! “People with clenched fists can’t shake hands” ! ! ! An ethnic portrait of women as labour force in Colombo, ! Sri Lanka ! !

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Pamela Grebe - 10918809 MSc. International Development Studies Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Pamela Grebe - 10918809 MSc. International Development Studies Graduate School of Social Sciences University of Amsterdam Thesis supervisor: Nicky Pouw Second reader: Linnet Taylor

Date: 07.01.2016! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! Table of Content ! !—————————————————————— Acknowledgement………………………………………………………………………….………5!

Dedication……………………………………………………………………………………..……6! ! List of Figures, Tables and Boxes………………………………………………………………….7 ! ! List of Acronyms……………………………………………………………………………………8 ! ! Abstract…………………………………………………………………………………….….……9 ! ! Chapter 1: Introduction…………………………………………………………………………..10 ! ! Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework…………………………………………………………..…14 ! 2.1 Looking through the wellbeing lens…………………………………………………….…14! 2.2 Women’s empowerment and decision-making processes…………………………….……17! 2.3 Ethnicity: manifestations, relations and implications…………………………………..….23! 2.4 Conflict theory: variation in theory……………………………………………………..….25 ! 2.5 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………..….….29 ! ! Chapter 3: Research Methodology………………………………………………………………32 ! 3.1 Methodological approach……………………………………………………………….…32 ! 3.2 Main research question and sub-questions…………………………………………….…..33! 3.3 Research methods, scope and location………………………………………………….…34! 3.4 Data analysis………………………………………………………………………….……35! 3.5 Limitations, research challenges and ethical considerations………………………………36 ! 3.6 Conclusion…………………………………………………………………………………38 ! ! Chapter 4: Empirical Context of Sri Lanka……………………………………………………39 ! 4.1 Research location and brief historical context…………………………………………….39! 4. 2 Expressions of nationhood……………………………………………………………..…41! 4.2.1 The lion flag…………………………………………………………………………42! ! 4.2.2 The national emblem and anthem………………………………………………….43 ! 4.2.3 One country, two languages………………………………………………………..46 ! 4.3 Females as labour force in Sri Lanka…………………………………………………….48 ! 4.4 Conclusion………………………………………………………………………………..55 ! ! Chapter 5: The Dual Axes of Marginalisation, Unfolded……………………………………56! 5.1 The vicious circle: patriarchal system and gender-roles…………………………………..…57 ! 5.2 Socio-economic differentiators: labour and conflict…………………………………………62 ! 5.3 Choosing not to choose………………………………………………………………………68 ! 5.4 Conclusion……………………………………………………………………………………71! ! Chapter 6: Conclusion and Final Remarks……………………………………………………72 ! 6.1 Revisiting the main research question……………………………………………………..…72 ! 6.2 Policy recommendations…………………….………………………………………………..76! 6.2.1 General recommendations………………………………………………………………76 ! 6.2.2 Specific recommendations………………………………………………………………78! 6.3 Research agenda………………………………………………………………………………80 ! 6.4 Critical reflection on the project: theoretical, conceptual and methodological remarks……………………………………………………………………………………………81 ! ! Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………………..84 ! ! Appendices…………………………………………………………………………………….…90 ! Appendix 1: Details of the research participants………………………………………..…….90 ! Appendix 2: In-depth interviews themes and questions………………………………………94 ! Appendix 3: Operationalization table……………………………………………….……..….97

! Acknowledgement! ——————————————————————————————————- ! ! A big thank you to:! ! Hema Goonatilake ! For helping me during the very first steps of the project when I needed to establish key contacts to carry out my research, consolidate my ideas and get fully infiltrated in the Sri Lankan lifestyle. ! ! ! Chulani Kodikara ! For sharing with so much transparency and accuracy her stories, experiences and investigations. For capturing my entire attention with each of her wise and inspirational words and reflections. ! ! ! Sonali Dayaratne! For providing me with assistance to fill in the gaps with official documents, empirical information and her clever insights and interpretations. ! ! ! S. Satgunarajah ! For his contagious sense of humour and honest answers, no matter the topic. For being a person that simply stays in your memory throughout time. ! ! ! Nicky Pouw! For her constant supervision and for all her effort, time and dedication to guide me through this period. For her patience and feedback that helped me redirect both insignificant details and major missteps.!

"5 Dedication! ——————————————————————————————————- ! This master’s thesis is for my beloved ones, for my mom who always encouraged me to interact with different cultures and to understand other perspectives than mine, for my dad who has always shown me the bright side of things no matter how difficult a situation can be, for my sister for her ever-lasting support, company and understanding and for my love, who travelled miles and miles to see me and be part of my adventures. ! ! Specially, this thesis is for my research assistants who were my eyes when I could not see, my voice when I could not speak and my feet when I was lost.! ! Dear Safna and Paviththira, thank you for all your time and dedication to this project. For treating me like a sister and for adding humour and fun to one of the most exciting but also challenging periods of my life. For your patience, sincerity and for coping with my foreigner’s smell of sweat, mosquito repellent and sunscreen. Through your questions dear friends, I found my answers…! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! This, is also for you dear Malika, Kodithuwakku, Nayana, Indra, Sadaseeli, Kala, Dhevi, Nisha, Chanthra, Pavith, Farima, Naeem, Fasmina, Jisthiya and Jainambu. Thank you for your smiles, your reflections, your kindness and your beautiful and inspiring spirits. Every day you thought me a lesson (even on how to kill a cobra)…! ! Ayobowan Sri Lanka and its big-hearted people…

"6 List of Figures, Tables and Boxes ! ——————————————————————————————————- ! Figure 2.1: The Triangle of Wellbeing !

Figure 2.2: The Process of Change !

Figure 2.3: Trans-theoretical Model!

Figure 2.4: Actors within the Three Conflict (Sub-) Systems in Sri Lanka !

Figure 2.5: Conceptual Scheme !

Box 3.1: Main Research Question and Sub-questions !

Figure 4.1: Map of Sri Lanka!

Figure 4.2: Sri Lankan Flag!

Figure 4.3: Sri Lankan Emblem !

Figure 4.4: Sri Lanka’s North under Military Occupation !

Figure 4.5: Cartoon - “Sinhala-only Act”!

Table 4.6: Percentage of Population by Ability to Speak, Read and Write Sinhala, Tamil and English!

Figure 4.7: Unemployment Rate of Females in Sri Lanka!

Figure 4.8: Representation of Women in Parliament in Sri Lanka !

Figure 4.9: Reasons for Being Economically Inactive in Sri Lanka - 2012! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

! "7 List of Acronyms ! ——————————————————————————————————- ! Bodu Bala Sena! BBS

Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of CEDAW Discrimination Against Women!

Centre for Poverty Analysis ! CEPA

Coping with Internal Conflict! CICP

Department of Census and Statistics! DCS

Focus Group Discussions! FGD’s

Growth and Economic Opportunities for Women ! GrOW

International Centre for Ethnic Studies! ICES

International Labour Organization ! ILO

Jathika Hela Urumaya ! JHU

National Freedom Front ! NFF

Social Institutions and Gender Index! SIGI

Transtheoretical Model! TTM

United Nations Development Programme! UNDP

United Nations Research Institute for Social UNRISD Development!

Wellbeing in Development countries Research WeD Group! ! ! ! "8 Abstract! ———————————————————————— ! Throughout history, women have made considerable inroads in labour markets all over the world breaking and modifying some of the most constraining barriers that have been systematically imposed upon them. Nonetheless, gender differentials in the market economy remain obstinately persistent and are continuously translated in substantial divergences when it comes to economic rights and independence such as access to employment, labour force participation and engagement, overall working conditions and lastly, control over economic resources. Particularly, in developing countries, where the bulk of world’s labour force is concentrated, interrelated social labellers such as gender and ethnicity, are used as markers of the injustice and abuse which can be found, deeply intertwined, with extreme cases of vulnerable employability. In many countries corresponding to the global south, including Sri Lanka, exploring the roots of the multifarious challenges that emerge from ingrained patriarchal social systems and conflict-prone societies, which often remain concealed in rigid societal structures, can be of vital importance to understand the real elements that contribute on a daily basis to maintain women at the margin of the labour market. !

Departing from inductive reasoning and with the use of qualitative data collected through a combination of in-depth interviews and focus groups discussions, the aim of this research is to explain how ethnicity as well as its implicit and explicit manifestations play a role when delineating women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market. As the findings show, which will be discussed thoroughly in the last chapter, identity attributes are still considered social facilitators or constrainers, particularly when it comes to gender and ethnicity which ultimately can be considered as the dual axes of marginalisation. In the current Sri Lankan post-war society, enduring gender-roles and staggering ethnic labelling handicap its population by coming to arouse memories from the past whilst constructing fragile and uncertain prospects for the future. The country’s recent political transition might provide the chance to break long-sustained grievances, exclusionary campaigns and narrow-minded stereotypes in order for the vernaculars to live up to their national salutation that wishes a long and prosperous life to everybody, ayubowan. !

Key words: gender, ethnicity, marginalisation, empowerment, labour market, Sri Lanka

! "9 Chapter 1:! —————————————————— Introduction! ———————————————————————— ! The case study of Sri Lanka in which high levels of education as well as a relatively stable economic growth are shadowed by the lack of female participation as labour force, has proven to be of extreme relevance with regard to ongoing pattern of gender inequality and overall lack of female empowerment as in this particular country, 70.3% of the economically inactive population accounts for women (UNDP, 2014:80)1 . In To work or not to work? Factors holding women back from market work in Sri Lanka and as part of the ILO project Female Employment Trends in South Asia, the main reasons which condition the amount of female participation and engagement in market work in Sri Lanka such as individual and household characteristics, socio-economic factors and familial responsibilities, are explored. Taking into account that most Sri Lankan women end up being married, special attention should be paid to the factors discouraging married women from entering the workforce or constraining their performance in such, which are normally cultural and household conditionings (ILO, 2013: xii). Following this criteria, this research exclusively focuses on exploring the interaction between gender and ethnic differentiators that are often used as social markers which often accentuate the risk of reoccurring discrimination patterns which already fuelled past confrontations that led to a bloody and demoralising civil war in the former Ceylon. !

Additionally, in a multi-cultural society such as the one of Sri Lanka in which ethnic and religious heterogeneity can be observed through different existing languages, beliefs, norms and behavioural patterns; identity and socialised gender-roles are extremely dominant aspects of every household and are critical components of female participation and decision-making strategies (ILO, 2013:4). Furthermore, cultural and locational contexts are determinant foundations for both men’s and women’s time use and can be utilised to explain one of the main challenges that comes with female participation in Sri Lanka which arises when women enter the workforce and have to spend an average of three additional hours working a day in order to complete their chores and meet their responsibilities. (ILO, 2013:37).!

These, are some of the arguments that urge the exploration of the relation between ethnicity and women’s economic participation, opportunities and growth in Sri Lanka which are just superficially "1 At least with regard to the formal economy. ! "10 examined in the ILO report To work or not to work? Factors holding women back from market work in Sri Lanka and which could provide a solid cultural framework in terms of participation, to the GrOW research study Revisiting Empowerment: a Wellbeing Approach to Understanding Women’s Economic Empowerment (GrOW proposal 2015:2). Exploring gender and ethnicity as the dual and enduring axes of marginalisation in this country is not only relevant in order to break with long- sustained grievances, exclusionary campaigns and narrow-minded stereotypes that weaken the post- conflict reconstruction efforts. Besides of that and as suggested earlier, this research hopes to contribute to the creation of more knowledge in this particular area so that mainly other countries in the global south, also affected by deep-rooted patriarchal social systems and conflict-prone societies can tackle the inhibitors that maintain women at the margin of the labour market. Relevant to this, currently, 48.4% of the female workforce, globally, remains unutilized, at least with regard to the formal market economy (ILO, 2010:3). This shows the interconnection between gender inequality and economic performance. !

This study is also theoretically innovative as it integrates various elements of ethnic studies, wellbeing approach, conflict theory and empowerment in order to decipher women’s broader role in society, in this case associated to labour, encompassing elements that have been often overlooked in previous studies and which contribute importantly to marginalisation trends that are visible as products of the interrelation of multiple identity characteristics and delineators. The combination of the leading axes of marginalisation, gender and ethnicity in a sole research project enables the opportunity to explore the intersection of both delicate elements in a particular context, Sri Lanka, in which taboo topics related to social differentiators have been often underseen and avoided, mainly during the civil war, an extremely fragile period in the history of the country, in which for almost thirty years research activities were discontinued or conducted superficially. Particularly with regard to ethnic-related identity traits, which in Sri Lankan remain a highly sensitive topic, awareness, acceptance and overall knowledge needs to be raised so that this multi-ethnic country can live up to its heterogeneity and enjoy freedom from the confines of identity. !

Furthermore, this project is directed to obtain an understanding of what it is to be a woman and additionally a female element of labour force in Sri Lanka, Colombo, emphasising a specific interest in the ethnic background and origin of the participants of the study. Additionally, the use of an inductive approach will enable to position the women’s singular experiences in the labour market at the centre of the overall research including both, their personal objective circumstances and

! "11 subjective perception of wellbeing, empowerment, ethnicity and conflict2 . This small but illustrative case study will combine in-depth interviews and focus group discussions as a bridge to answer the main research question “How does ethnicity and its implicit and explicit manifestations play a role when delineating women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market?”!

It must be added that specially in formally conflict-affected regions such as the Northern and Eastern Province of the country significant knowledge gaps, when referring to women empowerment and participation in the labour world, continue to exist. In line with this, numerous unfavourable and conditioning factors, principally noticeable in the Eastern area, reduce female possibilities of participating in the labour market even more, up to 11 per cent. This last remark can be extremely problematic as many more women are responsible for their households in current times than before the conflict, when economic vulnerabilities were reduced by the role men played in sustaining their families (ILO, 2013: xii). Unfortunately, the undertaking of research in the districts that were heavily affected by the war was rigorously limited by the government so that still in current times, now that the war is over, international visitors and students are denied the access to numerous sites and are not easily provided with a special permit to carry out fieldwork. This last, suggests that the important knowledge gap that is present in those areas remains difficult to be filled posing a major hindrance to the wider understanding of the country’s situation in terms of development and challenges. !

The remainder of this thesis is organised as follows. After the introduction, the second chapter will describe the theoretical framework including the conceptual scheme at the end, in which each of the theories and approaches discussed, will be portrayed in a visual matrix. In the third chapter, the research methodology will be profiled, including the main research question and its subsequent and complimentary sub-questions. The fourth chapter will integrate the empirical context of Sri Lanka in which the research site will be described including existing policies which are relevant to explore women’s integration or marginalisation in the labour market. The fifth chapter will consist of the analysis, to be more precise, in this section the primary data collected during fieldwork will be presented and dismantled in a series of sub-chapters divided by thematic blocks. In addition, the researched sub-questions will be answered providing the first concise outlook of relevant examined researched points. Finally, in the sixth and final chapter, the answer to the main research question will be presented. In addition, theoretical and methodological reflections, policy recommendations

"2 It must be remembered that this a relatively small case study so that it is not representative for all women in Colombo.! "12 for the Sri Lankan government and further research proposed ideas as well as overall research recommendations, will be added to this conclusive section.! !

! "13 Chapter 2:! —————————————————— Theoretical Framework! ———————————————————————— ! In this section a number of theories and overarching concepts which are central for the research, will be discussed. Firstly and in order to step out of what can be considered a more conventional and material way to understand, conceptualise and consequently measure poverty and deficiency, the wellbeing approach will be explored. Secondly and to extend the introspection of what people do and are and how they feel about it, the concept of empowerment related to various decision- making processes, in this case focused mainly on gender, will be presented. Thirdly, the underlying meaning of ethnicity will be explained, making a distinction between what can be described as its movable or time-bound and immovable or enduring components. Lastly and as an encircling debate, conflict theory will be discussed and applied to disentangle the emotional, verbal and physical expressions of enmity, in this case, in the Sri Lankan society. It is relevant to mention that the understanding of some of these concepts thus theories, are subjectively conceived, at least partially, demanding the recognition of specific cultural considerations, structures and identities.!

2.1 Looking through the wellbeing lens!

When referring to the theoretical framework, the wellbeing approach will be used as the departing point for other additional theories related to empowerment, ethnicity and conflict to unfold. Such interconnection will be portrayed in the conceptual scheme which will be presented at the end of this chapter. Thus, this theory, particularly with regard to subjective wellbeing, will be central to the overall congruity when analysing the multidimensionality of both gender and ethnic issues in the singular context of Sri Lanka.!

To begin with and as described in Perspectives on Labour Economics for Development, “labour market plays a central role in determining economic and social progress in developing countries since employment status is one of the key determinants of exiting poverty” (ILO, 2013:2). Undoubtedly, employment can be considered as one of the major routes out of extreme cases of deprivation but simultaneously it is incorrect to assume that growth in the economy can have a direct positive impact on the mitigation of poverty. Specifically, when taking into account low and middle-income countries, the labour market will be often characterised by its profound ! "14 segmentation, not only associated to the existent informal and formal sectors but also to a vast variation in the conditions of employability within those sectors. Additionally, the recognition of poverty by encompassing the notions of equity and inequality to its definition and not merely the relation of those concepts to the economic and material understanding of being underprivileged has become fundamental in this debate. !

According to the ILO and stated in the report Working out of Poverty, “the persistence of poverty is a moral indictment of our times (...) and while there are some signs of progress, the fact remains: never have we seen so much wealth while so many continue to live in abject poverty” (ILO, 2003:1). Poverty is a complex and deep-rooted phenomenon that is present in every society of the world, no nation, not even an industrialised one, is immune to its wide- spreading and devastating effects.!

Particularly, after the 2008 crisis, traditional economic frameworks began to be challenged as they started to appear unsuitable to cope with the major global quandaries of the century, poverty, undoubtedly, but also staggering inequalities and boundless environmental devastation (Pouw & McGregor 2014:6). This first universal recession after the Second World War was left without any efficient countercyclical responses so that the until then dominant and pivotal role of economics related to development and prosperity, was thoroughly questioned. This last, emphasised the need to move away from neoclassic economics towards a more holistic approach, the wellbeing approach (Pouw & McGregor, 2014; Stiglitz et al. 2011). In this theory, wellbeing and human capital are regarded as the cornerstones of progress and development rather than purely traditional and conventional welfare considerations, which have dominated human’s understanding of growth until quite recently. By taking into account a pluralist point of view, human wellbeing, placed at the middle of the equation, would enable the tackling of issues related to social equity and sustainability a priori and not posteriori as it has often been done following the market’s economy guidelines (Pouw & McGregor, 2014:10).!

