmental responses to public opinion—all under the rule of law. However, there is no U.S. official definition of, or call for any kind of, or control of economic equality; though, in fact much economic inequality has always existed in the U.S.; and moreover, is now increasing at a more rapid rate than in the past. And yet, the U.S. politicians, especially those running for the presidency, find it necessary to consider American exceptionalism as an article of faith that must be accepted and promulgated. This article attempts to shed some light on America’s so-called exceptionalism and the need of an equalized economic society. Keywords: Civil Rights; Liberalism; Manifest Destiny; human rights; Great Depression; cultural knowledge; political parties; economic inequality; grid locking. INTRODUCTION SOME BRIEF HISTORICAL NOTES ON American exceptionalism is currently the AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM subject of many books, scholarly articles, and The idea that the Unites States has been singled popular publications. Though the statements out by God’s providence to play a redemptive supporting this concept have varied somewhat and regenerative role in human world-wide over the years in format, articulation and affairs has become one of the most frequently presentation, a central core of claims and heard shibboleths of the hard right in the United States; though, it is hard to distinguish between doctrines remain intact: that is, the presumptions those who believe it, and those who enunciate it that American values, political and economic as a political weapon (see Lewis 2011). And systems, and history remain unique, and superior to some scholars still absurdly maintain that that of other nations; and, that the U.S. is both fundamental Christian values remain a part of destined and entitled to play a distinct and U.S. exceptionalism (Bradley 2011). Accordingly, positive role on the world stage (Walt 2011). the United States may act as an exemplary Others have claimed that the U.S. is the greatest nation at times, or as a more regenerative and most commendable nation on earth, and the country that is intervening in world affairs for leader and protector of the free and democratic the universal good at other times. Consciousness of an exemplary nation or land preceded the worlds; and that therefore it must maintain a th strong and an ever-ready military force (Restad founding of the nation in the 18 century. The New England puritans saw their migration to the 2015; Richard 2012). The hubris of such claims new world as an enactment of the biblical is mindful of the doctrines of former president Exodus; that is, a move to the “promised land.” Theodore Roosevelt, a war monger par excellence. John Winthrop wrote that “We shall be as a Perhaps more Americans should read Edward shining city upon a hill; the eyes of all the Gibbon’s classic work, The History of the people are upon us.” Another early example of Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire that met this belief is a quote from the Federalist Papers the needs of many but was finally brought down (in 1788), wherein Alexander Hamilton describes with the great help of the rise of Christianity. the American political experiment as one of Journal of Law and Judicial System V2 ● I3 ● 2019 7 The Claim of U.S. Exceptionalism within a Context of Race, Gender and Class Inequality universal relevance for the future of all people. that liberty and democracy required hard work He said, “It seems to have been reserved to the to sustain” (Gamble 2012: Para 21). people of this country to decide, by their conduct The George W. Bush administration was marked and example, the important question, whether by U.S. military invasions into several countries; societies of men are really capable or not, of war in Iraq and nation building—all in so-called establishing good government from reflection noble causes. Since then the U.S. has engaged in and choice, or whether they are forever destined military invasions of Afghanistan, Libya, to depend, for their political constitutions, on Pakistan, Syria, and Yemen at the costs of accident and force” (Bailey 2012:18).The millions of lives, and heavy costs of millions of revolutionary generation saw the Revolutionary dollars in defense spending—that could have War as a world event. been spent on more worthy needs. Bush’s major Later on, Abraham Lincoln proclaimed that difficulties began with the Homeland Security those who died in the battle at Gettysburg gave Act passed during his first term in office in their lives so that “government of the people, by response to the September 11, 2001 terrorist the people, and for the people shall not perish attacks on U.S. soil, that denoted the de- from the earth” (Prothero 2013, Para 7). In the territorializing of U.S. citizens; and, the global 20th century many Americans came to think of extension of U.S. imperialism whether in military, themselves as a more regenerative nation rather economic, or political terms; thereby challenging than an exemplary one. On April 2, 1917, when the ideology of American exceptionalism (Meinel President Woodrow Wilson asked the U.S. 2014). Congress to declare war on Germany, he stated: ADDITIONAL EARLY HISTORICAL NOTES “We are glad to fight this war for the ultimate So-called democracy did not come to America peace of the world, and for the liberation of the on the Mayflower. While New Englanders were people…” President Franklin Delano Roosevelt governed by a white clerical oligarchy the (arguably the most democratic president the middle and southern colonies were ruled by U.S. ever had with the help of his Vice President white landowning settlers and plantation owners Henry A. Wallace) told the U.S. Congress on (many of whom owned African American July 6, 1942, when the U.S. entered World War slaves). Everywhere it was generally accepted II: “Our objectives are clear, establishing and that elites should rule, and that common folk securing the freedom of speech and religion, and should defer to their betters especially in the removal of fear and want—everywhere in governmental affairs. This acquiescence prevailed the world” (Rosenbaum and Brinkley 2003:120). in the main until the two presidential “spoils’ system” terms of Andrew Jackson (1829-37); William Graham Sumner, an eminent professor that is, despite the July 4, 1776 Declaration of of sociology at Yale University delivered a Independence, the adoption of the U.S. speech in 1899 entitled The Conquest of the Constitution in 1787, and the passage of the Bill United States by Spain, that argued against U.S. of Rights in 1793. All of these democratic expansion, imperialism, and war—all he said documents were applied to whites, but not to were against the best traditions, principles, and African Americans or to U.S. Indians (Native interests of the American people; and, that a war Americans) (Guyatt 2016; Tocqueville 2002). would plunge us into a network of difficult However, the absence in the new world of problems and political perils, that we might feudal institutions, a hereditary class system and have avoided; and, which offers us no a dynamic frontier provided a partial leveling corresponding advantage in return (Sumner effect that has been overemphasized. 1911:326). Richard Gamble noted that Sumner feared the then so-called “new exceptionalism” Despite some leveling forces, Andrew Jackson’s —the belief that Americans were somehow spoils system did not promote any individual, secure from changing circumstances, immune to social class, or racial democracy. He distrusted limits on power and resources, and exempt from the Eastern U.S. liberal elites; promoted the impact of war and empire that had seduced atyranny of majority rule; maintained a strong the public into believing that their prosperity, sense of white identity for himself and others; liberty, and security were inevitable blessings expressed and demonstrated a violent policy accruing to a special people, rather than to the toward other races than whites; assured an air of fragile products of abundant land, a small superiority as a slave owner, Indian fighter, population, and benign neighbors. Once these slaughterer, and remover of Native Americans circumstances changed, America would discover (Cha 2015).Even Alexis de Tocqueville, who 8 Journal of Law and Judicial System V2 ● I3 ● 2019 The Claim of U.S. Exceptionalism within a Context of Race, Gender and Class Inequality studied some forms of democracy in America democracy; and, governmental responses to from 1871-1932 noted the undemocratic divisions public opinion—all under the rule of law. of the U.S. population into three races (whites, However, there is no U.S. official definition of, Indians/native Americans and blacks) and the or call for any kind of, or control of economic problems thereto that have existed in many ways equality; though, in fact much economic to the present day. He even suggested the inequality has always existed in the U.S.; and miscegenation of whites and blacks as a moreover, is now increasing at a more rapid rate plausible solution to black-white racial than in the past (see Grusky and Hill 2018).
Recommended publications
  • Downloaded from the Internet on His State- Freshly Recovered from His Nervous Breakdown, Lemonhead Owned Computer
    THE PRIMARY SOURCE The Journal of Conservative Thought at Tufts University SM Volume XV Number 4 VERITAS SINE DOLO October 10, 1996 COPS Hey, Adolf, I I though you had heard Prof. Trout to be a real social- is gonna get ten- ist to get tenure ured after all. here. Frustrated with commie professors? Join THE PRIMARY SOURCE Weekly Meeting: Wednesdays at 8:00 PM Zamparelli Room (112 Campus Cen- ter) or call Jessica at 627-7576 or email us: [email protected] 2 THE PRIMARY SOURCE, OCTOBER 10, 1996 THE PRIMARY SOURCE The Journal of Conservative Thought at Tufts UniversitySM vol. XV no. 4 october 10, 1996 CONTENTS Departments FROM THE EDITOR 4 POSTCARDS 5 COMMENTARY 6 FORTNIGHT IN REVIEW 8 NOTABLE AND QUOTABLE 24 TUFTS'S PARKING SCAM BRIGHT LIGHTS, BIG CITY COLIN DELANEY KEITH LEVENBERG Taking a serious look at this issue's main topic, Mr. Welcome to Dystopia, population 250 million. Big Delaney examines the reasons why TUPD unnecessar- Brother makes a bad city planner, just look around ily ticketed so many students' cars recently. 10 your home town. 15 TAKING THE INITIATIVE Special Section JESSICA S CHUPAK Revisiting the California Civil Rights Initiative and its abolition of mandated preferential treatment. 17 TUPD UNPLUGGED REMEDIAL COMMON SENSE ANANDA G UPTA On the Beat Our nation's public school system is more concerned with indoctrination that education. 19 The Cops' Happy Page SOMETHING FISHY JEFF BETTENCOURT ✫ We smuggled some of those snazzy Watch out! The Domestic Names Committee of the US pamphlets out of TUPD's stationhouse Board of Geographical Names is coming.