Wellbeing is unquestionably a difficult concept to define particularly because it is most of the times a subjectively constructed term. Nonetheless, it is unanimously agreed upon that wellbeing “is the sense of having what you need for life to be good” (White, 2009:3). In addition to this and although wellbeing is a relatively new perspective, it builds upon already existing theoretical structures as the livelihood approach in which a person’s economic activity and engagement corresponds to a fusion of many elements such as influences, conceptions, plans, priorities, undertakings and interrelations which are manifested in social and economic resources. As ! "15 explained by White in Bringing Wellbeing into Development Practice, “wellbeing promotes an actor-oriented focus which emphasises people’s strengths rather than needs” which suggests that it encompasses issues of power, agency and ownership in its conjectural structure (ibid:3).!

In order to understand the abstract constituents of this approach, the Wellbeing in Development Countries Research Group (WeD) explanatory model will be employed. To begin with, WeD’s direct implication with wellbeing started with an interdisciplinary research in four countries which was funded by the UK Economic and Social Research Council in 2002. In consonance with their study, three pillars of wellbeing were recognised, namely the “material, what people have or don’t have, the subjective, what people think or feel and the relational one, what people do or can’t do with it” (McGregor 2007:317).!

Figure 2.1: The Triangle of Wellbeing!

Interdependency is key within this framework and in order to portrait this characteristic, as accurately as possible, White’s attempt to categorise the elements of the variant dimensions of wellbeing will be considered. Firstly, the material dimension, the supposedly most objective one of them all, portraits whether an individual is living and leading a good life by taking into account natural, physical and financial assets. In other words, it encompasses everything a person owns materialistically and all the tangible assets at disposition of an individual including food, shelter and physical environment. Additionally, it also intakes components such as income and expenditure, quality and availability of health and education and infrastructure such as electricity, roads and water supply. ! ! "16 Secondly the subjective dimension, makes reference to a person’s life fulfillment. In other words and as McGregor, another leading author in this theory, would describe, “subjective wellbeing can be explained the meaning that people give to the goals they achieve and the processes in which they engage” with the other pillars of wellbeing (McGregor 2009:105). This spectrum, focuses of a person’s emotional responses, concretely taking into account their feelings, wishes, hopes and fears which are most of the times oriented in a context-specific manner. !

Lastly, the relational dimension makes reference to the “resources a person is able to command and the extent to which they are able to engage with others in order to achieve their particular needs and goals” (McGregor & Summer, 2010:105). This explains wellbeing through all the interlinked networks of societal interaction which an individual experiences as part of a community and which are translated in the amount of support, acceptance, adaptation, togetherness, care and closeness that person encounters in that social setting (White, 2009:13). Taking into account a more inclusionary perspective of economics, the three existing dimension of wellbeing, concretely material wellbeing, relational wellbeing and subjective wellbeing, will be used during the theoretical and practical development of this research. Particularly and in the following sub-chapters, subjective wellbeing will be employed when taking a closer look to the first dimensions of power encompassed in the notion of empowerment and when ethnicity is regarded as a subjective phenomenon in society.!

2.2 Women’s empowerment and decisions-making processes!

According to the United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD, 1999), when referring to empowerment, the idea of power3 can be used as the starting point to define one’s ability to make choices which can be observed at different levels and through a range of various processes. In line with this, it can be argued that choice as such, necessarily entails the existence of alternatives and the consequent selection from those options. In addition, the disability to make choices, or even the manifestation of denied choice, could be easily portrayed as disempowerment, particularly when referring to a person who is unable to be part of “the process of change” (UNRISD, 1999:3). Thus, empowerment can be understood as the means to an end, to change.!

"3 Narayan, Pritchett & Kapoor (2009), highlight the existence of four types of power, namely “power to”, “power with”, “power over” positive and lastly “power over” negative. This differentiation, is of extreme relevance and interest for development studies in general, specially with particular focus on poverty as a cause of “unequal power relations”. Nevertheless, for this research, power as such will be portrayed through a so-called “process of change” and a series of “order choices”. ! "17 Figure 2.2: The Process of Change !

Two different categorisations of choices can be found so that a distinction between first and second order choices, with regard to power and to the significance and consequences they have in people’s lives, can be found. First order choices that provide the framework for other choices to take place are the ones that encompass basic and strategic life elections such as choice of livelihood, of whom to marry, of whether to have children, among others. Second order choices such as the ability to choose what to have for lunch, which leisure activity to carry out and others, would correspond to less consequential decisions in terms of their impact in people’s lives. The latter is not considered an essential part of the theoretical composition of this particular topic of research thus will not be developed further (ibid:2) !

In the aforementioned first order choices and particularly in the process of social change, three interlinked stages can be identified. Firstly, the preconditions or resources, secondly the process or agency and thirdly the outcomes or achievements would constitute the choice paradigm. The first dimension of power relates directly to the pre-conditions or resources, encompassing material wealth in the traditional economic understudying but also multiple human and social capital in a broader and inclusionary sense (Sen, 1999:8). The acquisition of resources through social relationships and institutional domains including the state, market, family and community reflects the rules and norms that are in force as well as the principles of distribution and exchange within a society (ibid:xiii). Like this, power is exercised by delimiting the boundaries of choice and opportunity in people’s lives. As for the second dimension of power in this “first order choices category,” agency, reference is made to the capability to determine and recognise one’s aims and purposes in general and act upon them (UNRISD, 1999:10). This process, which is often operationalized as “decision-making” can either be embodied in a positive or negative form (ibid:3). Thus, it can be either understood as the process of imparting “power to” or exerting “power over” (ibid:4). With the use of the positive manifestation of power, people see themselves capable of defining their personal choices and reach out for their objectives autonomously of the opposition and resistance they might encounter in their surroundings. In contraposition, the negative expression ! "18 of agency can be experienced when power is imposed upon others ignoring their needs, wishes and goals. This pattern can be often experienced in so-called “unequal interpersonal relations” when an actor or a collective set of actors force their will upon the considered weaker ones who have to endure a dominant and at times aggressive demeanour (ibid:4).!

Recapitulating, resources and positive agency combined can be also understood as what Amartya Sen would describe as “capabilities” (Sen, 1999:10). In other words, the constellation of these two elements would result in the real opportunities people have in order to live the lives they truly value (ibid:14). Central to this, by reaching valuable ways of being and doing also described as functionings by Sen, an individual could experience wellbeing and development as a result of a “capability expansion” (ibid:18). Lastly, the third dimension of power, the outcomes or achievements, represent the result of the fusion of the previously mentioned domains, resources and agency, in which the ability to choose, where it all starts, can be regarded as the cornerstone of empowerment (UNRISD, 1999:2-4).!

As it has been mentioned previously, empowerment, indubitably, entails change. Furthermore, this transformation can be experienced at various levels, at a deeper level, an intermediate level and an immediate level. The first one mentioned, represents the changes or alterations that are made on hierarchies and structures of the state or the economy and which normally take a considerable amount of time and effort, the second one occurs in personal and interdependent relationships such as the ones present in a family, friendship or romantic relationship and lastly, the third one are encountered within the individual. By using the example given by the UNRISD in The Conditions and Consequences of Choice: Reflections on the Measurement of Women’s Empowerment, in the hypothetical case that power of choice was denied to women in a particular society, deeper level change would be achieved by the remodeling of structural associations in which gender but also other social categories as caste or class would result directly implicated in the revisionism spiral. The intermediate level change would consist of a redistribution of resources or a redrafting and reconfiguring of internal rules within the household or personal spaces, which would affect all the parties involved in those spatial dynamics. Lastly, the changes in the immediate level would encircle the ones that result in individual agency and achievements which would stand for the sheerest form of a persons’ independent actions and free choices (ibid:10).!

In consonance with this, the manifestation of empowerment through change and vice-versa, at least when making reference to the immediate change, can be explained by a trans-theoretical model (TTM) proposed by Prochaska and DiClemente in the year 1983. Applicable to various ! "19 performances, populations and contexts, this model focused on the process of effective interventions that consequently trigger long-lasting change in order to restore problematic conduct or to acquire constructive habits. Concretely, the TTM suggests that change can be achieved through five interlinked phases which are firstly precontemplation, secondly contemplation, thirdly preparation, fourthly action and fifthly maintenance which all lead to decisional balance. These will be explained briefly next. !

Figure 2.3: Trans-theoretical Model!

During precontemplation, an individual is not ready for change yet as it might be in the stage of consciously wanting to ignore his/her problem or having simply no intention to change the situation he/she is in. Throughout the second stage, contemplation, an individual is more open to change but is not quite ready to take the leading step towards new chances or realities. The creation and sustenance of beneficial outcome expectations are fundamental in order to move to the next stage, preparation. When done so, an individual is ready for embarking in the journey of change and takes small steps towards the ultimate goal. The preparation can be described as the first action oriented stage which will demarcate greatly the phases to come. Action is the phase in which the change is taking place. This change includes behavioural change but can also be experienced by transformations occurring in others as well as in the environment. The belief in one’s ability to prosper and achieve the set aims will be key to for the next stage, maintenance. Nonetheless, the! "20 change process can be also negatively affected by what can be understood as relapse, when the individual falls back into old behavioural patterns thus finding him or herself in an earlier stage of change, needing a reassessment of the existing barriers (Pro-change, 2015). In congruence with the TTM, when the benefits and drawbacks of change are being evaluated, particularly during contemplation, the wellbeing approach can be mentioned. During this last, so-called “trade-offs” can be identified through the which a person weights individual and collective wellbeing as well as “potential synergies” (Pouw & McGregor, 2014:18). Here again, social organisation and cohesion in all its expressions, play a crucial role when setting the norms, rules of behaviour and expectations about the trade-offs that will be expected from an individual or citizen, hence influencing its identity shaping and decision-making (ibid).! ! Going back to the previous distinction made by UNRISD, it can be mentioned that it provides a solid framework to envision empowerment as a dynamic decision-making process which is bound to cultural relativism and which has gone through many evolutionary phases since its first consideration. To explore this idea further, approximately two decades ago, a groundbreaking platform for gender equality and women’s empowerment, the Fourth World Conference on Women in Beijing, was founded. During this particular event, the pursue of equal access in the labour market for all, elimination of all forms of occupational segregation, the buildup of women’s economic rights and independence and the harmonisation of family and work chores, were some of the long wished for objectives that passed to be at the top of the international agenda that aimed for female protection, empowerment and recognition (ILO, 2010: ix). Nowadays, gender inequality remains a day to day phenomenon that causes significant development but mainly human costs.! ! In every social organisation, gender-based discrimination and inequality are persistent realities which are projected through basic quotidian activities as well as various complex interactions at the very same time. Worldwide, many women are looked upon unfairly and negatively in comparison to the opposite sex, which can be translated into multiple and sustained forms of privation, lack of choices and opportunities and principally lower investment in their education, health and wellbeing (Kumar, P. & Sekhar, R. 2007:1-8). To be more concrete, this can be also expressed in high levels of dissatisfaction with regard to the goals that cannot be achieved in life that primordially and ultimately affect women’s subjective wellbeing, in a psychological and emotional manner. Gender- gaps are mainly observable in the existing mismatches that both men and women face when it comes to their overall presence in the labour market and particularly when taking a closer look to their possibility of economic upgrading and fulfillment (Library of Economics and Liberty, 2015). ! "21 In many countries of the global south, females are constrained by their unfreedom to make basic decisions regarding their skills development, job aspirations and choice, family and occupational roles and overall involvement to the labour market or the formal sector of economy which is highly male-dominated. This limited scope of movement to reach self-accomplishment and self-satisfaction can be expressed with the use of the antagonistic term of wellbeing, namely illbeing, which makes reference to negative feelings such as helplessness, powerlessness, frustration and isolation that are often observable as a “state of mind and being” in marginalised groups of society, including women (Narayan et al. 2000:21). ! ! From a different angle, in many situations in which women have access to the market, they are usually overrepresented in the informal sector, making them an extremely vulnerable group to hostile and sometimes dangerous conditions, which contributes to their levels of poverty, and illness. Of the billion people who are living on less than a dollar a day, in developing countries, an approximate of 70% of them are females, which means that this group in society is one of the most affected ones to economic instabilities, fluctuations and depressions (Woman Moving Millions, 2015).! ! Taking into account an educational background for comparison, women with the same knowledge and skills than men and who are undertaking the same activities in the labour market as the opposite sex, earn an approximate of three-quarters of what they should earn. Additionally, it has been proven that women spend twice as much time than men on household chores and four times more on childcare. The management of multiple roles such as subsistence production, income generation, household maintenance and child raising activities can cause conflict with the process of empowerment and the status of wellbeing that women pursue and enjoy. According to a recent study, concretely in 2010, carried out by the International Labour Organization (ILO), almost half, so 48.4%, of the productive potential female population, worldwide, remained unutilized in the formal sector, in that same year (ILO, 2010:3). This last brings us to the particular case study of Sri Lanka in which high levels of education as well as a relatively stable economic growth are shadowed by the lack of female participation as labour force. This is mainly caused by individual and household constraining characteristics, socio-economic factors and familial responsibilities which are present in rural, urban and estate areas, making this phenomenon one of national importance and concern (ILO, 2013:xi-xv).! ! ! ! "22 2.3 Ethnicity: manifestations, relations and implications! ! When making reference to ethnicity, most social scientist would broadly define it as “shared racial, linguistic or national entity of a social group” (Chandra, 2005:4). Nevertheless, it is primordial to remember that this concept can be perceived differently depending on the context, space and time. Specially, in the last 20 years, four major approaches respecting ethnicity can be distinguished: ethnicity regarded as a primordial phenomenon, ethnicity understood as an epiphenomenon, ethnicity viewed as a situational phenomenon and ethnicity conceived as a subjective phenomenon. The very first approach, the oldest in anthropological and sociological literature, suggests that ethnicity is a component given at birth that perdures in time providing the basic structure of human society. The other approaches, emerged as a result of criticism to this limiting primordialist approach suggesting that ethnicity goes beyond its reduction as something purely ascribed at birth (Isajiw, 1992:2).! ! The second approach, the epiphenomenon one, can be explained by Michael Hechter’s theory of cultural separation of labour and internal colonialism. To explain this idea further, the author suggests that the economic structure of society can be separated into two categorical sectors, which he would describe as the centre and the periphery. In the latter, where the marginalised jobs are concentrated, immigrants that count as the labour force of this sector develop and maintain their own culture and distance themselves from the centre. In this sense, ethnicity is something that derives from uneven economy or as a result of economic exploitation. This approach goes in line with the basic foundations of one particular school of thought in the 1970’s that rejected an independent definition of ethnicity stating that all culture is epiphenomenal to class. The third approach, however, challenged the epiphenomenal perspective by stating that ethnicity conceived that way may be significant and applicable in some confined situations but may be irrelevant and obstructing in others. The situational approach was founded upon the rational choice theory arguing that individuals may consider themselves as part of an ethnic group if benefit can be subtracted from the process and actions derived from a self-differentiating collectivity (ibid:3).! ! The last approach that conceives ethnicity as a subjective phenomenon stands as the contraposition of the previously presented perspectives by stating that ethnicity is not merely based on the pursuit of practical, material and advantageous benefits but that it encompasses a complex conception of identity and feelings. It argues that ethnicity is a social-psychological reality in which there is a recognition of an us and of a them. It must be added that subjectivist do not necessarily ! "23 reject the idea of objective aspects of ethnicity but stress the importance of what can be perceived individually as a fundamental component of an ethnic experience. One of the most relevant and transcendental subjectivist approaches with regard to ethnicity is the one that is related to the post- modernist movement in contemporary thought, concretely, constructionism. This suggests that ethnicity is negotiated and build upon quotidian activities that as Pierre Bourdieu defends, are the main factors that shape the social structure and overall phenomena. It also explores the idea that ethnicity is a process which continues to unfold representing an unpredictable trail of possible outcomes (ibid:4). In addition, this subjectivist approach of ethnicity portrays people as agents of culture and carriers of their own ethnic identity which can be interconnected to the wellbeing approach, concretely when referring to cognitive or subjective wellbeing. In this dimension of wellbeing, cultural relativism, in which ethnicity is embedded, can be regarded as a pivotal element that influences, at least until a certain extent, what people in a society hold dear and consider important to lead the lives they value (Sen, 1999:10). Both subjective wellbeing and ethnicity as a subjective phenomenon are continuously constituted “through the work of human subjects operating at interstices of social structure, institutional culture and political economy” (White, 2006:2) with special emphasis on a person’s particular vision, evaluation and understanding of their reality and quality of life (Pouw & McGregor, 2014:16). ! ! Taking these various approaches into account, other definitions of ethnicity that have been widely accepted in different periods of time, should be highlighted:! ! M. Weber: “Ethnic groups are those human groups that entertain a subjective belief in their common descent because of similarities of physical type or of customs or both, or because of memories of colonisation or migration; this belief must be important for the propagation of group formation; conversely, it does not matter whether or not an objective blood relationship exists.” (Hutchinson & Smith 1996: 35).! ! D. Horowitz: “Ethnicity is based on a myth of collective ancestry, which usually carries with it traits believed to be innate. Some notion of ascription, however diluted, and affinity deriving from it are inseparable from the concept of ethnicity.” (Horowitz 1985: 52).! ! J. Fearon: ”An ethnic group is a group that has one or more of the following features: (1) Membership is reckoned primarily by descent (2) Members are conscious of group membership (3) Members share distinguishing cultural features (4) These cultural features ! "24 are valued by a majority of members (5) The group has or remembers a homeland (6) The group has a shared history as a group that is “not wholly manufactured but has some basis in fact.” (Fearon 2003: 7).! ! Having already discussed ethnicity from a theoretical point of view, the case of Sri Lanka will be explained further. In a multi-cultural society such as the one that is present in the Asian country, ethic and religious heterogeneity can be observed through different existing languages, beliefs, norms, behavioural patterns and identity (ILO, 2013:4). Furthermore, cultural and locational contexts are determinant foundations for both men’s and women’s time use and ascribed roles (ILO, 2013:37). Concretely, in the ILO report, emphasis is being made on the existing “differences in individual and household characteristics and socio-economic class” to establish whether women are motivated or seek to work for economic remuneration or not (ILO, 2013:36). This last can be directly aligned to the wellbeing approach, mainly to the subjective and material perspectives. ! ! 2.4 Conflict theory: variation in conflict! ! Mainly in social sciences, conflict theory has been employed to explore and define the existing power dynamics, struggle and coercion in diverse contexts in which different groups are continuously and most of the times aggressively, competing for material and immaterial assets. In addition, it also aims to explain the multidimensional contours of conflict by answering where power is located and consequently who can make use of that power. Another central component of conflict theory is the process of reconnoitring the unequal redistribution of resources which often consolidates in an inexorable social stratification (Collins & Dahrendorf 2006: 211), and potential conflict and strive. Related to this last, the first influential author of conflict theory, Karl Marx, expressed his concerns, concretely about the dialectics of capitalism, by stating that the control of material production could be seen as the causal element for an unbreakable formation of economic social classes in which the bourgeoisie, owners of the means of production were differentiated from the proletariat, the working class. He believed that the rigid division of labour would result in a class struggle in which the exploited would unite and stand up for the oppression subdued upon them.! ! This initial statement of conflict theory was reformulated by Max Weber in which not only the economy but its interaction with the state were highlighted as the inducers of conflict. Nonetheless, ! "25 the groundbreaking collaboration of Weber to this perspective can be explained by his introduction of the idea of legitimacy. In other words, he believed that in every system of oppressive control, the key was on how the subordinates perceived the so-called existing authority. Thus, if that authority was not conceived as something legitimate, conflict would develop. He also argued that there were other fundamental components that triggered social inequality and consequently aggressive tensions such as power, understood as “the ability to impose one’s will on another, even when the other objects” and status, portrayed as “the likelihood that life chances are determined by social honour or prestige” (Giddens, 1970: 290).! ! Since then, a number of different authors have combined multiple elements creating at times, divergent theoretical ideas around this particular debate. For this research topic and as a juncture to the previous theories presented, the contributions of Lewis Coser, in what can be understood as modern conflict theory, will be exhibited. As a starting point, this author describes conflict as “a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power and resources in which the aims of the opponents are to neutralise, injure or eliminate their rivals” (Mpofu, 2011:210).! ! Following the steps of one of the most renowned conflict theorist’s Georg Simmel, this author defends that conflict is both necessary, instinctive and innate to human beings and hence part of the intragroups and intergroups that comprise society. In line with this, conflict is often perceived as a safety valve as it has the ability to continuously release tensions, discrepancies and overall polarisations holding at least relatively, the existing social relations. He also challenges the mainstream understanding of conflict as the dominant originator of disintegration, civil unrest and violence by supporting the idea that every social structure is in need for “disharmony as well as harmony, dissociation as well as association (…) because conflicts far from being necessarily dysfunctional can be essential in group formation and in the persistence of group life” (Coser 1956:31).! ! According to Coser, conflict can be also goal oriented and by acknowledging this fact, the existence of multidirectional paths to reach that aim needs to be recognised as well. By doing so, a wide range of types and levels of conflict unfolds in which the intensity of the violence and the functional consequences of disputes are essential to establish the real variation in conflict. Although he introduces this new concept of functions of social conflict, he also concurs with many preceding authors that most of the social conflicts are originated by an uneven distribution of resources which Weber would define as class, status and power. Like Simmel, Coser focuses on the intersection of ! "26 those structures and systems of inequality and stratification. In addition, he also recognises Marx’s elaboration on the source of conflict explained as a group’s feeling of deprivation induced by class differentiators. Related to this, distinction is made between absolute and relative deprivation. The former makes reference to the situation in which a person is unable to cover the essential in life thus has no willpower nor resources to engage in the process of social change or conflict. The latter stands for the condition of being relatively disadvantaged in which a group will count with the adequate emotional and material assets in order to uprise and stand up for themselves in conflict. Nevertheless, relative deprivation is not regarded as the motivational trigger for people to revolt, it is rather the change from absolute to relative deprivation.! ! In addition, both Simmel and Coser focus on the fluctuations of a conflict measured by the level of violence it holds. On the one hand, a conflict will be less violent if it is employed as the means for reaching a rational outcome in which disputes will be raised as exchange, in other words when negotiation is used as a bargaining method. On the other hand, a conflict will be more violent when there is “emotional involvement and transcendent goals” fuelling the engagement of one or more of the parties involved (Collins & Dahrendorf 2006: 217).! ! In Coser’s conflict theory and when making reference to the integrating forces of conflict, difference is made between an internal and an external conflict. For this particular research topic and due to the fact that the conflict studied in Sri Lanka is a civil war, focus will be placed on internal conflict. This type of clash usually occurs between the groups that are all confined within a social structure and is frequently characterised for its low-level of violence and ongoing hostility release that avoids the conflict from escalating and having a disintegrative effect. It is also suggested that this kind of confrontation enables the creation of orderly authorities, moral incentives and social integration facilitators. Nonetheless, it must be added that not every internal conflict can be denoted by its functionality, on the contrary. By examining the nature of the main antagonists involved in this type of conflict, the intensity of the threat imposed to the values, interests and unity of a particular social structure can be established. In line with this, attention can be drawn to two categorisations of antagonists, the renegades, the discontent people that disclose themselves from the original group they belonged to and that transfer their loyalty to another group based on conviction and the heretics, people that believe to embody the authentic and valuable characteristics of a group in contraposition to the others, based this time, on tradition.! ! ! "27 Coser also contemplates two basic types of internal conflict, the first being the one that imposes a threat to the defining assumptions of the relationship forged between groups and the second being the one that does not. So, if it challenges at least one of the main underlying features of the group it will be of dysfunctional nature putting the stability of the societal dynamic in danger. The composition of a group can be also utilised to determine the functionality or dysfunctionality of a conflict. The author defends this idea by stating that “social structures and intensities differ in the way in which they allow expression to antagonistic claims” (Coser, 1956:152). To explain this further, the network density can be considered as the essential element to establish the longevity of the group, the demands of its people and the frequency of their gatherings. Therefore, high network density can be experienced in situations where there is great personal involvement and where, in the hypothetical case of a conflict, high levels of violence and unrest would be perceived. As contraposition, in low network density groups, with less member interaction and less emotional engagement, a case of dysfunctionality would be less likely to happen (Collins & Dahrendorf 2006: 218-219). As an illustrative example and following Coser’s theory for internal conflict, primary, secondary and tertiary parties can be identified in the Sri Lankan Civil War or also known as intragroup dispute. The elaboration of a so-called conflict map can allow to establish the proximity of each of the antagonistic parties to the conflict as well as determine the existing sub-systems in which those actors operate which in this case are the military, the ethno-political and the ethno- societal ones (Ropers, 2008: 12).! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! "28 ! Figure 2.4: Actors within the Three Conflict (Sub-)Systems in Sri Lanka !