    [Show full text]
  • Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: the Unmaking of America: a Recent History
    Notes and Sources for Evil Geniuses: The Unmaking of America: A Recent History Introduction xiv “If infectious greed is the virus” Kurt Andersen, “City of Schemes,” The New York Times, Oct. 6, 2002. xvi “run of pedal-to-the-medal hypercapitalism” Kurt Andersen, “American Roulette,” New York, December 22, 2006. xx “People of the same trade” Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, ed. Andrew Skinner, 1776 (London: Penguin, 1999) Book I, Chapter X. Chapter 1 4 “The discovery of America offered” Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy In America, trans. Arthur Goldhammer (New York: Library of America, 2012), Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “A new science of politics” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Introductory Chapter. 4 “The inhabitants of the United States” Tocqueville, Democracy In America, Book One, Chapter XVIII. 5 “there was virtually no economic growth” Robert J Gordon. “Is US economic growth over? Faltering innovation confronts the six headwinds.” Policy Insight No. 63. Centre for Economic Policy Research, September, 2012. --Thomas Piketty, “World Growth from the Antiquity (growth rate per period),” Quandl. 6 each citizen’s share of the economy Richard H. Steckel, “A History of the Standard of Living in the United States,” in EH.net (Economic History Association, 2020). --Andrew McAfee and Erik Brynjolfsson, The Second Machine Age: Work, Progress, and Prosperity in a Time of Brilliant Technologies (New York: W.W. Norton, 2016), p. 98. 6 “Constant revolutionizing of production” Friedrich Engels and Karl Marx, Manifesto of the Communist Party (Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1969), Chapter I. 7 from the early 1840s to 1860 Tomas Nonnenmacher, “History of the U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • American Exceptionalism and the Antebellum Slavery Debate Travis Cormier
    University of North Dakota UND Scholarly Commons Theses and Dissertations Theses, Dissertations, and Senior Projects January 2014 American Exceptionalism And The Antebellum Slavery Debate Travis Cormier Follow this and additional works at: https://commons.und.edu/theses Recommended Citation Cormier, Travis, "American Exceptionalism And The Antebellum Slavery Debate" (2014). Theses and Dissertations. 1524. https://commons.und.edu/theses/1524 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, and Senior Projects at UND Scholarly Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of UND Scholarly Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM AND THE ANTEBELLUM SLAVERY DEBATE by Travis Cormier Bachelor of Arts, University of North Dakota, 2005 A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the University of North Dakota in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Grand Forks, North Dakota May 2014 This thesis, submitted by Travis Cormier in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in History from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved. _______________________________________ Eric Burin Date _______________________________________ James Mochoruk Date _______________________________________ Ty Reese Date This thesis is being submitted by the appointed
    [Show full text]
  • Political Science; *Polits; Secondary 7Ducation; Social Studies; Sociology; United States History 7PENTIF:7 PS *Irish Ami.Ricans
    DOCUMENT RESUME ED 129 690 SO 009 470 AUTHOF Krug, Mark M. -"TTL7 White Ethnic Groups and American Politics, Student Book. The Lavinia and Charles P. Schwartz Citizenship Project. INST7TUTI711 Chicago Univ., Ill. Graduate School of Education. 1DUB DATE 72 NOTE 99p.; For related documents, see SO 009 469-474 EDFS PF:CE MF-$0.83 HC-$4.67 Plus Postage. DESCFIPTOFS *Citizenship; Ethnic Grouping; *Ethnic Groups; Ethnic Studies; *Ethnocentrism; Italian Americans; Jews; Polish Americans; Political Science; *Polits; Secondary 7ducation; Social Studies; Sociology; United States History 7PENTIF:7 PS *Irish Ami.ricans ABSIPACT This student book, one in a series of civic education materials, focuses on white ethnic groups and how they influence the operation of the American political system. The ethnicgroups which are investigated include Poles, Irish, Italians, and Jews. An ethnic person is defined as anyone who decides to identify with and live among those who share the same immigrant memories and values. Ethnic origin, ethnic loyalties, and ethnic considerations playan important role in the political process of the United States. A separate chapter focuses on each of the four minority groups and its role in the process of American politics. Jews, labeled as the shaken liberals, have historically been staunch supporters of the liberal tradition as a unified voter block, but apparent conservative trends are showing as a reaction to radical liberalism and its support of the Arab nations. The Irish built and dominated political organizations, known as machines, in several cities and their predominance in city politics continues today. Italians'were rather slow in getting into politics, but in general Italiansare politically conservative, strong American patriots, disunited due to internal identity conflicts, and assimilating rapidly into U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter One: Postwar Resentment and the Invention of Middle America 10