2.5 Conclusion! ! As a finalising and concluding feature of this chapter, it is considered appropriate to present the conceptual framework that will merge all the pieces of the puzzle. Through this system of concepts that was produced and extracted from the theoretical approaches bestowed above, the relational connections that have motivated in this particular research and that consequently have become part of it, will be bestowed. Firstly, when observing this visual composition, it will be noticeable that the four theoretical pillars, concretely wellbeing, empowerment, ethnicity and conflict theory will be pointing towards the centre of the scheme, representing their direct influence over women’s access, participation and engagement in the labour market in Sri Lanka. In addition, both the geopolitical ! "29 context as well as the existing gender-roles will be considered as crucial components when analysing women’s presence in the market economy specially with regard to this case study in which the patriarchal social system and the urban lifestyle in the commercial capital, Colombo, will have to be equally included in the debate. ! ! Furthermore, when taking into account empowerment and conflict theory, one aspect that both have in common, will be central to the discussion, namely power, understood on the one hand as the instigator of change and on the second hand as the key element when analysing the struggle that arises from the competition for material and immaterial assets and benefits in any social structure. Power will be also fundamental when exploring the process of social change concretely when referring to the motivation behind a person’s first order choices in which agency in combination with resources, can be defined as the cornerstone of a possible capabilities expansion. In line with this last, the first dimension of power also understood as pre-conditions or resources will be interconnected to the material understanding of wellbeing, as both encompass material wealth in their definition and broader understanding. ! ! When exploring ethnicity as a situational approach, in which individuals may consider themselves part of an ethnic group if benefit can be subtracted from the process and actions derived from a self-differentiating collectivity, a connection will be forged to both, the material and the relational categorisations of wellbeing. Both the situational approach and the wellbeing perspective will commonly share material dimensions and also aspects of social interaction and network building. Ethnicity understood as a subjective phenomenon will be linked to the subjective definition of wellbeing in which the recognition of feelings for the construction of a social- psychological identity and to define the sense and magnitude of life fulfillment experienced by an individual will constitute the overreaching bridge of both theories. Lastly and when taking into account a context-specific comprehension of this case study, ethnicity understood as an epiphenomenon will be associated to the differentiation of absolute and relative deprivation made in conflict theory. By doing so, a platform to explore the economic structure of society and the cultural separation of labour in the former Ceylon will emerge on the basis of these theoretical roots. Particularly, these various approaches and its connections will enable the answer to the main research question in which gender and ethnicity will be regarded as the stepping stones to both analyse and explain women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market. ! ! ! "30 Figure 2.5: Conceptual Scheme4 !

"4 When referring to women as “economically inactive”, as it is portrayed in the conceptual scheme, it is being meant that they do not participate in the formal labour market. To clarify further, it is never meant to suggest that they do not produce goods and services, on the contrary. Many of those women are part of the informal sector or unpaid labour category, in their households or the communities they belong to. ! "31 Chapter 3:! —————————————————— Research Methodology ! ——————————————————————- ! This chapter explores in general, the methodological departing points and criteria that have been employed to develop this project. To be more concrete, in the first subsection, the epistemology of this research will be discussed. After this, the main research question and its consecutive sub- questions will be presented. The third subsection, will portray the research methods and units of analysis. The fourth one, will include the data analysis that will be followed by the end of this chapter which will signal the limitations, research challenges, ethical considerations and a brief conclusion. !

3.1 Methodological approach!

As for the epistemological stance, it is relevant to mention that this research departs from a constructivist perspective. The reason behind it is that this particular case study in Colombo, Sri Lanka is intended to facilitate the understanding of what can be described as “the world of human experience” (Cohen & Manion, 1994:36). In other words, it pretends to study a socially constructed reality in which each of the participants’ subjective experience on and off the topic, which is being investigated, as well as their responses, interaction and engagement throughout the different research activities and methods, will be considered of great value. Their own personal backgrounds, experiences and interpretation of such will be used to enable an inductive development of patterns of meanings that ultimately will lead to the creation of other research exploration pathways. !

In addition, it can be established that the main research question as well as the sub-questions, of exploratory characteristics, will be answered with the use of qualitative research methods that include in-depth interviews, focus group discussions and participatory observation. In line with the inductive nature of this project and based upon its bottom-up approach, it must be added that the variables and indicators of most of the studied concepts have been established in the field taking into account the local context.! ! ! "32 !

3.2 Main research question and sub-questions!

To explore the multilevel interaction of gender and ethnic differentiators and its consequent repercussion in enabling or denying access in the labour market, this research projects aims to answer the following questions:!

Box 3.1: Main research question and sub-questions !

How does ethnicity and its implicit and explicit manifestations play a role when delineating women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market?!

• How do social-cultural practices and beliefs influence the creation or maintenance of gender-

roles?!

• How do ethnic characteristics influence women’s identification and exploitation of labour

opportunities?!

• How does the understanding and preconception of agency shape women’s labour decisions and

aspirations?!

• How has the post-war scenario contoured women’s overall presence in society?!

The operationalisation scheme with the main concepts of this study has been added to the thesis in the form of an annex. Recapitulating, the major concepts of this project are: empowerment, ethnicity, wellbeing and conflict, which are also visible in the conceptual scheme. Keeping this conceptual design in mind, empowerment will be looked through resources, agency and outcomes linked to the material dimension of wellbeing and to the general notion of power. Ethnicity will be studied with the use of cultural separation of labour, conceptions of identity and processes and actions derived from collective self-differentiation. Emphasis will be made on exploring ethnicity as a epi-, situational and subjective phenomenon. Wellbeing, will be studied through human, material and social resources that again will be connected to elements belonging to other theoretical approaches such as ethnicity as a situational and subjective phenomenon and through the resources of the first order choices that are part of empowerment. Finally, conflict will be analysed through the

! "33 notions of relative and absolute deprivation and its interconnection to ethnicity regarded as an epiphenomenon.!

It must be remembered that although empowerment, encompassed in so-called second order choices is added onto the operationalisation table it will not be included as part of the research. Equally, ethnicity, as a primordial phenomenon approach, also visible in the operationalisation table, will not be part of the research as this perspective is irrelevant to this particular study. Focus will be placed on the three remaining approaches that derive from this theoretical departure. !

3.3 Research methods, scope and location !

As it has been expressed in the theoretical framework, women’s employability in Colombo is drafted based on the interplay of many interconnected aspects that are part of conflict theory, empowerment, wellbeing approach and ethnic studies. Taking into account this multifarious approach, the units of analysis within this research are twofold. To begin with, strategically selected actors that could provide a general overview on the problematic to be studied, including members of non-governmental organisations, higher educational institutions and policy advisors, most of them who were experts on gender or ethnicity issues, were studied. Moreover and also regarding the units of analysis, the researcher focused on Sri Lankan women from different ethnic groups, particularly from Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities. In addition, special attention was given to the status of these women. In other words, only married women were selected as part of this study. As it has been mentioned in the introduction, almost all Sri Lankan women end up being married so that it was important to focus on the problematic that women who have their own family face when it comes to their incorporation or overall participation in the labour market. Taking these characteristics into account, particularly socio-cultural barriers as part of these women lives as work force, in Colombo, were closely looked at. !

In line with what has been previously mentioned, purposive sampling was used for this research project so that the relevant participants and actors to be included, were selected deliberately. Nonetheless, the group of women that was intended to participate in the research, corresponding to the garment sector, was not possible to be approached as it had been expected. Therefore and as a second option, women with different occupations, indiscriminately, were selected, taking into account their ethnicity and their civil status as required characteristics. Concretely, five women of each of the corresponding ethnic groups were included in the research, all of them married. !

! "34 In order to establish a relevant contact network and get in touch with the respondents, the so- called snowball method was employed. The first contact that was consolidated prior fieldwork, Hema Goonatilake, the president of one of the oldest organisations of the country, the Royal Asiatic Society of Sri Lanka, kindly provided assistance and contact information for the development of this study. More specifically, as for the research methods, the foremost method corresponded to in- depth interviews which firstly, were used with key informants that could provide a detailed overview of the Sri Lankan context and problematic to be researched. In-depth interviews were also carried out with each of the women who belonged to Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities, correspondingly. In addition, focus group discussions (FDG’s) were also executed with those women through a series of recreational activities in order to try to address subjects that were not explored enough during the interviews. Due to the relevant subjective viewpoints that are part of empowerment and wellbeing as theories, FGD’s enabled the researcher to examine different understanding about multiple social phenomenon in a personal manner. This rather flexible research method, provided detailed information about understandings, perceptions and feelings allowing multiple lines of communication. Other qualitative methods that were employed in order to triangulate the interviews and focus groups discussions findings were participatory observations and document analysis. As for the last method, it can be stated that multiple documents provided particularly by the Sri Lankan Department of Census and Statistics, the ILO and the UNRISD5 were used to illustrate women’s exercise of agency and labour opportunities and challenges in the Asian country that ultimately helped to answer the second and third research sub-questions. !

3.4 Data analysis !

The data analysis was conducted with both the research notes and the information gathered during the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Firstly and in order to have an overview of the findings, a fairly rudimental and hand-made mind-map was created through which it was easy to identify and understand the overall structure of the researched topic as well as to elaborate some preliminary associations.!

The transcribed data, was analysed qualitatively with the use of particular commands that can be found as part of the program Atlas TI. With the help of this software and its tools, the process of locating, coding and categorising the main findings into themes was possible. Like this, it was also achievable to weight and evaluate the importance of the information gathered based on the

"5 See bibliography. ! "35 connections that were established which were visually illustrated through a set of functions. Concretely, the method of thematic coding was employed so that from the documents collected by the researcher, quotations were able to be subtracted that later were grouped into code groups that consequently illustrated the most important thematic categories in the qualitative data. The analysis of the primary data and the links that were established will be included in the fifth chapter of this thesis. !

Lastly, in order to guarantee the anonymity of the respondents, reference to specific interviews or focus group discussions from the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim women who took part in the research will be done by a combination of letters and numbers and which specification will be included in the annex. !

3.5 Limitations, research challenges and ethical considerations !

To begin with, a positive experience that facilitated the undertaking of the fieldwork was the assistance provided by CEPA that was crucial in order for the researcher to get familiarized, at least in general terms, with the local context. An aspect which can be considered as an important hindering was the incomprehension of the local language so that a translator was needed when interacting with locals, particularly when Sinhala or Tamil languages were required. In occasions, the extensive bulk of information that needed to be exclusively captured by assistants was overwhelming, which limited at times, the reception of all the valuable material that was part of the knowledge gathering process. In addition, in some contexts, being a woman was particularly challenging due to the existence of very particular and strict norms and rules associated with being a woman which signified that being a female researcher was considered out of place, specially when addressing male contestants. Particularly in Muslim communities, the access granted by the gate- keeper was fundamental in other to proceed with the actual research. Another limitation that emerged while being in Colombo was related to the warm summer weather and the monsoon season which signified that the participants, the research assistants and the researcher were all exposed to high temperatures or very heavy rains so that creativity and problem-solving qualities were essential in order to circumvent the weather unpredictable moods.6 !

"6 Another limitation or restrictive aspect of this research arose due to health reasons as just a couple of days before departing from Amsterdam to be based in Colombo, the researcher was diagnosed with mononucleosis so that the fieldwork was forced to be delayed for almost four weeks. The disease had affected the liver so that it became problematic to travel. Therefore, and related to the illness many adaptations that requested money and time had to be made. Due to this unexpected happening, the weeks that were destined for the adaptation and acclimation of the new location and research setting had to be abruptly shortened as well as the time of the actual investigation. ! "36 Ethics played a crucial role in this project as two sensitive issues, gender and ethnicity, were taken into account as theoretical cornerstone and unfolding concepts that were used throughout the entire research. Gender issues, specially in very traditional countries in which there is a clear designation and understanding when referring to women or to men, was sometimes tricky and difficult to research mainly because people tended to feel constricted and even uncomfortable when sharing their perspective about those taboo topics, specially with an outsider. Likewise, ethnicity was extremely problematic to investigate concretely in post-conflict areas in which caste, class and other ethnic associations have had and most of the times still have a great influence when defining people’s interaction and relationships as well as the overall social structures that configure the Sri Lankan society.!

Probably one of the hardest challenges, in terms of ethics, was having to withhold information so that none of the respondents ended up in an awkward or even dangerous situation. This meant that when the researcher talked to the Sinhalese ethnic group about how they experienced the war and in general what this violent ethnic cleansing period meant to them, special discretion had to be destined in order to keep their answers safeguarded. This was also applied when talking to the Tamil ethnic group which also asked for discretion. Nonetheless, both of the ethnic groups asked the researcher questions about each other and about the answers the other group had given. Most of the times, the researcher tried to avoid being asked about the others and tried to simply ignore some questions as politely as possible, though this was sometimes not an option. In certain occasions, they clearly felt frustrated and even angry that the information obtained from another group was not shared with them and their people. In those moments, they thought the researcher was supporting one of the ethnic groups over the other.!

In addition and particularly during the first weeks, the research itself was not perceived as neutral and altruistic. People only started trusting the researcher, the research process and accepting the fact that the findings that were gathered could not be shared with them when the researcher herself shared more about her own background. Most importantly, they understood when the researcher talked about her own country, Mexico, and the tribal and indigenous clashes that also occur at the other side of the world. Sharing personal stories and experiences related to the topics they were interviewed about was the process in which the respondents became the friends of the researcher, so that she was welcomed to both communities, the Sinhalese and the Tamil with open arms and enthusiasm. !

! "37 Briefly, it must be added that all participants were carefully informed about the topic, purpose, activities and duration of the each research related exercises. The opportunity was also given to them to discontinue or skip their participation or involvement in the research, at any stage. In addition, anonymity and confidentiality were guaranteed to the women of the three different communities.!

3.6 Conclusion !

For the purpose of understanding and explaining the dual axes of marginalisation, namely gender and ethnicity, in which empowerment and wellbeing theoretical approaches count with an important subjective perspective, the triangulation of qualitative research methods was crucial, allowing to gather as much information as possible of highly valuable personal experiences, perspectives and opinions. Although generalisability cannot be subtracted from this project due to the rather small sample size used for the research, this study still provides an illustrative and exploratory portrait of multiple social differentiators that condition the integration of women as labour force in Sri Lanka. Following next, the empirical context chapter, will clarify the circumstances of the research that will provide and overarching understanding of the collected data, its analysis and consequent interpretation.! !

! "38 Chapter 4:! —————————————————— Empirical Context of Sri Lanka! ——————————————————————- ! In this chapter, an empirical context of Sri Lanka will be provided. Firstly, the research location as well as a brief historical overview will be presented in which the Sri Lankan Civil War will be included as a crucial turning point. Additionally, expressions of nationhood will be discussed which are particularly interesting in order to put the primary data that was collected during the research, into context. In this sub-section the so-called lion flag, the national emblem and the anthem will be explained. After that the country’s language variation will be mentioned as well as the Official Language Act of 1956 that exacerbated greatly the already existing ethnic tensions. Lastly, an overview of the female’s working reality in the former Ceylon will be portrayed through a series of visual components. !

4.1 Research location and brief historical overview !

Colombo, Sri Lanka’s financial capital was the chosen location for the undertaking of the research. This city is relevant for a study on gender issues, ethnic implications and the existing and evolving labour market characteristics and opportunities, due to several reasons that will be explained next. Firstly and as an overarching framework on this section, a brief historical recapitulation of the South Asian country will be presented. !

From an ethnic perspective, Sri Lanka’s history is of extreme relevance. Concretely, the longest violent clash inside the country, the Sri Lankan Civil War, will be mentioned. Erupted in 1983, this conflict was the consolidation of long-boiling tensions between the Buddhist Sinhalese majority and the Hindu Tamil minority. The root of the conflict is found before the independence of 1948, when the Sinhalese population, accounting for approximate an 82 per cent of the country’s demographic power, felt marginalised by the British governors and started developing their own political and national identity. After the British rule and with the rise of the Sinhalese ethnic group to power, the Hindus minority was harshly discriminated leading to strained and violent relationships between the two ethnic clusters. Thirty-five years later, the civil war broke out and was mainly palpable in the North and the East of the country where the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the government engaged in aggressive, enduring and demoralising confrontations. Since the outburst of ! "39 the war, many attempts of peace negotiations and ceasefire were impulsed by diverse actors but did not stop the conflict from intensifying. It was not until 2009 when the President Rajapaksa launched a specialised military offensive that the terrorist group was defeated and twenty-six years of civil war finally came to an end (Peace Direct, 2013). Nowadays, ethnic tensions are still a reality in Sri Lanka, which continuously shape quotidian interactions, relations and opportunities. This last breaks with the expectations of the country to be a solid, united and “successful post-colonial state” and overshadows its positive traits as a “relatively mature democracy” and the fist country in the Asian continent to advocate for and ultimately enforce universal suffrage (Mel & Pathmalal, 2009:2). !

Figure 4.1: Map of Sri Lanka!

By making reference to gender and as it has already been mentioned before, gender-based discrimination is an ongoing obstacle in many countries globally, including Sri Lanka. Gender-gaps are specially observed with regard to the prevailing and sometimes enraging disparities of men and women when it comes to their access, participation and general engagement in the labour front and their chance of economic advancement and realisation (Library of Economics and Liberty, 2015). Concretely, 1980 was the year in which Sri Lanka signed the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) which committed to eradicate all forms of gender discrimination. Nonetheless, this country still faces a major challenge: generating equal access to the market as well as employment opportunities for its female population. While 75% of the male population of working age participate in the local market, the female labour force stands at only 34%, positioning this country at a low level in the Gender Inequality Index in which the ! "40 concerning rates of unequal distribution of human development, are asked for attention (ILO, 2013:1). As mentioned by the Sri Lankan Ministry of Labour Relations and Foreign Employment in the year 2006, in order to achieve consistent equilibrium between both economic and social development protecting minorities and vulnerable groups of society, efforts need to be focused on strengthening five interlinked pillars which are creating the opportunity for work, assuring rights at work, making social protection an obligation, facilitating social dialogue and generating more jobs of acceptable quality that can benefit men and women equally (Ministry of Labour Relations and Foreign Employment, 2006:V). !

Focusing on Sri Lanka, it can be established that the “relatively reasonable," although not impressive, economic growth of 4.9 per cent annually since the year 1977 when the country experienced its financial liberalisation, as well as high levels of national literacy of about 91 per cent in 2010, have not yet facilitated female incorporation in the market, created more remunerative employment opportunities and encouraged occupational mobilities of marginalised groups of society. (ILO, 2013:1). Recognising the need to include women in the labour force could be the first step towards alleviating the high levels of poverty in mostly rural areas, breaking long-lasting socio- cultural barriers to equality, rising the living standards and wellbeing of the inhabitants, maintaining and improving the current economic situation and generate savings which could benefit the rapid ageing population as well as the future Sri Lankan generations (ibid: 2).!

4.2 Expressions of nationhood7 !

Additionally and also as part of the empirical context, expressions of nationhood need to be mentioned as they are fundamental for the formation of nations, hence national identities. These can be often apparent in a wide range of explicit and implicit manifestations which are an integral part of identity-making developments in numerous countries of the world, particularly in heterogeneous societies in which numerous communities that coexist, engage themselves in a silent emblematic battle that is fought on a regular basis (Elgenius, 2005:2). !

In Sri Lanka, national symbols, ceremonies, processions and inherited customs have continuously propelled and steered the formation of self and collective-differentiation as well as the maintenance and change of such. Currently, the perceptible Sri Lankan national identity is predominately dictated by the majority, so that the access and profiteering of state-controlled assets,

"7 This section could have also been featured in the theoretical framework chapter, but due to lack of scientific literature on the topic and the use of mostly secondary information, it was decided for it to be place in the research context chapter. ! "41 tangible and intangible, are extremely limited to non-Sinhala, non-Buddhist nationals, reflecting a reality of extreme cases of social stratification and consequently, discrimination (Mushtaq 20012: 209). !

In this subsection, the national flag, emblem and anthem will be used as examples of strong and mostly one-sided expressions of nationhood which will serve as contextual cornerstones in order to appreciate and understand the narrative that will be presented in the so-called analysis chapter. In “The dual axes of marginalisation, unfolded”, the intersection of gender and ethnicity will prove to be profoundly linked to multiple socialisation processes such as the ones resulting from the consolidation, reinforcement and embodiment of one’s beliefs, a behaviours, attitudes, values and identity.!

4.2.1 The lion flag !

In the case of Sri Lanka, its national flag or popularly known as the “lion flag” can be used as a colourful canvas of ethnic differentiations and nation building processes that has forged the continuum invention and rediscovery of nation-wide distinctions. As a departing point, the symbolic lion, central to the flag, is thought to date back to the pre-colonial era as it was first introduced to the island by the king Vijaya when he first came from India in 486 BC. The lion flag was in use until the government of British Ceylon decided to employ their own flag, hiding the original piece at the Royal Hospital Chelsea were it was soon unrecognised by the autochthonous population. The banner’s rebirth came about soon after the independence movements consolidated in the proclamation of the Republic of Sri Lanka, this time adding additional colour, symbols and meanings to the protogenic version (Sunday Times, 2010). !

Figure 4.2: Sri Lankan Flag! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! "42 Having this in mind and in other words to understand all the underlying messages that are part of the configuration of the modern Sri Lankan flag, each of its components will be thoroughly described next. As it can be observed in the image, the lion, in this version, is not central to the flag anymore but is still the predominant representation of the overall constellation. Firstly, the animal, represents the Sinhalese race, the majority. Both of the stripes that are on its left side, the green and the orange one, stand for the Muslim and the Tamil minorities respectively. The yellow border that surrounds the previously mentioned sections, symbolise the other Sri Lankan minorities. Refocusing on the lion, it can be observed that both the head and the tail are in equal height, which means equality between the ruler and the ruled. Its curly hair or also known as keesara, embodies religious observance, meditation and wisdom. The sword placed in its paw, signifies the sovereignty of the country and its handle, the four elements, namely water, earth, wind and fire. The two front paws represent purity when handling with wealth, the snout intelligence, the eyes vigilance and forward vision and the beard purity of words. The lions tail, with eight pronunciations, stand for the noble eightfold path of Buddhism based on the right view, intention, speech, action, livelihood, effort, mindfulness and concentration. Lastly, the bo-leaves at the four corners of the dark red square symbolise the four virtues of Buddhism, firstly loving-kindness or also known as metta, compassion or karuna, sympathetic joy or mudita and equanimous mind or upeksha (Sunday Times, 2010).!

Through one of the core expressions of nationhood, the national flag, Sri Lanka is disseminating a particular message to the inhabitants of the island in which the Sinhalese identity is positioned in the centre of the dialogue, like the lion, which clearly represents the main attention drawing element of the banner. In line with this and as a foundation of this predominating identity, religion is also symbolised twice as part of the flag, in the bo-leaves and the tail of the lion, but only the Buddhist one, so that the corresponding religions of the other minorities are not included in the picture. In addition, the Sinha, Sanskrit term for lion, displaced on the image above, is adorned with singular, noble and much wanted traits, like its eyes, snout and beard, making this animal an exceptional being, which once again, only stands for the country’s majority. !

4.2.2 The national emblem and anthem !

In line with this mostly one-sided propaganda of the state, further expressions of nationhood send a similar message across, particularly the other remaining core foundations of nationalism, the national emblem and anthem. To begin with, the current emblem represents a clear reflection of the island’s banner in which again, the lion is central to the overall design. Holding the same ! "43 characteristics as the animal in the flag, the emblem’s lion is surrounded this time by the petals of a waterlily, the national flower of the country. In addition, at the bottom, a traditional grain vase can be spotted in which two stalks of rice emerge from it symbolising prosperity. Nonetheless, three new elements which are not portrayed on the banner, are fundamental for explaining this other national representation. The first one is located at the very top of the image, on the crest, namely the wheel of Buddhism or popularly known as Dharmacakra, which stands for the teachings of Buddha and for just rule. !

Figure 4.3: Sri Lankan Emblem! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

The second and third elements, the sun and the moon, which are located on each of the inferior right and left corners, have a foremost place in Buddhism and consequently stand for the Sinhalese majority in this national symbolism matrix. Both, embody Sinhalese heraldic meanings and stand for the supporters (Sunday Observer, 2012). Here, the representation of the minorities are excluded from the general picture which like in the last example confirms the majorities’ identity, ideology and values predominance.!

! "44 The anthem, is widely known for the controversy it has caused in both the Sinhalese and the Tamil communities and the various transformations it has been subjected to since its very creation. The Sri Lankan national anthem, both the lyrics and the music, were created in 1938 by the Bengali poet Rabindranath Tagore. The author shared his composition with one of his students, Ananda Samarakoon who after returning to the former Ceylon, translated the composition into the Sinhala language. It was not only until 1950 that the Minister of Finance J. R. Jayewardene, urged the government to compromise and choose, from multiple options, what would be the first national anthem after the British colonisation, period during which this European country’s hymn was used. After the election of this song as the winner, minor changes were made to it so that it would be aligned to the government’s wishes and vision of the new Sri Lanka and was soon after, translated into Tamil, the second official language. A few years later, the first line of the anthem, concretely “Namo Namo Matha, Apa Sri Lanka” was considered a bad omen and was blamed for the country’s misfortunes as a number of superstitious ideas started to arise from that particular word production so that the it was changed to the present form of “Sri Lanka Lanka Matha, Apa Sri Lanka”. Some traditional supporters of the regime and the own author complained that the anthem had been mutilated which unleashed numerous confrontations in many societal layers (Daily Mirror, 2015).!

The anthem’s controversy didn’t end with a phrase reconstruction as the Tamil community also found themselves in a dubious situation that ultimately arose from the utilisation restrictions of the new hymn. As it has been mentioned, Sri Lanka’s national anthem, was both translated into Sinhalese and Tamil, as a response to the country’s linguistic and cultural diversities in which both the majority and the minority were recognised. Nonetheless, the translation of the hymn into Tamil did not automatically assured that its employment was going to be accepted in both the North and the East of the country, in which Tamil and Muslim demographic concentrations can be found. Concretely, in the year 2009 when the Sri Lankan armed forces defeated the Tamil Tigers, nationalist parties such as the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) and the National Freedom Front (NFF) insisted upon censoring the Tamil version so that one year later, the Home Minister W. D. John Senewiratne seized the opportunity to compose a cabinet paper in which he urged to officially forbid the Tamil anthem. !

The former president, Mahinda Rajapaksa, did not formally commit to this proposal but did not favour the use of the additional adaptation so that in Tamil and Muslim areas the Sri Lankan security forces stopped any use of the Tamil anthem insisting upon the Sinhalese version in schools and other institutions as well as in all public spaces (Adaderana, 2015). Sri Lankan military presence in the Northern area, specially in Vavuniya is still a matter of national concern and of ! "45 latent feelings of suspicion and mistrust which are believed to be linked to what some would denote as a rise of Buddhist fundamentalism in the country which has been signalled as a real threat to minorities (Aljazeera, 2015).!

Figure 4.4: Sri Lanka’s north under military occupation !

4.2.3 One country, two languages !

Conforming to the previous arguments, in the report Political Economy of Internal Conflict in Sri Lanka as part of a larger research project called Coping with Internal Conflict (CICP) of the Netherlands Institute of International Relations, Clingendael, it has been highlighted that the “Tamil minority in general views the Sri Lankan state as a Sinhala hegemonic construct. In support they cite numerous policies of discrimination which without exception, have a strong political element to them. Language is one of the major areas of dispute” (Samarasinghe, 2003:25). !

When positioning language variation as one of the central instigators or sustainers of conflict, language is not only being regarded as an instrument of communication but foremost as a course of ! "46 action that confers a person’s or group’s distinctiveness with regard to others. Moreover, it can be also signalled as an encourager and creator of social bonds based on the foundation of common identity by easily contributing to social cohesion and integration or on the contrary, being a separating and antagonising force (Coperahewa, 2009:72)!

When taking Sri Lankan’s history in mind, it can be established that English was the nation's official language from 1815 to 1956, so that this colonial language continued to be formally in use also after the former Ceylon gained independence in the year 1948. This last, enabled the language to spread deeper influential roots in the government, administration and higher education, so that its presence remains latent mainly as part of the numerous formal national documents and as a crucial element for both the vocabulary construction and the overall structure of one of the vernacular languages, Sinhala. In order to understand the language transition, the Official Language Act of 1956 or also known as the “Sinhala-only Act” has to be mentioned, with which Sinhala became the sole language of the island. The language law was one of the main turning points, which exacerbated the already existing ethnic tension between the Sinhalese and the Tamil communities having immediate and long lasting consequences.!

Figure 4.5: Cartoon about the “Sinhala-only Act”!

! "47 Concretely, it soon became the most controversial socio-political event after the country gained autonomy from the British Crown as it represented a clear example of cultural supremacy and linguistic victory for the majority. In addition, it was not until the civil war had already started, in the year 1988 that the Constitution was amended and the Tamil language was recognised as an official language, just like it had already happened Sinhala many years ago. Now, 59 years have passed since Sinhala was regarded as a constitutionally sacred language in contrast to the 27 years Tamil has been legally recognised, which is less than the half of time of which the first vernacular language has been officially in place. Nowadays, English is a so-called link language in Sri Lanka that still provides a sense of authority to the ones that speak it (Coperahewa, 2009:79-80).!

Nonetheless, bilingualism in both of the recognised languages is a rare phenomenon in Sri Lanka so that the promotion and consequent implementation of an institutionalised bilingual plan in schools and educational centres, stimulated by the government in some historical periods post- independence, has never come to materialise so that most of the nationals are still considered to be monolingual (Coperahewa, 2009:96). Displayed on the table below, provided by the Department of Census and Statistics (DCS), the percentage of national’s that are able to speak and read Sinhala, Tamil and English can be found next. !

Table 4.6: Percentage distribution of population (10 years and over) by ability to speak, read and write Sinhala, Tamil and English!

4.3 Females as labour force in Sri Lanka !

Women’s access, participation and engagement in the labour market differs importantly from country to country and it shows insightful information about each particular context in the form of multiple variations related to economic growth and development, social norms and behaviours, ! "48 education levels and general qualifications, fertility rates and demographic trends and lastly policies in place including supporting services such as childcare facilities (Verick, 2014:2). Many countries in Asia including Sri Lanka often experience two direct transitions as a consequence of economic growth, namely the mobilisation of workers from the agricultural sector to manufacturing or services and a rural exodus due to the increase of demographic power in urban areas. Many times these processes of change have gone hand in hand with an increase in education and a decrease in fertility rates, enhancing women’s possibilities as work force (ibid:3).!

In the case of Sri Lanka and as it has already been mentioned before as an opening statement to this research, a relatively stable economic growth as well as high educational levels have not facilitated nor guaranteed an increase of the female share in the labour market. With regard to the formal regular waged work in this country, of the total economically inactive population, 70,3 % of them are females. This disparity, as reported in the Millennium Development Goals Country Report 2014, Sri Lanka, is more visible when looking at groups with equal qualifications in which the unemployment rate among women is more than twice that of men (UNDP, 2014:80).!

Figure 4.7: Unemployment rate of females in Sri Lanka!

! ! "49 Likewise, the female participation in the political sphere, notably in the Parliament has remained extremely low over the years as only 13 out of 225 parliamentarians are women. This last seems more astonishing when taking into account that the world’s first female elected Prime Minister was Sirivamo Bandaranaike, of Sri Lankan nationality (Vithanage, 2015:7).!