    MIAMI UNIVERSITY The Graduate School Certificate for Approving the Dissertation We hereby approve the Dissertation of Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff Doctor of Philosophy ________________________________________ Timothy Melley, Director ________________________________________ C. Barry Chabot, Reader ________________________________________ Whitney Womack Smith, Reader ________________________________________ Marguerite S. Shaffer, Graduate School Representative ABSTRACT TALES FROM THE SILENT MAJORITY: CONSERVATIVE POPULISM AND THE INVENTION OF MIDDLE AMERICA by Jeffrey Christopher Bickerstaff In this dissertation I show how the conservative movement lured the white working class out of the Democratic New Deal Coalition and into the Republican Majority. I argue that this political transformation was accomplished in part by what I call the "invention" of Middle America. Using such cultural representations as mainstream print media, literature, and film, conservatives successfully exploited what came to be known as the Social Issue and constructed "Liberalism" as effeminate, impractical, and elitist. Chapter One charts the rise of conservative populism and Middle America against the backdrop of 1960s social upheaval. I stress the importance of backlash and resentment to Richard Nixon's ascendancy to the Presidency, describe strategies employed by the conservative movement to win majority status for the GOP, and explore the conflict between this goal and the will to ideological purity. In Chapter Two I read Rabbit Redux as John Updike's attempt to model the racial education of a conservative Middle American, Harry "Rabbit" Angstrom, in "teach-in" scenes that reflect the conflict between the social conservative and Eastern Liberal within the author's psyche. I conclude that this conflict undermines the project and, despite laudable intentions, Updike perpetuates caricatures of the Left and hastens Middle America's rejection of Liberalism.
    [Show full text]
  • The End of American Exceptionalism the Social Question in the United States
    3 The End of American Exceptionalism The Social Question in the United States Fred Block Exceptionalism has been the dominant theme in United States history from its founding. At the time that the United States won its independence, the old nations against which the United States formed its identity were, in fact, the great European imperial powers—England, France, the Netherlands, and Spain, and the United States differed from these nations in critical ways. First, to expand and grow, the United States had no need to establish overseas colonies; it could draw immigrants from Europe and extend its territorial empire westward. It was able to create an internal colony in the American South where chattel slavery was the central economic institution. Second, it led the world in developing a democratic political system in which the right to vote was given to most adult white males. However, the tensions between slave states and free states resulted in the creation of a uniquely constrained central government.1 Third, the combination of early democracy, the continuing inflows of both coerced and free laborers, and the rich- ness of the American continent created a uniquely productive economy that sus- tained unprecedented levels of prosperity for two full centuries. Together, these elements made the trajectory of the United States exceptional.2 But over the last forty-five years, American exceptionalism seems to have come to an end. Werner Sombart insisted that there was no socialism in America because “all socialist utopias came to nothing on roast beef and apple pie,”3 mean- ing that the material prosperity and upward mobility available to white workers in the United States precluded the kind of mass socialist movements that emerged in Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Download File
    Tow Center for Digital Journalism CONSERVATIVE A Tow/Knight Report NEWSWORK A Report on the Values and Practices of Online Journalists on the Right Anthony Nadler, A.J. Bauer, and Magda Konieczna Funded by the John S. and James L. Knight Foundation. Table of Contents Executive Summary 3 Introduction 7 Boundaries and Tensions Within the Online Conservative News Field 15 Training, Standards, and Practices 41 Columbia Journalism School Conservative Newswork 3 Executive Summary Through much of the 20th century, the U.S. news diet was dominated by journalism outlets that professed to operate according to principles of objectivity and nonpartisan balance. Today, news outlets that openly proclaim a political perspective — conservative, progressive, centrist, or otherwise — are more central to American life than at any time since the first journalism schools opened their doors. Conservative audiences, in particular, express far less trust in mainstream news media than do their liberal counterparts. These divides have contributed to concerns of a “post-truth” age and fanned fears that members of opposing parties no longer agree on basic facts, let alone how to report and interpret the news of the day in a credible fashion. Renewed popularity and commercial viability of openly partisan media in the United States can be traced back to the rise of conservative talk radio in the late 1980s, but the expansion of partisan news outlets has accelerated most rapidly online. This expansion has coincided with debates within many digital newsrooms. Should the ideals journalists adopted in the 20th century be preserved in a digital news landscape? Or must today’s news workers forge new relationships with their publics and find alternatives to traditional notions of journalistic objectivity, fairness, and balance? Despite the centrality of these questions to digital newsrooms, little research on “innovation in journalism” or the “future of news” has explicitly addressed how digital journalists and editors in partisan news organizations are rethinking norms.