! Figure 4.8: Representation of Women in Parliament in Sri Lanka ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

Seen from a different perspective and as it is portrayed in Female Employment for Inclusive Growth: Trends, Issues and Concerns of Female Labour Force Participation in Sri Lanka, women’s labour market activities and engagement also rely importantly on so-called non-economic factors like familial responsibilities (Madurawala, 2014:xi). In order to explain this idea further, it must be remembered that the role of women in the former Ceylon as workforce, has gone through several processes of change in different periods of time. To begin with, it has been argued that before colonisation, patriarchal and matriarchal values in Sri Lanka, were enjoyed and enforced equally in the institutions of marriage and family so that women only became subordinates when patriarchy was uplifted by the creation and sustenance of new societal norms. !

In general and according to historical observations, females have contributed importantly to the traditional economy, particularly during the colonial era when their presence and participation as ! "50 tea, rubber and coconut labourers was highly requested and acknowledged. With the government’s liberalisation of the market in the late 1970’s, there was an exponential upsurge of labour-intensive industries which required low cost but particularly, amenable labour. Due to this political and economic transition, Sri Lankan women were propelled to join specially the garment industry but were limited with regard to other job opportunities in the public sector which became increasingly unsuitable for women (Sabri & Patel: 2014, 11-17). !

This last argument, finds its roots as part of the patriarchal discourse that is still preserved in the contemporary era and which is mainly exercised through marriage and the family, more concretely “through the sexual division of labour and society” (Eisenstein, 1979:17). A more holistic description provided by French that can be applicable to the encountered situation in this Asian country defines patriarchy as:!

“The manifestation and institutionalisation of male dominance over women and children in the family and the extension of male dominance over women in society in general. It implies that men hold power in all the important institutions of society and women are deprived of access to such power. It does not imply that women are either totally powerless or totally deprived of rights, influences and resources” (French, 1985:230).!

Having established this, there are multiple and very translucent non-economic factors that hinder women access, participation and overall engagement in the labour market that many times reflect an ingrained patriarchal social system which continuously reinforces traditional gender-roles. To start with, the first direct challenge women face, when wanting to be part of the labour force, is finding employment as opportunities for women in Sri Lanka are limited to just a few sectors and traditional industries - mainly services and agriculture, whilst males have a wider spectrum of choices in the rapid growing sectors of trade and construction. Due to security reasons, geographical location, transport options and social attitudes, females are confined in extremely restricted categories of the economy which are considered appropriate and safe and that are approved by their male family members, namely their fathers, brothers or husbands (Madurawala, 2014:13). Sometimes, women themselves can also contribute to creation and maintenance of the perceptions of them as the weak, fragile and less capable sex when they make a poor use of their capabilities and decision-making powers, increasing their dependence on the masculine sex (Madhok et al. 2013:1).!

! "51 In former Ceylon, due to violent tensions of the past, post-conflict security is a pillar of attention that is given in all societal structures and which again, is directed to women constraining their economic mobilisation and fulfillment. Repeated cases of gender-based violence, concretely sexual harassment, in the industrial and estate sector and particularly inflected upon garment workers, has firstly hindered work productivity but has mostly resulted in a generalised discontinuation of dangerous labour activities and a consequent withdrawal of females from the labour market (ibid: 25). In consonance with the debate on violence against women, the OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index (SIGI), has enabled the measurement of overall discrimination against women by taking into account “social institutions” that are for example observed through both formal and informal laws including social norms, beliefs and practices which also encompass the “restriction of female’s physical integrity", or also understood as gender-based violence (OECD, 2015). The SIGI, also focuses on other four additional “marginalising social institutions" which are “discriminatory family code, son bias, restricted resources and assets and restricted civil liberties”, which greatly impede and limit greatly women’s presence, authority and opportunities in society (ibid). These discriminatory formal and informal laws contribute to the perdurance of gender-gaps which are notoriously present in areas related to education, health and employability which are crucial for the development and prosperity of any country, particularly located in the global south. For Sri Lanka, the SIGI Index, which can go from very low to very high, stands at medium, specially emphasising the problematic that is detectable in the fields of “restricted resources, assets and civil liberties” (ibid). Concretely, it reflects the challenges that are present when taking women’s use of property and land, workspace rights and participation in the political life into account (ibid).!

In addition, the patriarchal unfolding of society, which is reflected in women’s long-ascribed roles, is translated in what at times can be regarded as forceful fulfillment of chores and responsibilities related to the household and to child rearing. Encompassed in this last, the most influential and hindering factors that position women at the periphery when it comes to their labour involvement, can be found next. ! ! ! !

! "52 Figure 4.9: Reasons for Being Economically Inactive in Sri Lanka - 2012 !

From a different perspective, the existing gender wage gap, also present in the cases in which both men and women share the same productive characteristics and applicable skills, has long discouraged women to seek for employment opportunities posing a major social challenge for gender equity and overall progress in the island (ibid:13). !

As a closing argument for the Sri Lankan case, it can be established that socially constructed institutions such as marriage and religion influence greatly the performances of women in society and sustain clear distinctions in the roles of sexes, independently from the ethnic group or community females belong to. In congruence with this, many of the traditional norms, beliefs and values in place in this particular Asian country have been deeply internalised by women from all ethnic groups so that many of the discriminatory practices inflicted upon them, in a highly male- dominated society, go unnoticed and uncorrected (Rejali, 2014: 1-7). Concretely, with regard to ! "53 internationalisation, in can be stated that an individual accepts mostly time-honoured rules of behaviour and interaction that have been established by a particular group of people, through the process of socialisation, which can be easily noticed when females are exclusively confined to the realisation of only certain activities, a reality in Sri Lanka8 . !

More specifically, taking the institution of marriage into account, it has been observed that unmarried and divorced women account for the majority of the workforce in Sri Lanka, argument that confirms the familial pressure and responsibilities that emerge from a married life (Vithanage, 2015:7). From the religious standpoint it can be added that throughout history, Buddhist temples have had a dual function as they have not only been used as religious centres but also as educational enclaves for all, including women. This last, explains at least partially, the high literacy rates in the country and the Sinhalese partisan acknowledgement of the possible positive implications that the incorporation of women as labour force could have (Sabri & Patel: 2014, 8). !

Moreover, Buddhism has been traditionally constructed upon the pillars of, at least relative, social fairness in which women are considered to be equally useful in society as men. With regard to Hinduism, it must be added that it is believed that females were created by Brahman in order to accompany men, facilitate procreation and guarantee the perpetuation of the family lineage. The primary duty of a woman is concretely giving birth to her husband’s children and performing a series of obligatory duties in the household. Therefore, it can be established that as a first glance, Hinduism is predominantly a male-dominated religion. Lastly, in Islam, men and women are regarded as moral equals and are expected to perform the same religious duties which include worship, prayer, fasting and others. The Mecca, as some Buddhist temples, has also historically served as a religious and an educational centre in which all Muslims have been able to pursue cultural and faith-related insights. Nonetheless, both legal and social restrictions on Muslim women are part of a complex reality that derives from some of the pillars of this religion, also translated in long-sustained gender-roles. In order to be more concrete, women’s status has been often limited to recurring to the family needs and assuring social continuity (Raday, 2003: 663-715). It is relevant to add that in order to explore these three religions in depth, more aspects need to be analysed and discussed. Here, this is only done superficially. ! ! ! "8 See figure 4.9: Reasons for Being Economically Inactive in Sri Lanka - 2012. ! "54 4.4 Conclusion!

As a conclusion for this fourth chapter, expressions of nationhood such as the national flag, emblem and anthem as well as the country’s legally recognised bilingualism have historically shaped national identities as well as boosted the already existing competition and at times, rivalry between the different groups from the Sri Lankan multi-ethnic society. As part of the national discourse, of the Sinhalese majority as well as of the Tamil and Muslim minorities, the roles of both men and women have been drafted according to long-established traditions and socially accepted performances in which a clear patriarchal system is noticeable and continuously applicable to modern times. In both tangible and intangible manifestations of nationhood in this country, a deep process of internalisation, which is executed consciously and unconsciously, has position women as subordinates so that their advancement, development and realisation are unceasingly put in jeopardy. Having established this, it can be added that ultimately, “the system of patriarchy can only function with the consent of women” particularly when females are conceived as the reproducers and upholders of the customs of the communities they belong to (Lerner 1986:217), like in the case of the former Ceylon. Understanding the past and existing empirical context of Sri Lanka will serve as a solid foundation for firstly clarifying and secondly expanding the analytical bandwidth of the following chapter, in which primary data will illustrate women’s participation in and exclusion from the labour market in Colombo. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! "55 Chapter 5:! —————————————————— The Dual Axes of Marginalisation, Unfolded! —————————————————————— ! In this chapter, the dual axes of marginalisation, based on ethnic and gender differentiations will be discussed with the use of primary sources of information that will be organised in a sequence of sub-sections that merged will provide a detailed outlook of each of the researched questions and overarching core topic to this project. !

The first section, namely “The vicious circle: patriarchal system and gender-roles”, will discuss the sustained cultural ideas that often support marginalisation as an accepted norm so that the role of women regularly finds itself limited to certain behaviours and occupations. Here, the research sub-question “How do social-cultural practices and beliefs influence the creation and the maintenance of gender-roles?” will be answered with the use of in-depth interviews from key informants as well as in-depth interviews from the women who were interviewed from the Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim communities. !

The second section, called “Socio-economic differentiators: labour and conflict” will explore how women in Colombo, with regard to their ethnicity, uncover or not potentially rewarding economic activities and how their ultimate incorporation to the labour market or their participation in formal sectors of the economy, are still shadowed by deep violent and demoralising traces that the civil war has left behind. In this particular sub-chapter the research sub-questions “How do ethnic characteristics influence women’s identification and exploitation of labour opportunities?” and “How has the post-war scenario countered women’s overall presence in society?” will be answered. Here again, the information gathered during the in-depth interviews with key informants as well as with the multi-ethnic group of women will be used. In addition, the focus group discussions that were carried out with four out of the five women who participated from each community, will be utilised. !

The third and last section of this chapter will be signalled as “Choosing not to choose” and will explain how empowerment processes and perceptions of self influence women’s life objectives and choices. Here, the sub-question “How does the understanding and preconception of agency

! "56 shape women’s labour decisions and aspirations?” will be answered with a combination of in- depth interviews and focus group discussions, like in the previous section.!

5.1 The vicious circle: patriarchal system and gender-roles!

In a multi-ethnic society such as the one of Sri Lanka, there are many social-cultural practices and beliefs that particularly, reinforce already existing gender-roles. As portrayed in the empirical context chapter, the patriarchal social system in place in the country is observable through singular and sometimes subtle and even sheltered cultural expressions which limit women’s role and participation in society, indiscriminately from the community they belong to. !

As Sonali Dayaratne, Policy Specialist at United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) expressed in an informal conversation, “women in Sri Lanka are exposed to vulnerabilities that arise from a very rigid, sometimes extremely rigid I would say, patriarchal social order” (DII). When the researcher asked her which vulnerabilities she meant she answered, “those vulnerabilities are visible in enduring gender-roles. Women then have limited capabilities, they cannot choose for themselves and have sometimes, more difficulties in overcoming adversities. In some cases, they don not have access to healthcare and if they do, their husbands decide the corresponding treatments. In the Muslim community you see that very often (…). Domestic violence is very severe in Sri Lanka that also comes from a patriarchal mindset” (DII). In consonance with Sonali Deyaratne’s remarks and as mentioned before, the SIGI Index, when measuring discrimination against women in Sri Lanka, also takes into account “restriction of female’s physical integrity", or gender-based violence, specially as in this country there is a “culture of acceptance around violence against women” (OECD, 2015). In 2013, the UN carried out a particular study about domestic violence in which 31.8% of Sri Lankan men and 37.5% of Sri Lankan women “believed that there are times when a woman deserves to be beaten” (ibid). In addition, 58% of Sri Lankan women agreed that “a woman should tolerate violence to keep her family together” (ibid). !

In line with this last, Chulani Kodikara, gender expert at the International Centre for Ethnic Studies (ICES), when referring to her interest in the intersection of religion and gender, shares in her interview, “historically men have always changed the law in terms of commerce, statecraft or whatever, depending on the interest and the same with family law which restricts women in particular gender-roles, in their labour participation and in many different fields” (KII). With regard to the Muslim group, she adds “Muslim law is actually very heterogeneous. The source of the law is the Koran, the sayings of the prophet, but ultimately there is a lot of interference by the human ! "57 depending the cultural and geographical context, the interpretation, the school of thought, all that matters. Often, when women try to challenge Muslim Law saying that these laws are discriminating against women and that it is necessary to change them to equalities, a lot of people rise up and say that those women are tempting with the word of God. Changing and challenging this myth that it is an immovable God-given law can break fixed gender-roles” (KII). !

In addition and this time with respect to the Tamil community, Chulani states, “During the war, although there was no space for questions on what the (LTTE) leadership did, the women’s wing of the organisation did various things which I consider important for example welfare related things for the community. Women certainly had some decision-making powers as they were able to cut their hair short, wear trousers and ride bicycles so that there was a certain sense of breaking free or getting loose from some gender-ascribed roles like for example that women are only expected to stay at home, cook and so on. Those roles were challenged during that time. Similarly, the LTTE also got a very strong stand in terms of violence against women which was somehow socially accepted so that there is even a certain concept which in the law and order of the LTTE has been used to describe this. In conclusion, the conflict challenged certain gender-roles but not greatly and not for an extended period of time. But we can say that at least it did” (KII). !

When the researcher asked her for a modern expression of the sustained patriarchal system in Sri Lanka the gender expert communicated, “in the plantations, the tea plantations, there is a big issue related to the salary. At the end of the month, the salary of the women is collected by the men, their husbands. The Union (Workers Union) has launched a consciousness raising and educative program to kind of educate women that it is their salary and that there is no need for the men to come and collect it on their behalf because otherwise they have ownership of that” (KII). This can be seen as a clear example of male-domination in which the economic resources of the family are in hands of only the men, not of both of the spouses. These disempowering actions position women as subordinates and according to French, through those exact mechanisms they are “deprived of rights, influences and resources” (French, 1985:230).!

When carrying out an in-depth interview with a lady from the Tamil group, a medical attendant, the researcher asked her what defined her as a Tamil, question to which she answered, “by the look you can immediately see that I am Tamil. That defines me as a Tamil. Specially when you see this necklace. Normally people put a ring on when they get married but we don not do that. Our husbands put a necklace on us when we get married. It is made with thread. He (the groom) gets it tied in the neck of the bride with three knots. Each has a meaning. The first one means I will take ! "58 care of my husband, the second one of my family and the third of my community/society. The three knots mean that the bride is under the husband, under the family and under the society. Without the husband, without the family and without the society we cannot live. We are dead without that, we are bonded with them. When my husband dies, I will remove it and put it in his neck. Until then I will wear it. Nowadays it has also changed, now it is a golden chain but it has the same meaning” (4TII). This statement suggests how women are positioned under men and how without them they are incomplete or as this woman describes, dead. This last goes hand in hand with another aspect mentioned in the empirical context, concretely related to the fact that women, in Hinduism, are seen as a creation of Brahman limited, at least partially, to accompany men and facilitate procreation. Keeping in mind that Tamils in Sri Lanka follow their ancestral Hindu religion, this statement seems to materialise through the thread necklace with which a woman is tied to its responsibilities seemingly prioritising her husband, family and community before her own self. Responsibilities in the family and in the household, which are most of the times exclusively confined to women, are some of the non-economic factors that not only maintain women in Sri Lanka at the margin of the labour market but that sustain a long tradition of gender-roles that are translated into societal norms. These norms often not promoted, launched or created by women dictate the behaviour that is considered to be appropriate, acceptable and desirable for a female. !

In addition and also mentioned as part of the Tamil culture, the same woman told the researcher that another element was a crucial part of the collective identity of her group. She said “putting a spot (dot) between our eyes so that people cannot hypnotise us (women) or do something wrong to us is a Tamil tradition. It is for protection, it is a religious thing. Only women do it and as a lady you are weak so that you need to cover that point. Ladies are very, very weak so if somebody tries to take us to the bad side, we will go (…). They can brainwash us and with the spot painted they cannot do that. Only when you are married you can choose the colour of the spot you want. No black spot for married women but other colours are suitable (…). In ancient times, this tradition was very strict and if a woman did not do it she brought bad luck to her family. Now it is not forceful anymore” (4TII). The mere suggestion that women are weak and influenceable could also find its roots in patriarchal beliefs in which men are regarded as the strongest sex that consequently does not need a protection amulet. In an informal conversation with this woman she also added that if a female would go with a man because of her influenceable character and he would rape her, it would be the woman’s fault, not the opposite. According to her, the community would also blame the misfortune on her and her character so that she would be repudiated in her own family and community. Particularly with regard to sexual abuse, women are often not seen as the victims but as ! "59 the instigators of the aggression. Another version of this scenario, sexual harassment at the workplace, is an ongoing reality in this Asian country, as it has been already mentioned in the empirical context. !

Similarly and as Chulani Kodikara suggests, “Sri Lanka has a very low divorce rate so that even though the marriage has been broken down from all its purposes and women are subjected to constant verbal and/or physical violence by their husbands, they stay married. I guess there is a perception of stigma attached to single women and to divorce so that people tolerate high levels of confrontation” (KII). In addition, it must be added that women also seem to stay married due to the lack of outside options in socio-economic terms which again complicate women’s presence and realisation in society. !

In lines with what was mentioned in the previous paragraph, women are easily blamed for the misfortunes of their families so that a divorced woman would be easily blamed for the failure or difficulties that are observable in the familial nucleus. During an informal conversation that the researcher had with a Sinhalese woman, who worked in a bakery close to the researcher’s place of residence, an interesting story was narrated. The baker started her story by stating that she had once been married but that her husband was always drunk and used all the money both of them earned in order to buy alcohol. She continued by saying that sometimes they did not have money to even buy food and that she went hungry to bed night after night. She said that when she had had enough of the situation and when she was almost starved to death she went to her family to seek for support but both her father and brother told her that now that she was married she was the responsibility of the husband, not of them. This meant that the problems the spouses had, had to be solved between them both, that they would not help her. She told the researcher that she had lost so much weight that she did not get her period anymore and that every day that passes seemed to bring her closer to death. One evening her husband did not return home so she thought he had passed out somewhere because of the amount of alcohol he had consumed. It was not until the next morning that one of her neighbours came to her house to tell her that they had found her husband’s body in a river close by. He had drowned. The woman concluded the story by stating that her husband’s death was the best thing that happened to her because now she was free and because nobody could blame the failed marriage on her.!