    [Show full text]
  • TRACING the DISCOURSE of AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM by Aron Tabor
    DOES EXCEPTION PROVE THE RULE? TRACING THE DISCOURSE OF AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM By Aron Tabor Submitted to Central European University Doctoral School of Political Science, Public Policy and International Relations In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science Supervisor: Alexander Astrov Word Count: 91,719 Budapest, Hungary 2019 ii Declaration I hereby declare that no parts of this thesis have been accepted for any other degrees in any other institutions. This thesis contains no material previously written and/or published by another person, except where appropriate acknowledgement is made in the form of bibliographical reference. Aron Tabor April 26, 2019 iii iv Abstract The first two decades of the twenty-first century saw an unprecedented proliferation of the discourse of American exceptionalism both in scholarly works and in the world of politics; several recent contributions have characterized this notion in the context of a set of beliefs that create, construct, (re-)define and reproduce a particular foreign policy identity. At the same time, some authors also note that the term “American exceptionalism” itself was born in a specific discourse within U.S. Communism, and, for a period, it was primarily understood with reference to the peculiar causes behind the absence of a strong socialist movement in the United States. The connection between this original meaning and the later usage is not fully explored; often it is assumed that “exceptionalism” existed before the label was created as the idea is traced back to the founding of the American nation or even to the colonial period.
    [Show full text]
  • American Exceptionalism and Global Governance: a Tale of Two Worlds?” Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Working Paper No
    American Exceptionalism and Global Governance A Tale of Two Worlds? John Gerard Ruggie Faculty Chair, Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Kirkpatrick Professor of International Affairs Weil Director, Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University April 2004 ⎪ Working Paper No. 5 A Working Paper of the: Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative A Cooperative Project among: The Mossavar-Rahmani Center for Business and Government The Center for Public Leadership The Hauser Center for Nonprofit Organizations Citation This paper may be cited as: Ruggie, John G. 2004. “American Exceptionalism and Global Governance: A Tale of Two Worlds?” Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative Working Paper No. 5. Cambridge, MA: John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. Comments may be directed to the author. Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative The Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government is a multi-disciplinary and multi-stakeholder program that seeks to study and enhance the public contributions of private enterprise. It explores the intersection of corporate responsibility, corporate governance and strategy, public policy, and the media. It bridges theory and practice, builds leadership skills, and supports constructive dialogue and collaboration among different sectors. It was founded in 2004 with the support of Walter H. Shorenstein, Chevron Corporation, The Coca-Cola Company, and General Motors. The views expressed in this paper are those of the author and do not imply endorsement by the Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative, the John F. Kennedy School of Government, or Harvard University. For Further Information Further information on the Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative can be obtained from the Program Coordinator, Corporate Social Responsibility Initiative, Harvard Kennedy School, 79 JFK Street, Mailbox 82, Cambridge, MA 02138, telephone (617) 495-1446, telefax (617) 496-5821, email [email protected].
    [Show full text]
  • The Influence of American Exceptionalism on Latin American Foreign Affairs: a Case Study of Guantánamo Bay, Cuba
    Encuentro Latinoamericano | ISSN 2414-6625 Vol. 3 No.1 (July 2016) The influence of American Exceptionalism on Latin American foreign affairs: a case study of Guantánamo Bay, Cuba Inês Daniela Pereira da Costa Inês Costa, 31, holds an undergraduate diploma in Physical Anthropology and a Master’s Degree in Human Evolution and Biology, from the Faculty of Sciences and Technology, University of Coimbra. In 2010, a change in field of study led to a Bachelor’s Degree in Modern Languages, with emphasis in English and Spanish. Inês Costa is currently in her second year of the PhD in American Studies at the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University of Coimbra, Portugal. Her interests in the field are related to American Exceptionalism, militarism, immigration and human rights violations. Contact: [email protected]. Abstract Since the inception of the United States, American Exceptionalism has played a decisive role in the mediation of relations both in the domestic and foreign spheres. This influential identity character is founded on the beliefs of American uniqueness and the sanctity of their mission, but has, nevertheless, acquired the status of a prevalent paradigm. It is, thus, a malleable state created fantasy capable of creating consensus among the American population, while also offering effective instruments of disavowal capable of exonerating significant state incongruences. Throughout the twentieth century American Exceptionalism has served as a powerful hegemonic discursive instrument, justifying countless interventions in Latin American foreign and domestic affairs. Cuba and Guantánamo Bay Naval Base provide a clear example of this course of action. The recent usage of this base on the War on Terror establishes that, despite recent criticism, U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • American Exceptionalism, the War on Terror, and the Rule of Law in the Islamic World
    AMERICAN EXCEPTIONALISM, THE WAR ON TERROR, AND THE RULE OF LAW IN THE ISLAMIC WORLD NADINE STROSSEN* When some New York Law School students first decided to organize a Federalist Society chapter many years ago, they ac‐ tually asked me to be their faculty advisor. Some will say that this shows how hard it is to find a conservative law professor. But what it really shows is that these New York Law School students were honoring this organization’s libertarian found‐ ing principles. Those principles are reflected in the opening words of the Federalist Society’s mission statement: “The Fed‐ eralist Society . is founded on the principle[] that the state exists to preserve freedom . The Society seeks . [to reor‐ der] priorities within the legal system to place a premium on individual liberty . .”1 Also relevant to this Essay’s topic, the mission statement declares that “the separation of governmen‐ tal powers is central to our Constitution.”2 Unfortunately, the “War on Terror”3 has violated these fundamental precepts of the Federalist Society in numerous ways, with devastating con‐ sequences for liberty, democracy, and national security alike. For details, refer to the website of a certain organization that has been promoting the libertarian aspect of the Federalist So‐ * Professor of Law, New York Law School; President, American Civil Liberties Union, 1991–2008. Most of the footnotes were prepared by Professor Strossen’s Chief Aide, Steven Cunningham (NYLS ‘99), based on her guidance and with the assistance of her Research Assistants John Bilancini (NYLS ‘10) and Nicole Tesoriero (NYLS ‘11). Accordingly, Steven Cunningham bears both the responsibility and the credit for the footnotes.
    [Show full text]
  • SDS's Failure to Realign the Largest Political Coalition in the 20Th Century
    NEW DEAL TO NEW MAJORITY: SDS’S FAILURE TO REALIGN THE LARGEST POLITICAL COALITION IN THE 20TH CENTURY Michael T. Hale A Dissertation Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY December 2015 Committee: Clayton Rosati, Advisor Francisco Cabanillas Graduate Faculty Representative Ellen Berry Oliver Boyd-Barret Bill Mullen ii ABSTRACT Clayton Rosati, Advisor Many historical accounts of the failure of the New Left and the ascendency of the New Right blame either the former’s militancy and violence for its lack of success—particularly after 1968—or the latter’s natural majority among essentially conservative American voters. Additionally, most scholarship on the 1960s fails to see the New Right as a social movement. In the struggles over how we understand the 1960s, this narrative, and the memoirs of New Leftists which continue that framework, miss a much more important intellectual and cultural legacy that helps explain the movement’s internal weakness. Rather than blame “evil militants” or a fixed conservative climate that encircled the New Left with both sanctioned and unsanctioned violence and brutality––like the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s (FBI) counter intelligence program COINTELPRO that provide the conditions for a unstoppable tidal wave “with the election of Richard M. Nixon in 1968 and reached its crescendo in the Moral Majority, the New Right, the Reagan administration, and neo-conservatism” (Breines “Whose New Left” 528)––the key to this legacy and its afterlives, I will argue, is the implicit (and explicit) essentialism bound to narratives of the “unwinnability” of especially the white working class.
    [Show full text]