From another Sinhalese woman’s perspective, who works at a photocopy shop, it was stated during her in-depth interview that “females have to be under men. If you take a job position as a woman you have to be under the man. Like here in the store, I work but my brother owns the store. ! "60 They (men) have to be in high position and we (women) have to be in low position. We cannot reach high position” (2SII). Here again, the adjective “low”, to describe the status and position of women that is in line with the previously used adjectives such as “under” and “weak”, by women from other ethnic groups when they talked about themselves, suggests once more a patriarchal social order. This argument goes in hand with what has been antecedently presented in the empirical context chapter, namely with regard to the internalisation process observable in women who have internalised norms, beliefs and practices that many times stem from a highly male-dominated society. Linked to theory, it can be also argued that women can contribute, until a certain extent, to the maintenance of the already existing perceptions that define them as the weak and less capable sex by the inadequate and impoverished use they make of their own faculties and capabilities, shifting and delegating their responsibilities elsewhere and reinforcing their dependence on men (Madhok et al. 2013:1).!

As a conclusive statement for this sub-section, it must be highlighted that although the patriarchal social system is observed through multifarious expressions and cases in Sri Lanka, particularly with regard to sustained gender-roles, many women who were interviewed for this research did not consider this as something necessarily negative. In occasions, some women, seemed to be unaware of the apparent male-dominance over some aspects of their lives, or at times even embraced this traditional lifestyle by stating that “it provides the guidelines of behaviour and relationships” (2TFGD). Concretely, when the Sinhalese women who participated in the in-depth interviews were asked if they ever felt discriminated because of their gender, they all answered that they had never felt that kind of discrimination. From the Muslim ladies, only one out of five stated she had felt gender discrimination (5MII) while there was a general consensus related to what the other women expressed. Concretely they stated that they had not felt discrimination but that a woman had to understand her place. One of them mentioned, “women have responsibilities and limitation in Islam. If you don’t cross them you won’t feel discrimination. If you keep in that boundary you can do anything” (3MII). From the last group, the Tamil, only one out of five stated she had faced marginalisation because of her sex (5TII) while another woman explained that in Sri Lanka “they don’t say discrimination”. That word is not a “known term” and therefore it “cannot be part of a women’s reality or perception”, hence it does not exist (3TII). In consonance with this and as expressed in The Conditions and Consequences of Choice: Reflections on the Measurement of Women’s Empowerment, the way individuals perceive “their needs and interests is shaped by their histories and everyday realities, by the material and social contexts of their experiences, and by the vantage point for reflexivity this provides” (UNRISD, 1999:9). ! ! "61 5.2 Socio-economic differentiators: labour and conflict !

There are multiple ethnic characteristics that influence women’s identification and exploitation of labour opportunities. One of the pillars of identity, concretely language, was observed as a major factor delineating women’s interaction with the labour market. As mentioned in the empirical context, the existing language differentials in the country were some of the major triggering points that unleashed the first direct confrontations between the antagonising groups that consequently led to an almost thirty-year civil war (Samarasinghe, 2003:25). From another angle, religion and family law have also often proved to be important restricting forces that seem to keep women blindfolded with regard to the existing labour opportunities and with regard to the consequent usage and advantage giving of such. !

As, Dr. Sandagomi Coperahewa, lecturer at the Sinhala Department of the University of Colombo explains in his interview “language in Sri Lanka is a way to differentiate one group from another but it is also something that unites” (CII). In order to elaborate upon this idea, he used the example of the communication that was taking place between the researcher and himself. He mentioned that the bridge between both was the knowledge of English so that in that case language was uniting people from different backgrounds. In addition, he also mentions that “language shapes a place” (CII) concretely visible when trying to understand and address the existing challenges in multi-ethnic and multi-lingual communities such as the one of the former Ceylon, idea which is developed in his article The language planning situation in Sri Lanka. In such composition, Dr. Coperahewa expresses, “language is a social institution and speakers of a language control and adapt their language for a variation of non-linguistic purposes: political, literary, economic, educational, religious, nationalistic or social” (Coperahewa, 2009:72). !

S. Satgunarajah, the administrative manager of Viluthu, an organisation with focus on developing societies, specially in the most severely affected districts by the war, namely the North and the East of Sri Lanka, also supports the idea of language as a social institution. Concretely and during his interview, he made reference to the importance of language when delineating the political and economic participation of Sri Lankan nationals in their own country. He points out that “the language of the state is Sinhala so it is necessary for Tamil people to know the language and also Muslim people because otherwise they don not understand, they cannot be a citizen, a proper citizen” (SSII). For this statement to be put into context and as mentioned before, it must be remembered that there are two official languages in place in the island, Sinhala and Tamil. In line with this, both the identification and the usage of available labour opportunities are restricted to ! "62 people than can actually be a proper citizen by using their language skills in the two official languages of the country but most importantly in Sinhala, the language of the majority. Particularly, Tamil and Muslim groups whose corresponding language is Tamil and who account for the country’s minority, are often handicapped if they don not employ Sinhala as a source of communication, understanding and general interaction. The knowledge of this last language is fundamental to recognise and use available job opportunities particularly in areas that are heavily populated by Sinhalese, excluding only the North and the East of the country. !

S. Satgunarajah, as reported by Dr. Coperahewa, also suggests the unifying but also divisional effects that language can have when he adds that “it is true that language makes them (Muslims) closer to Tamil and not the Sinhalese people (…) this is because of the language and because they are also a minority” (SSII). A clear example of the alienating repercussion that language variation can have in Sri Lanka is introduced by a Tamil woman who works in the garment sector, when she talks about her experiences applying for jobs in Colombo. In her interview, she expresses, “I mainly targeted on nursing positions after marriage so I tried many hospitals and clinics but I could not get the job because of the Tamil-Sinhalese problem. I only know how to speak Tamil so they did not give me the job. I also saw a lot of competition with the Sinhalese ladies and I stayed at home for the next three years. Only after that I started to work again. In tailoring Tamil women are more accepted” (3TII). As part of another question, when the researcher asks her if she has ever faced any type of discrimination related to gender, she answers: “As a woman not really but when I wanted to do nursing just because I was Tamil they did not want me to do the job. They did not let me do the job because of my ethnicity. I faced some mental problems. The majority there were Sinhalese and they were telling me some harm words so that I would feel bad. In the end, I got used to those words and adapted to that. I had no choice had I?” (3TII). !

In addition, and particularly when interviewing women from the Muslim group, instead of highlighting the importance of knowing the Sinhalese language in order to have access the labour market or to have a wider range of options when considering their own participation in the market economy, English was signalled as the language of opportunity. A Muslim lady that works preparing a national dish, string hopers, enunciated, “the important thing is that if I had studied well I could talk to you directly and I am worrying about that. I wish I could have studied English and be a smart woman. Life would be better” (2MII). Another Muslim woman, a teacher also sent a similar message across, concretely when she was asked if she had learnt anything in particular that has been helpful in her life, question to which she answered, “yes, I know a bit of English but not good ! "63 enough. I want to learn more. I know it could help me (…). Knowing English is an opportunity. It gives you more options. I would earn better as a teacher if I knew English” (5MII).!

Furthermore, the names and surnames originated from linguistic and cultural traditions are once again distinctive characteristics for defining to which community a person belongs to and which occasionally even define a person’s marital and labour aspirations and opportunities. As Hema Goonatilake President of the Royal Asiatic Society, one of the oldest national organisations established in 1845, expressed during her interview, “ethnicity is very easy to identify, there are special names for Tamils, Sinhalese and Muslims. Nowadays people have been changing their names” (GII). When the researcher asked her why people were changing their names she replied, “well mainly in terms of marriage. Not for occupation. It is to get a better status for the so-called low caste, so people have been changing their names” (GII). When the researcher asked again if there was no labour discrimination by ethnicity by giving the example of the people that are dressed in orange outfits and that are in charge of cleaning the streets in Colombo and who are commonly known to be part of the Tamil group, Hema Goonatilake strongly denied that affirmation. !

After some minutes, she called her assistants, both Tamil ladies to come and talk to us and asked them if what the researcher had said was the truth. Both of the assistants confirmed that the most of the people in charge of cleaning the streets were part of the Tamil community as the company in charge of cleaning the city of Colombo had hired up-country Tamils, some originally from the tea plantations, in order to do the job. When the President of the organisation heard that the assistants were confirming the given affirmation she acted surprised and angry at the same time asking the researcher to turn the recorder off. Once it was off she added, “that cannot be. If I do not know that, they cannot know that” (GII) pointing to the assistants who had already gone back to work and who exchanged a long look while leaving the room. The reason why the company had mainly hired Tamils remains an unsolved question as the research assistants and other people that were asked to explain the motivation behind the company’s hiring strategy, did not know the answer. Nonetheless, the speculation was that the company was hiring Tamil people because they did not have to pay them a good salary as many of them would simply be content by having a job, specially if coming from the up-hill country, where the labour conditions are commonly known to be worse than in other parts of Sri Lanka. In addition, it was also thought that the Tamils accepted such employment because they did not know proper Sinhala so that consequently they end up undertaking low-skilled and physically demanding jobs that don not require the constant use of that language. !

! "64 As mentioned in the empirical context chapter, the controversial discourse about faith, also present during the “Sinhala-only Act” reinforced the position of religion as a core element of identity which was also signalled as one of the central topics during the in-depth interviews, particularly for the Muslim women who were interviewed and who participated in the focus group discussion and in less extent, but still relevantly important, for the Tamil ladies. The spiritual orientation of the different ethnic groups has proven to have a considerable impact in their integration in the labour market and primordially in their labour choices. As the President of the Islamic Studies Department of the University of Colombo, Mr. Shabir, expresses in his interview, “Islam says women can work, no barriers with peaceful environments. Muslim women, when they try to work, that place must be secure for a woman to work. Safe” (SII).!

In the Muslim community in Sri Lanka and as Mr. Shabir mentions, in the eyes of religion, women are allowed to work but it is crucial for them to be in a safe environment. During informal conversations with different members of this group, it was very often mentioned that a so-called secure working atmosphere needed to count with some indisputable traits. Some of the mentioned conditions in order for a working space to be secure were for example that it needed to count with a female majority or only a few male co-workers. It also needed to be close to the woman’s place of residence so that she would not have to travel for long, when she is most vulnerable and unprotected. Other conditions were for example that the job had to count with flexible working hours or short working cycles per day, which would guarantee that the labouring woman would be able to achieve successfully the tasks at home and for their own families, like having dinner ready before the husband would come home. !

In addition, Mr. Shabir also mentions that “Islam says when a boy and girl marry, boy must take all the responsibility of the family. If boy is responsible, has a job, only then he can have a family, otherwise marriage is not possible. So, if the boy is totally responsible as Islam says, girl is not going to work in any jobs. You know, my wife is under my responsibility. I earn and give all expenditure and facilities to wife. She does not work” (SII). This last example, explains that generally, women as part of the Muslim community in the former Ceylon are encouraged to stay at home if there is no economic necessity that impulses them to work. In the case they do work, their husband, and if they are not married yet, their father or brother, will have to agree on the function they will carry out in the labour market and determine if it is suitable and safe. In line with this general discourse, many Muslim women who were interviewed as well as the research assistant who provided help for the elaboration of this research project who is also Muslim, explain that the most wanted position for Muslim women in Sri Lanka is the one of a teacher because it ! "65 encompasses all the above mentioned characteristics that are important as part of their own community and lifestyle and also because it is widely accepted by the male counterpart of this group. !

When taking a step back to Sri Lanka’s Civil War and as mentioned in the empirical context, it can be stated that religion, as part of each of the group’s identity, played a crucial role particularly when fuelling Tamil grievances after the “Sinhala-only Act” in which not only Sinhala was established as the sole language of the island but also Buddhism was introduced as the official religion that same year, 1972. Many integrants of the antagonised minority saw these new constitutional considerations which consolidated in reforms, as a direct attack to their own integrity and identity which fuelled the first reflections of separate nation state for the Tamil population and the ultimate creation of a Tamil nationalist platform the LTTE, four years later that would change the future of the country radically (Colombo Telegraph, 2015). As a Muslim teacher shares during her interview, “there is still a problem between religion and politics because here, (in Sri Lanka) they always, always go together. Sometimes they (the government or the majority) treat people like an enemy if they are not part of that group. For example if in this country there is a problem with Muslims it will backfire at us, (to the whole community). Everywhere” (5MII). This Muslim teacher explained after her interview, on an informal basis that in the North a Muslim man had had problems with another man, a Sinhalese one who had been unfair with him when they were doing business. The Muslim man was selling pigs to him but he refused to pay the agreed price. Both engaged in a violent conflict and the Muslim man’s house was burnt down intentionally by the other man. This story, as she tells, appeared in the newspaper in which it was said that the Muslim man had provoked the Sinhalese man so that the burning of the house was a justified act. That event created tensions in her own neighbourhood as well, in which during many weeks, both Muslim and Sinhalese neighbours were not talking to each other. !

The direct problematic between groups can be also noticeable in day-to-day activities, in enclosed communities and in neighbourhoods. Concretely, when asking another woman about her experiences in the multi-ethnic community she lives in, the Muslim woman, who is a cook, shared in her interview: “I think that the atmosphere (in the community) is not good. There are people that are very jealous and that are of other religions and will do anything to make me weak. Because I am doing my own earnings they are jealous, I cannot talk openly about my life and work (…) I cannot easily go to the streets” (1MII). Nonetheless, the general answer to that question is that the interaction and cohabitation in multi-ethnic neighbourhoods are mostly positive and peaceful although and as signalled in the interviews, there is not a high level of communication and ! "66 cooperation between different groups. Particularly women who live close to their families or who live in communities of their same ethnic groups feel safer and more comfortable than women who do not. The group that seemed to be more flexible in terms of where to live and with whom to interact, as portrayed in the interviews, was the Sinhalese one as four out of five women had no complaints regarding their mixed neighbourhoods and their coexistence with other people. This can be also explained because Sinhalese population can be found in any district of Colombo, so that their presence, in contraposition to the one of Tamil and Muslim inhabitants, will be always accompanied by the one of other members of their same ethnicity.!

As a last general overview and related to the civil war, it can be stated that the conflict had a clear positive effect as it helped breaking some stereotypes mostly linked to gender-roles so that at least for some years, women’s presence in society was less limited and constraining by traditional thoughts and behaviours. Particularly in the Tamil group and under the first years of LTTE mandate and as mentioned in the previous sub-section by quoting the interview with Chulani Kodikara, women felt liberated as they were allowed to do things they had never done before which were regarded as inappropriate in society, such as cutting their hair and riding bikes. This argument can be linked to conflict theory, particularly with regard to Coser’s contribution of the understanding of conflict as an “essential element in group formation and in the persistence of group life” that at times, can instigate positive societal changes (Coser 1956:31).!

Nonetheless, the war had mostly devastating effects that are still traceable in modern times. As the gender expert, portraits in her interview, “even beyond an intensified and ongoing military presence in the North, the forceful sterilisation campaigns in Kilinochchi, of Tamil women, mainly in the post-war era, are a proof of a radical Sinhalese Buddhist discourse put into practice in our days” (KII). Another example, as she explains is that, “some groups, as the BBS, Bodu Bala Sena, are saying that the Muslims are not practicing family planning and therefore they are having more children so that they are going to outnumber the Sinhalese group so that there is a need to do something about it” (KII). This last statement also suggests how in the words of Kodikara, “the propagation of one kind” (KII), the Muslim kind, poses a menace to the BBS, or in English, Buddhist Power Force that since its creation in 2012 has organised pressing intimidation campaigns against minorities, safeguarding the language and religion of their own kind (Terrorism Research & Analysis Consortium, 2015). In addition, the negative stereotypes and general unfavourable understandings associated to each of the ethnic groups remain part of some of the major national concerns and challenges. As two Tamil ladies add in their interviews “sometimes just because of being a Tamil people think you are a terrorist” (4TII) and “people sometimes call us names and ! "67 think that just because of being Tamil you are dangerous. It is not like that. They always look weird at us” (5TII). To be more concrete, the war has contributed to the consolidation of radical groups and the perception of the need to safeguard the ancestral heritage of each of the ethnic groups by many of its members, including the position of women in families and communities. !

As a concluding statement of this sub-section it can be added that ethnic differentiators such as language and religion and also the stereotypes ascribed to each group have a relevant impact when delineating women’s involvement in labour market related activities. In addition, although the war broke down certain generalised gender-roles and norms, it also intensified the creation of an us and a them, observable in current national discourses as well as political trends. !

5.3 Choosing not to choose!

In order to start this sub-section, a brief anecdote will be shared. During an informal conversation that took place on a train ride from Colombo to Kandy, the researcher got to know a Tamil woman that was sat next to her. After the researcher explained why she was in Sri Lanka and what the project she was working on was about, the Tamil lady started an interesting story explaining her personal trajectory and some things she had learnt from life that had changed her. Particularly she shared how she had to flee from Jaffna, her hometown, when the war broke out and how she had to start a life on her own, after all her family had died during the conflict. !

She expressed that in her family she was regarded as only a female so that she was always treated differently than her brothers. The girl was in charge of the household while her brothers were doing different activities at school and with friends. This felt wrong, she commented. After this, she continued saying that she had not chosen to be born a female and was angry at her family to be addressed as one, constantly. Now that her family is gone, she stated that her heart was full of sadness but also freedom because she could finally understand. She said she did not choose to be a female but that she did choose to be a woman. She defended this statement by saying that it was in her hands to become the woman she wanted to be and that she had ultimately become, by taking her own decisions and living her life. She could now choose if she wanted to stay at home completing the household chores or if she wanted to go to work to learn and earn her own money. She shared that she understood that she had possibilities which she could only see and pursue by thinking as a woman and not as a female and by knowing that there were options outside the walls of her house back in Jaffna. !

! "68 In the case described earlier, the Tamil woman mentioned that in her family and in her community she felt limited to the description of a female, related to the tasks and responsibilities that were expected from her in that particular nucleus. In addition she added that only by stepping out of that structure she felt a woman, who was able to live her life the way she wanted to. In line with this statement and as Simone de Beauvoir would describe “one is not born, but rather becomes, a woman” (Beauvoir, 1973:301). This is a clear example of how the perception of self that shifted from being a female to being a women enabled this Tamil lady to consider the existing options available in her life and to explore them, making her own decisions based on her own improvement, fulfillment and empowerment. In this process, the labour decisions and aspirations of women can be explained by how agency is exercised in an extremely personal manner. With relation to the theory on empowerment, this could be explained as an “ability to enforce claims” by the “virtue of the women’s positioning within a context”, and within themselves to “enable or disable” tangible and intangible resources (UNRISD 1999:3). Particularly with regard to setting priorities in life, the opinion of women who were interviewed and that participated in the focus group discussions varied importantly. !

During the focus group discussions three out of four Muslim women that participated expressed that the most important element of their lives was religion by stating that it is “the pillar of things” (1MFGD), “everything” (2MFGD) and “the structure of life” (4MFGD). Work, was positioned at the last place in this “priority chart”, except from one case, in which it was located on second place (1MFGD). In contraposition to this, the Sinhalese participants stated that work was the aspect they valued more in their lives, exempt from one woman who positioned work as her second priority (2SFGD), and described it as “the means to beat poverty” (1SFGD), “the way to get money” (3SFGD) and as “chances” (4SFGD), in general. Religion, in their perspective was highlighted as their last priority, expect from one of the ladies, which positioned it in second place (2SFGD). Surprisingly enough, the ladies that had located work as their main priority or as the most important aspect of their lives, expressed to feel more in control of their lives than the other women but did not necessarily demonstrated that monetarily they were being more successful than the others. This last idea can be linked to some of the core foundations of the wellbeing approach. As White points out, this theory rests on the importance of multiple domains “both subjective thinking and feeling and objective having and doing” in which a “moral quality” can be identified with which each individual will prioritise what he/she values or holds dear (White 2009:17). !

The Tamil women that were part of this activity, focused equally on family and work as the most important aspect of their lives, positioning religion in the “third hierarchical stepping stone”. This ! "69 group, particularly, described family as “love” (1TFGD), “for what you live” (3TFGD) and “safety” (4TFGD), clearly showing a deeper emotional attachment towards mostly their parents and occasionally their husbands. These women, stood out because they represented the group that during the focus group activities expressed more regularly how they did not feel in control of their lives by stating “the war took away everything and since my mother and father died I am not in control” (4TFGD) or by expressing “my parents say what yes and what no, my life is theirs first, they know best” (3TFGD).!

The fact of not being in control of life was not always regarded as something negative or something that had a destructive impact on the overall wellbeing, on the contrary, a number of the women expressed how they appreciated and at times even enjoyed for others to choose for them, for others to make important life decisions without minding their opinions and for others to stir their future as considered convenient, particularly in the Muslim and Tamil communities. These clear expressions of subjective wellbeing are interlinked to the understanding of ethnicity as a subjective phenomenon by stating that it includes a personal conception of identity and feelings. Therefore, ethnic differentiations are also part of subjectively polarised conceptions of reality in which the way a person feels adds values to their own vision of their own being, within themselves and as part of a community. In addition and what was normally regarded as a major subjective wellbeing detrimental aspect or in other words a sign of “illbeing" for the majority of these women was not having had the chance to finish their education by going to school when they were younger, which was mentioned numerous times during the in-depth interviews and not having enough money to cover at times, basic needs for them and for their families (Narayan et al. 2000:21). The former, seemed to influence greatly the labour decisions the women took as well as the aspirations they had for the present and future. Most of them mentioned that if they had had better education they would have better working positions and also higher capabilities and chances for the labour market. In addition, material wellbeing was often described as the main facilitator for both subjective and relational wellbeing to follow. As many of those women mentioned, if their families would have had economic stability when they were younger they would have had the chance to not only study more to now be stronger, economically speaking but also to enjoy their lives as children creating deeper social bonds particularly with their friends (1SFGD, 3SFGD, 2MFGD, 1TFGD, 3TFGD, 4TFGD).!

Also part of the group discussions, each of these women had to elaborate an origami lotus flower, the Sri Lankan national flower and choose a word that describe themselves and write it in one of the petals. The result of this exercise was of extreme importance as all of the women chose positive ! "70 adjectives to describe themselves. Concretely the Sinhalese women chose the following words: “strong” (1SFGD), “good” (2SFGD), “suitable” (3SFGD) and “kind” (4SFGD). The Tamil ladies chose adjectives as “powerful” (1TFGD), “social worker” (2TFGD), “true” (3TFGD) and “active” (4TFGD). Lastly, the women from the Muslim community picked expression like: “intuitive” (1MFGD), “humanitarian” (2MFGD), “authentic” (3MFGD) and “good decision-maker” (4MFGD). This suggests that although women are at times discriminated by their gender and/or ethnicity and that although they are part of a strict male-dominated society in which their roles are normally limited, controlled and suppressed, they think highly of themselves and until a certain extent, of the lives they are living. From another perspective, it can be added that in some cases they seem to have also internalised traditional norms and behaviours so that certain marginalisation and disempowering trends, imposed upon them through a socialisation process, remain unnoticed and unchanged. This can be observable as part of conflict theory, particularly in an environment of social inequality that is more prone to experience individuals competing and “imposing their will on another” and sustaining traditional norms to maintain a convenient status-quo, for both men and women (Giddens, 1970: 290).!

5.4 Conclusion!

As a closure for the analysis chapter of this project it can be concluded that Sri Lanka represents a complex mosaic of social differentiators and identity markers, particularly highlighting the effects of language and religion, that together with a deeply ingrained patriarchal social system, continue to define gender-roles throughout time as well as women’s positioning, evolution and opportunities in society. The debacle of the Sri Lankan Civil War has undoubtedly put an end to one of the most devastating humanitarian crisis in Asia, but it has not quite yet created new prospect for traditionally marginalised groups that have normally been limited, controlled and suppressed by the country’s majority or the dominant masculine sex contributing to a generalised environment of social inequality. !

In order to establish the last concluding arguments of this project, the main research question will be answered in the following chapter. This, will also highlight the core theoretical pillars explored so far, combined with the policy recommendations and the critical reflections on the overall research process. ! ! ! ! "71 Chapter 6:! ————————————————— Conclusion and Final Remarks! ——————————————————————- ! In this final chapter, the main research question “How does ethnicity and its implicit and explicit manifestations play a role when delineating women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market?” will be answered. Furthermore, some policy recommendations will be mentioned so that after having identified the challenges women face with regard to the labour market, the focus can lay on what can be improved and changed, within the given context and policy environment. Lastly, some other conclusive statements will be added in order to finalise the dissertation. Namely, some critical remarks on the theory and methodology will be discussed, which will provide an insight of the aspects that could have been improved or that were ultimately changed during the research project itself.!

6.1 Revisiting the main research question !

After the undertaking of the research and the elaboration of this project “ People with clenched fists can’t shake hands: An ethnic portrait of women as labour force in Colombo, Sri Lanka” it can be established that people in Sri Lanka do not seem to have clenched fists but seem to be rather reluctant to hold hands. This idea, will be also discussed when answering the main research question “How does ethnicity and its implicit and explicit manifestations play a role when delineating women’s involvement and empowerment in Colombo’s labour market?”!

To begin with, it must be mentioned that in a heterogeneous society such as the one in Sri Lanka there are multifarious manifestations and differentiators of ethnicity that shape the everyday-life of all the inhabitants of the island. Some of these are very subtle expressions of identity which sometimes pass undetected, at least at first glance. Some others are very clear signs of belonging so that they can be quickly identified by both insiders and outsiders. The first category, for example, comprises of rituals and amulets that are more intimate, so that they are normally executed in private or worn discretely, hence not easy to observe. Sometimes, people don’t know or understand the underlying meaning certain behaviours, attitudes and objects have in Sri Lanka, which confirms the existence of important implicit ethnic manifestations. To be more concrete, the thread necklace with the knots that Tamil women wear, explained during the analysis, can be used as an example to ! "72 illustrate this phenomenon as it often goes unremarked by other communities. Although the five daily prayers of Muslims are popularly known by believers and non-believers, they are often confined to secluded places and exercised in a highly personal manner so that they could also be categorised under implicit manifestations of religion and of belonging. Lastly, the dowry practices that consist of the transfer of goods and property at the marriage of a daughter, to the future husband, happen only once in a lifetime and are negotiated privately and exclusively between the involved members and parties. This relatively discrete and secret tradition, practiced in both, Sinhalese and Tamil communities goes often unnoticed to the wider public of spectators of society so that it is not part of the clear constituents of ethnicity. The second category, encompasses elements such as physical appearance, including clothing and accessories, a person’s usage of language, concretely in Sinhala or Tamil and religious or identity characteristics that are regularly visible through tangible materials such as the veil for Muslims, the bindi for Tamils and the sari for Sinhalese. The explicit manifestations of ethnicity are not only visible as part of a person’s embodiment but also in various set locations all over the country, both public and private in which each group has its own identity articulations. !

All these demonstrations of ethnicity influence importantly women’s access, incorporation, participation and overall engagement in the labour market as these, are not only part of the perduring traditions and cultural backgrounds corresponding to each group but also because they belong to a complex system of patriarchal norms that has extended its roots at many societal levels contributing to the continuation of gender-roles. Consequently women’s first considerations of becoming part of labour market are many times influenced by the male counterparts of their families who often impel them to stay at home to be able to fulfill their duties. From another angle, if the decision has been already made that a woman from a particular family will work, generally because of economic needs, again her father or brother if she is not married or her husband in the opposite case, will have a strong impact when determining which position is suitable and safe for their daughter, sister or wife. In other occasions expressions of belonging, can also motivate the use of discriminatory tactics in the labour market in which being part of the Sinhalese, Tamil or Muslim group can favour or disfavour candidates who are searching and applying for a job. Like this, women’s labour options and choices are continuously being shaped and limited outside the exercise of their own agency, will and wishes. !

Keeping the portrayed links that are visible in the conceptual scheme in mind, language and religion manifestations can be regarded as part of the past and the ongoing power struggle in Sri Lanka. As it has been historically observed, notions of power have been closely associated to the ! "73 ability of those who have been able to impulse or at times force the core values that comprise their own identity individually and collectively, upon others. In this case, it has been repeatedly noted how the predominance of the use of a particular language and the preaching of a particular religion can be easily translated into political and economic power which can be directly utilised to intimidate and control other groups or adversaries (Giddens, 1970: 290). This statement brings us to conflict theory in which power is central to this viewpoint as it explains the mastering technique to impose one’s will on another, which has been observed during the “Sinhala-only Act” and other campaigns that have had, multiple times, the purpose to neutralise or even weaken the members of other communities. Nonetheless, it must be remembered that power has not always been in hands of the majority, as in the colonial era, the British Crown conferred that power to the minority, the Tamils, which allowed them to mobilise socially and enjoy the corresponding privileges (Mel & Pathmalal, 2009:8). !

Another crucial debate of conflict theory, also portrayed in the conceptual scheme, encompasses the terms of relative or absolute deprivation, which are related to the idea of power, previously mentioned. Conflicts often arise from systems of inequality which are induced by numerous social and class differentiators which consequently position the most disadvantaged in states of relative and absolute privation or deprivation. As discussed throughout the empirical context and analysis chapters the imposition and recognition of the Sinhalese language as well as the Buddhist religion as the sole linguistic and religious elements safeguarded by the constitution, signified a clear strategy of marginalisation of the nation’s minorities who have felt disabled emotionally and materially through numerous exclusionary principles and practices. !

In multi-ethnic countries as this one, both relative and absolute deprivation can be experienced by the discrimination particular groups face in the labour market as some, are not properly educated to perform in the market economy, do not count with the sufficient access and facilities to reach their dream positions or any remunerated position at all or have no sufficient labour opportunities to explore and exploit. This last, takes us to the consideration of ethnicity as an epiphenomenon, suggesting that the economic structure of society is based upon a cultural separation of labour in which the centre and the periphery can be distinguished. The centre would correspond to the privileged members of society, which enjoy political and economic power and the periphery, to the neglected population. It would be incorrect to signal any of the Sri Lankan ethnic groups as strictly part of one or the other of these restricting categories, at least as a general statement. Nonetheless and during this particular research, it was more noticeable that from the studied groups of women, the Tamil one expressed more often its susceptibility to the devastations inflicted by the war and at ! "74 times, to what for some, could be described as a strict and dominant Sinhala-Buddhist discourse that seems to be present nation-wide. This last, could have argumentative strength to suggest that the Tamil group that was studied finds itself often positioned close to the societal periphery, rather than in the centre.!

Also signalled in the conceptual scheme and suggested through the analysis, when ethnicity is regarded as a situational approach, individuals emphasise and actively express their identity traits as part of an ethnic group in order to subtract benefits from the fact of belonging. This selective process of collective self-differentiation, was mainly notorious as part of the parliamentary elections that took place in August 2015, period during which the researcher observed that the island’s population was fragmented more than ever into different ethnic clusters. A wide range of integrants of each community advocated for the rights and prosperity of their own people, moving away from the label of being a “Sri Lankan” and focusing on being “Sinhalese”, “Tamil” or “Muslim”. The justification of the support and consequent vote given to the candidate of each of the person’s choice was clearly motivated by the gaining that could be subtracted from that process. This was also notorious when the researcher interviewed some Sinhalese individuals about the civil war in which the association to their ethnicity was used in order to gain respect and admiration as they and their governmental representatives “had been the ones to defeat the most violent Sri Lankan terrorist organisation, the LTTE”. In general, through this active self-differentiation, individuals were mostly expecting to gain benefits encompassed in the definition of material wellbeing concretely, tangible assets that could be of help when wanting to achieve the life they value. Nonetheless, through the conscious expression of identify traits, people automatically sought for relational wellbeing so that in this case the possible gainings subtracted from this process can be translated into networks of social interaction such as togetherness, support and acceptance. !

Other theoretical and analytical links, mostly found in the first and the fifth chapters, bring us back to the notion of power and its implications. Power, can be employed to explain the ability a person has to make choices but can be also a product of a previously made choice. This was mentioned by many women of the Sinhalese ethnic group and some of the ladies Tamil as well, by stating that having made choices that allowed them to learn practical skills, empowered them, particularly because it expanded their labour choices. Consequently, having more labour choices made them feel more empowered, feeling that that impulsed them to try new things and to lead more creative and fulfilling lives. Having established this, it must be remembered that there are two main categories of choice, explained in the theoretical framework, namely first and second order choices. When focusing on the first rank, three stages of social change can be observed: resources, ! "75 agency and outcomes. The first stage comprises of the actual resources at a person’s disposition in order to engage in the process of transformation. During the in-depth interviews with the women from different ethnic groups, these resources that can also be regarded as material wellbeing were considered the foundation for both relational and subjective wellbeing to unfold. Nonetheless, subjective wellbeing was considered the pillar of their personal understandings of identity and their own experience of feelings and emotions thus, their ethnicity and broader sense belonging. Therefore, it can be established that ethnicity, was mostly considered as a subjective phenomenon constructed upon different and at times polarised conceptions of reality, through which a complex process of internalisation of behaviours, traditions and norms was observable. !

All this arguments contribute to the fact that people in Sri Lanka, particularly if they are from different ethnic groups, are reluctant to hold hands and commence a process of social integration, cooperation and reconstruction. Six years after the civil war people are still competing for their place in society and for their acknowledgement as part of a larger structure of national identity in which mostly the Sinhalese majority is recognised and protected. As portrayed in the theoretical framework, wellbeing is the starting point but also the ending point of this project as it is visible in the diversity of contexts and topics researched. Wellbeing, is what all groups search for in Sri Lanka, it is a source and product of empowerment, an antagonising force of the results that discrepancies, tensions and conflict have had in the country and lastly the foundation with which each ethnic community seeks to perdure and grow in a highly complex and heterogeneous cultural matrix. Concretely, disadvantaged communities want to break the constraining factors that hold them back as well as the radical and mostly unfair social stigmas associated with them that have strong marginalisation effects on an everyday basis. In contraposition, the advantaged population wants to maintain their privileged status quo in which their prosperity is positioned at the centre of the national equation and political discourse so that mostly the majority’s wishes are resorted to, through a series of conscious or unconscious actions and mechanisms. !

6.2 Policy recommendations!

6.2.1 General recommendations !

According to the report National Policy for Decent Work in Sri Lanka, jointly elaborated by the Sri Lankan Ministry of Labour Relations and Foreign Employment and the International Labour Office in Colombo, decent work in the country would be ideally found in “a future of peace and prosperity in which all Sri Lankans enjoy a better quality of life free from poverty and deprivation, ! "76 through the promotion of opportunities for women and men to obtain productive work in conditions of freedom, equity, security and human dignity” (Ministry of Labour Relations and Foreign Employment 2006: xi). In line with this last and after the elaboration of this research project it can be stated that for Sri Lankans to be able to pursue the lives they value and in order to break with the enduring tensions, social stigmas and deep-rooted discrimination observable in the country even after the end of the civil war, the needs of each of the communities, hence ethnic groups that are part of the whole societal structure of the island, have to be recognised and accommodated in the national discourse and policies. Only by acknowledging the constitutional differences that are found as part of a traditional and at the same time fluctuating exercise of belonging, will Sri Lanka be able to be a unified nation finding this connectedness in its diversity and using this last as its strength rather than its weakness. In addition, elements of marginalisation and exclusionary tactics that are still part of modern society such as the ones derived from language differentials between Sinhalese and Tamil speakers, need to be revised and eradicated. In this respect, early 2015, the alleged Cabinet’s exclusionary proposition to ban the Tamil national anthem’s version and the indirect former President’s support to do so were recognised by the newly elected President Maithripala Sirisena when he issued a circular in which it was pronounced that under his mandate not only the Sinhalese version would have constitutional sanction. He also insisted upon clearing the matter by involving the National Security Council and lifting the language bar for once and for all (Adaderana, 2015). More initiatives of this nature are of vital importance to truly reconcile the long- confronted parties and create equal opportunities for every Sri Lankan, regardless of their gender and ethnicity. !

In addition, by encouraging the recognition and respect for the heterogeneity that is present in the Asian country, but also by facilitating the encounters of members of different cultural backgrounds, the nationals will be provided with the opportunity to experience reality from a, at times, contrasting perspective, gaining more acceptance towards others through the cultivation of an open-mind. Conforming to this, the labour market can be regarded as a crucial meeting point between people from different cultural backgrounds, in which interaction observed through communication, team-work, problem-solving activities and cooperation in general could serve to prove the multiple benefits employability has, not only appreciated from the one-sided economic motivations. Therefore, it is crucial to join efforts so that every community in Sri Lanka has access

! "77 to education 9 in both of the officially recognised languages, Sinhalese and Tamil that will consequently multiply the labouring chances and consequently the choices to be considered, by which a person can find a more suitable option in line with what he or she values and pursues in life. Secondly, all nationals should have the chance to learn both languages in order to reverse and address the deep-rooted stereotypes that arise with the thought of particular groups and their markers of peculiarity, such as the language they use, which have fuelled a systematic marginalisation that has exclude people as labour force in Sri Lanka due the considerations of them as unskilled, unsuitable, and unprotected. !

From another angle, understanding the real nature and scope behind this particular patriarchal social system in Sri Lanka, is the first step in order to break with the processes of internalisation of socially accepted norms and traditions which often limit and constrain women in multifarious ways. In this extent, it is fundamental to not only empower women and advocate for them as part of the active, capable and modern Sri Lankan society but also to dialogue with the men, where patriarchy truly finds its encouragement. This, can help raising consciousness that both females and males should not be strictly imprisoned based on their respecting gender-roles and that by allowing a personal development in both the family nucleus and in the working atmosphere, the imbalances and unreasonable subordination of women in society can be firstly improved and secondly eradicated in a longer term. !

6.2.2 Specific recommendations !

To be more concrete, the most important policy recommendations find its roots in the OECD Development Centre’s Social Institutions and Gender Index, SIGI, that as explained earlier has been able to measure discrimination from multifarious angles taking into account “social institutions” (SIGI, 2015). For Sri Lanka the index stands as medium, emphasising the great problematic in three areas. !

The first one focuses on “discriminatory family code” in which it is explained that family structures in the Asian country are governed by numerous legal systems which are firstly the civil law or also known as General Law and other additional legislative arrangements which are Sinhala, Kandyan, Islamic and Thesavalamai law. The existing mixed interaction of many laws that include

"9 It must be remembered that although Sri Lanka has high levels of education, the percentage of population that is able to speak and study in both Sinhala and Tamil is extremely low. This is one of the main contributors of the existing ethnic division and tension in the county. See the empirical context chapter, concretely the Table “ Percentage distribution of population by the ability to speak, read and write Sinhala, Tamil and English, for more information. ! "78 personal law, customary practices and ethnic and religious differentiators, create an extremely complex constellation of legal formulation, interpretation and enforcement that obstructs a widely unified, comprehensive and cohesive legal system. This can be observable by the existing disparity with regard to the legal age of marriage which on the one hand is portrayed as 18 years old under civil law and which on the other hand is not specified in the personal laws of many communities, particularly with reference to the Muslim Personal Law (ibid). Under this category, it can be also established that there is a great imbalance when looking at “parental authority” in Sri Lanka (ibid). In order to be more specific, it can be mentioned that under the law of marital obligations, in the case of a divorce, women tend to be discriminated upon so that it is recurrent that they are denied the custody of their children so that men are favoured in both case law and personal laws. Lastly, it can be added that the laws in which women’s inheritance are included again diverge greatly. As stated in the civil Matrimonial Rights and Inheritance Ordinance, if a woman becomes a widow, she inherits half share of the estate and the remaining half is shared amongst the descendants, regardless of their sex. Nonetheless, in Islamic law, Kandyan law and Tamil Customary Law, women’s rights to property are ignored so that the inheritance is inclined towards benefitting male heirs (ibid). !

The second highly problematic “social institution” is the one that encompasses “restricted resources and assets” (ibid). In congruence with what has been previously mentioned about inheritance rights, cultural norms, beliefs, values and practices also continue to influence negatively women’s access to land and property positioning them as a vulnerable group in society. In addition, the third problematic “social institution” namely “restricted civil liberties” suggests that there are no legal impediments on women with regard to their admittance to public spaces but this is different in practice as their mobility remains constrained in post-conflict areas and is put in danger due to sexual harassment, a recurrent practice in the Asian country (ibid). !

Correcting all of these legal incongruences can be the first step to truly respect, protect and empower women in society as without a proper legal system that recognises equal rights of all of the citizens of the nation, real equality can be never achieved. In addition and as mentioned in the introduction, marriage is the predominant factor that obstructs women integration in the labour market so that consolidating a unified legal age of marriage is a concern of national importance that will not only ameliorate the economic situation of the country but that will grant more women the chance of undertaking activities as part of the formal labour market and expand their possibilities, formation, experience and empowerment outside the household. The last pivotal argument which has been also portrayed in the empirical context chapter is related to the high levels of sexual ! "79 harassment which continue to not only intimidate women but to restrict them in time and space and consequently in their far-reaching rights and obligations in society. !

6.3 Research agenda!

As an overarching suggestion for the future research agenda, it could be mentioned that further research efforts need to be urgently localised in exploring the gender restrictions and insecurities related to the labour market that can be found in the areas in which ethnic minorities are predominant, like in the North and the East of the country and from which, almost no existing data is available. To be concrete, the almost thirty years civil war, hindered the gathering of information from the most affected districts so that the Department of Census and Statistics in Sri Lanka has almost no reliable sources of knowledge that can enable a wider understanding of many topics of importance as well as challenges that are present in the country and that steam from ingrained and complex gender and ethnic inequity, prejudice and intolerance. In these marginalised and mostly rural areas of the Asian Island, the already existing patriarchal social system is thought to be even more prevalent so that women are believed to be exclusively conceived subordinates of their husband or families. In the post-conflict scenario, the recurrent case of family members or husband loss, due to death or disappearance, has positioned many women as income generators of their own household but this last has not come with ameliorated rights, status and overall wellbeing, on the contrary, it is believed to have been accompanied with chronic unease and fear including physical and mental abuse, land-grabbing and staggering poverty (ILO, 2013:xii). !

From a different perspective, in many developing countries in which there are still many, as well as interlinked “discriminatory social institutions” that limit and endanger women’s holistic participation and presence in society, the measurement of empowerment remains a difficult and delicate task (SIGI, 2015). As it has been already discussed before, empowerment entails the ability and possibility to make choices that can lead to the initiation of the process of change. Nonetheless and as suggested in The Conditions and Consequences of Choice: Reflections on the Measurements of Women’s Empowerment, “human agency is indeterminate and hence unpredictable” so that “any change in the structure of opportunities and constraints in which individuals make choices can bring into existence a variety of different responses, which can have quite different impacts and meaning in different contexts” (UNRISD 1999:47). In line with this, it would be of interest to investigate in depth if stepping out of the guidelines provided by the long-established patriarchal social order by engaging in processes of change such as becoming part of the formal labour force, would indeed entail mostly positive outcomes for the agents of that change, in this case the women. As it has been ! "80 discussed in the analysis chapter, some of the women who were interviewed did not seek for empowerment and were rather satisfied and content by the fact of not having to decide for themselves and to act upon their lives in a more independent manner. Additionally, and interrelated to Amartya Sen’s capability approach, if a person is unaware of the existent ways to reach valuable states of being and doing it will most likely never be able to fully engage in the process of social change. This last, if investigated, could be addressed as an after-effect of the process of internalisation that stands as an opposition of change and modernisation and that is undertaken by many women in traditionally shaped societies in which their self-realisation is often not a priority. !

Lastly, inspired in the ideas and statements Chulani Kodikara shared during her in-depth interview and based on her recent article State racism and sexism in post-war Sri Lanka, it is pivotal to understand the various national discourses of the country and contrast them in order to establish their real reach and consequently their impact in shaping society and hidebound gender-roles. As the gender expert mentions, it has been suggested that national discourses have long defined gender- roles as well as identities in Sri Lanka in which familial culture has continuously drafted the expectations that come with being a woman. Concretely, in the 19th century, Sinhala Buddhist nationalist ideology emerged as a contraposition and counterbalance to the oppression of the colonial rule but throughout time it seems to have fuelled both racism and sexism in its own independent state. Confirming or disproving the actual effects national discourses with regard to adverse gender molding and framing have, could help expose how “masculinity is being emphasised in the public sphere and how femininity is being accentuated in the private sphere” and provide an insight of the political-motivated factors excluding and reducing women in society (Kodikara, 2014).!

6.4 Critical reflection on the project: theoretical, conceptual and methodological remarks!

The fusion of the theoretical constellations that are visible as part of the second chapter, have shown several insights and have integrated a holistic exploratory portrait of women as labour force in the former Ceylon, highlighting particularly social differentiators as crucial factors that continue to shape society through explicit and implicit manifestations. Combining literature on wellbeing and empowerment enabled the creation of a highly dynamic and multidisciplinary matrix in which subjectivity was given a crucial role in order to capture each of the women’s stories through their own eyes. The wellbeing approach, encompassing three interlinked dimensions, namely material, ! "81 relational and subjective, also constituted a bridge to analyse the first dimensions of power, included in the notion of empowerment, in which the “sense of having what you need for life to be good” can be regarded as the enabling trigger for change and at the same time the ultimate destination of the process of transformation (White, 2009:3). In line with this, material wellbeing can be considered as an important facilitator of empowerment as it includes the necessary resources that combined with positive agency, can lead to transmuting corrections, often mentioned by the participants of this study. Particularly interesting resulted observing how the exercise of weighing the benefits and drawbacks of change was closely linked to the contemplation of “trade-offs” as part of the wellbeing approach, another solid connection between both theories that permitted to explain, until a certain extent, how deep the process of internalisation influenced or not women’s exercise of agency (Pouw & McGregor, 2014:18). !

Furthermore, the use of conflict theory created a solid understanding of the effects of a long- lasting war that has spread at least some, irrevocable damages in wide societal structures of ethnic interaction that were mentioned continuously throughout the in-depth interviews and focus group discussions. Nonetheless, in this theoretical section, the understanding of violence as “direct and indirect” (Galtung, 1969:169) and of peace as “positive and negative” (ibid:172), could have been added in order to explore further and strengthen the intersection between the concepts of conflict, development and prosperity. Adding this last, gender and ethnic violence and tensions in Sri Lanka, such as female and ethnic discrimination in the labour market, could have been incorporated as part of “negative peace” understood as “the absence of visible and direct violence” that at times, enables a wider and clearer comprehension of all the different types of expressions of violence in a particular context (ibid:169). Galtung’s concept on “negative peace” could have been principally integrated in the debate of ethnicity as an epiphenomenon in which throughout history, cultural separation of labour is thought to have fuelled many social imbalances, visible as well as part of conflict theory (ibid). In addition, violence portrayed by Galtung as the element that causes an “avoidable difference between potential and actual level of human self-realisation” (ibid:169) could have been linked in this case to the remaining theoretical approaches, firstly wellbeing in which human capital is regarded as a cornerstone of progress and development (Pouw & McGregor, 2014:10) and secondly empowerment in which the exercise of first order choices is crucial for the process of social change and personal improvement and fulfillment (UNRISD, 1999:2). !

Lastly it can be established that the existing conceptual scheme can be applicable to multiple research sites, particularly the ones that require a different and antagonising approach to the traditional measurements of welfare and where discrimination against women is visible through ! "82 multiple “social institutions” (SIGI, 2015). Nonetheless, Galtung’s understanding of peace and violence could have been added in order to strengthen conflict theory as well as the resulting links between this and other theoretical approaches. !

As for the methodology, the use of quantitative research methods could have illustrated and complemented the qualitative findings by pointing out certain topics or issues that might have needed more exploration, clarification and understanding. With the use of a survey, the findings could have been generalised providing a clearer and wider picture of the particular situation of the country with regard to gender and ethnicity. Nonetheless, the exploratory nature of the main question and sub-questions of this research asked for a more compelling approach that could capture human experiences, verbal and non-verbal expressions and multiple meaning-making manifestations at its best. ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! "83 Bibliography! ——————————————————————- ! AAUW (2014). Why Was the 1995 Beijing Conference for Women Groundbreaking? Read a Firsthand Account. [Online] Available at: http://www.aauw.org/2014/08/20/1995-beijing/ [Accessed 2 March 2015].!

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! "89 Appendices! ——————————————————————- ! Appendix 1: Details of the research participants! ! Due to anonymity and privacy reasons, the name of the women from the ethnic groups researched for this project, who participation either in-depth interviews, focus groups discussion or both, will remain concealed and will be replaced by a number (from one to five). Concretely, a code will be given to each of the women so that particularly in the analysis chapter, it can be easy to follow who said what. For illustrative purposes:!

Example one (1SII): This will signify the first woman of the group (number “1”), from Sinhalese ethnicity (letter “S”) and who participated in an in-depth interview (letters “II”).!

Example two (5TFGD): This will signify the fifth women of the group (number “5”), from Tamil ethnicity (letter “T”) and who participated in focus group discussions (letters “FGD”).!

In addition, the key informants will be also granted a code. This will make it easier for the reader to identify which of these respondents is engaging in the research activities, portrayed in the analytical part of the dissertation. !

1. Sinhalese, Tamil and Muslim Women !

Name Age: Ethnicity: Occupa-! Location: Date: Research (replaced tion: method: by number): 1 65 Sinhalese Cleaning Colombo - 28th July In-depth services & 2015! interview food ! (II) & focus prepara-tion -1st August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 2 38 Sinhalese Photocopy / Colombo - 26th July In-depth library 2015! interview services ! (II) & focus -1st August group 2015 discussion (FGD)

! "90 Name Age: Ethnicity: Occupa-! Location: Date: Research (replaced tion: method: by number): 3 48 Sinhalese Canteen Colombo - 22nd July In-depth administra-! 2015! interview tor & cook ! (II) & focus -1st August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 4 48 Sinhalese Cleaning Colombo - 19th July In-depth services 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -1st August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 5 51 Sinhalese Medical Colombo - 25th July In-depth attendant 2015 interview (II) 1 30 Tamil Garment Colombo - 17th July In-depth elaboration 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -3rd August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 2 28 Tamil Tailoring Colombo - 17th July In-depth 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -3rd August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 3 32 Tamil Preparing Colombo - 25th July In-depth food for 2015! interview hostel ! (II) & focus -3rd August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 4 40 Tamil Medical Colombo - 3rd August In-depth attendant 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -3rd August group 2015 discussion (FGD)

! "91 Name Age: Ethnicity: Occupa-! Location: Date: Research (replaced tion: method: by number): 5 28 Tamil Elaboration Colombo - 10th In-depth sweets August interview 2015 1 42 Muslim Prepara-tion Colombo - 18th July In-depth of string 2015! interview hopers ! (II) & focus -5th August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 2 39 Muslim Medical Colombo - 23rd July In-depth attendant 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -5th August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 3 39 Muslim Nursury Colombo - 8th August In-depth 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -5th August group 2015 discussion (FGD) 4 38 Muslim Librarian Colombo - 24th July In-depth 2015! interview ! (II) & focus -5th! group August discussion 2015 (FGD) 5 47 Muslim Teacher Colombo - 1st August In-depth 2015 interview (II) ! ! ! ! ! ! "92 2. Key Informants!

Name and code: Occupation - Location: Date: Research Organisation - method: Institution: Dr. Sandagomi Lecturer at the Colombo - 21st July 2015 In-depth Coperahewa! Sinhala interview Department of the CII! University of Colombo

Hema President of the Colombo - 17th July 2015 In-depth Goonatilake! Royal Asiatic interview Society GII Mr. Shabir! President of Colombo - 26th July 2015 In-depth Islamic Studies interview SII Department of the University of Colombo! Sonali Dayaratne! Policy Specialist Colombo - 4th August 2015 In-depth at UNDP interview DII Chulani Kodikara! Gender Expert at Colombo - 28th July 2015 In-depth International interview KII Centre for Ethnic Studies Samith Political Advisor Colombo - 6th August 2015 In-depth Abeyguna- in Sri Lanka and interview wardana! member of the European AII Parliament S. Satgunarajah! Manager Colombo - 6th August 2015 In-depth Administration interview SSII Viluthu!

! "93 Appendix! 2: In-depth interviews themes and questions!

Some of the main themes are:!

Gender and ethnic discrimination !

Women as labour force in the formal market !

Self and collective differentiators !

Exercise of agency and decision-making processes!

Trust and mistrust in multi-ethnic communities!

Everyday challenges and opportunities !

Cooperation and competition between different groups!

Post-conflict reconstruction and peace-building!

Illustrative questions:!

Can you answer some questions about your past:!

Were you born in Colombo or somewhere else?!

Did you have a good and carefree childhood?!

Did you ever notice relevant differences as a girl rather than a boy when you were younger? !

Did you finish your elementary or secondary education? If the answer is no, why?!

Which was your first dream job?!

Have you worked before? If the answer is yes, where and for how long? !

Did you have to support your family financially when you were younger?!

Did your parents choose your husband for you?!

Did you have to give a dowry when you got married? ! ! "94 Where you easily accepted in your husband’s family? ! ! Can you answer some questions about your present:!

Which skills have you learnt in the past that you can apply to your present life?!

Which is your job at the moment?!

Do you enjoy your work? How are the conditions? !

Are you satisfied with your life at present?!

Do people in your neighbourhood do things together?!

How is the inter-ethnic interaction in Colombo after the war? !

Do you ever feel discriminated for being a woman or for being part of a particular ethnic group?!

Do you feel in control of your life?!

Are you able to cover your expenses monthly? !

If you could change your life how would you do it? ! ! Can you answer some questions about your future:!

Which are your goals and ambitions for the future?!

Do you think your situation would have improved in the future?!

How will your life and your family’s life be?!

Will discrimination in all its forms be less than nowadays? !

Will women have more opportunities in the labour market in the future?!

Will things change for the better in Sri Lanka? !

Will you have achieved your dreams?!

How will your marriage be in the future? And how about your other relationships?! ! "95 Do you think you will you have more free time to do things you like? !

Does your future look more promising than your present? ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! "96 Appendix 3: Operationalization table ! ! Concepts Dimensions Variables Indicators

1. Empowerment 2.1 First dimension of 2.1.1 Resources:! 2.1.1.1 Income, power (First order ! property, other assets choices) !2.1.1.1 Material wealth! !owned ! 2.1.1.2 Human & 2.1.1.2 Level of social capital education, skills, experience, neighborliness, civic engagement and social networks 2.1.2 Agency - Degree of satisfaction in terms of capacity to define own choices / decision making process! - Perception of ownership of own life! - Perception & satisfaction of development of own-self! - Perception of exterior support to exercise “interior agency” 2.1.3 Outcomes - Degree of satisfaction with life achievements! - Level of agreement when stating that prior achievements can trigger other aspirations / positive outcomes

Second dimension of power (Second order choices)

! "97 2. Ethnicity 2.1 Primordial Birth ascribed - Race! phenomenon approach characteristics) - Caste! - Physical appearance

2.2 Ephiphenomenon Cultural separation of - Labour approach labour/ internal opportunities/ access ! colonialism - Income facilities ! - Resource availability

2.3 Situational Processes and actions - Language or dialect! phenomenon approach derived from a self- - Religion! differentiating - Dressing/ Costumes! collectivity - Norms! - Behaviors! - Traditions

2.4 Subjective Conception of identity - Degree of phenomenon approach and feelings satisfaction with development of own/ collective identity! - Feelings towards oneself 3. Wellbeing 3.1 Individual ! 3.1.1 Material - Food & water! ! resources! - Housing! ! ! - Sanitation! ! 3.1.2 Social resources! - Education! ! ! - Health! ! 3.1.3 Human resources - Relations! ! - Work !

3.2 Collective 3.2.1 Material !resources! !3.2.2 Social resources! 3.2.3 Human resources

! "98 4. Conflict 4.1 Absolute 4.1.1 Emotional assets! 4.1.1.1 Exercise of deprivation ! ! agency and willpower 4.1.2 Material assets !to produce change! 4.1.2.1 Coverage of basic needs to produce change:! -Food & water! - Housing! - Sanitation! - Education! - Health 4.2 Relative 4.2.1 Emotional assets! 4.2.1.1 Exercise of deprivation ! agency and willpower 4.2.2 Material assets !to produce change! 4.1.2.1 Coverage of basic needs to produce change:! -Food & water! - Housing! - Sanitation! - Education! - Health ! ! ! ! ! ! ! ! !

! "99