DOCSLIB.ORG

What Is the Aim of Nippon Kaigi, the Ultra-Right Organization That Supports Japan’S Abe Administration?¹

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

Volume 15 | Issue 21 | Number 1 | Article ID 5081 | Nov 01, 2017 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus What is the Aim of Nippon Kaigi, the Ultra-Right Organization that Supports Japan’s Abe Administration?¹ Tawara Yoshifumi Translation by Asia Policy Point, Senior Fellow William Brooks and Senior Research Assistant Lu Pengqiao Introduction by Tomomi Yamaguchi Introduction The article translated here appeared in the December 2016 volume of the magazine, Heiwa Nippon Kaigi [The Japan Conference], Undō (Peace Movement), and summarizes his established in 1997, is the largest right-wing most recent book Nippon Kaigi no Zenbō: organization in Japan. The organization is a Shirarezaru Kyodai Soshiki no Jittai [The major supporter of the current Prime Minister Complete Picture of Nippon Kaigi: The Abe Shinzo, and both Japanese and foreign Unknown Reality of an Mammoth media report that Abe, and many of his cabinet, Organization.] (Kadensha 2016.) In the book, are prominent member of its Diet Members Tawara utilized data on Nippon Kaigi League. Despite Nippon Kaigi’s influence on accumulated over a long period of time to governmental policies of Japan, thedescribe Nippon Kaigi’s history, organizational organization was little known to the general structure, “grassroots” movement style, and public until 2015. In 2016, however, numerous goals. books and magazine articles focusing on Nippon Kaigi were published, some becoming best sellers. This created a “Nippon Kaigi boom” in the publishing world.2 These 2016 works on Nippon Kaigi, however, were not the first. A number of journalists, scholars and activists have long paid attention to the history and activism of Nippon Kaigi. Tawara Yoshifumi, a leading specialist on education and textbook adoption issues, and the secretary general ofChildren and Textbooks Japan Network 21, has published articles and books that on Nippon Kaigi over the years. 1 15 | 21 | 1 APJ | JF wo Tsukuru Kokumin no Kai [National Citizens’ Association to Create a Beautiful Constitution for Japan] promoting constitutional reform. Mobilizing local branches and various affiliated organizations across Japan in national and local levels, Tawara shows, Nippon Kaigi operates a “grassroots right-wing movement,” while maintaining strong ties with the Abe administration. Tawara emphasizes that Nippon Kaigi presents the Constitution, education, and defense as a set of interlocking issues, an approach shared with Prime Minister Abe’s policy priorities. Tawara particularly focuses on two issues: education and the Constitutional amendment. Tawara’s greatest contribution centers on education, reflecting his long-term commitment to issues of education and textbooks, from Ienaga Saburō’s textbook trials beginning in 1965 to the present. Tawara shows how the Abe administration’s concept of Kyōiku Saisei [education rebuilding] seeks to overturn the foundations of Tawara traces the history of the right-wing contemporary education. The 2006 revision of movement that led to the formation of Nippon the Fundamental Law of Education, which Kaigi from the 1970s, starting with a movement defined the goal of education not to serve to legalize imperial era names. The two students but the state by emphasizing patriotic organizations that played significant roles in education, was a major victory of the first Abe this movement, namely, Nihon wo Mamoru administration (2006-7). This had a tremendous Kokumin Kaigi [National Conference to Protect impact on the direction of education – not Japan] and Nihon wo Mamoru Kai [Association simply in schools but also in communities and to Protect Japan], merged in 1997 to form even in families (the revised Law includes an Nippon Kaigi. Tawara points out that unlike article on “family education”.) Abe’s these organizations, Nippon Kaigi appointed modification of the Board of Education system business leaders and intellectuals as board in 2014 made it much easier for governors and members and hid its right-wing priorities, but mayors to intervene in education and the the nature of the organization remained textbook adoption process. Under this new unchanged. Tawara then introduces various system, Tawara notes, members of the Nippon affiliated organizations of Nippon Kaigi, such as Kaigi Local Assembly Members League have its Diet Members’ League and Local Assembly played significant roles in promoting a Members’ League, its women’s section called conservative and revisionist history and civic Japan Women’s Association, and Nihon Seinen textbooks published by Ikuhōsha (connected Kyōgikai [Japan Youth Council]. Nippon Kaigi with the Japan Education Rebuilding has various front organizations for independent Organization) and Jiyūsha (connected with the issues, such as the Utsukushii Nippon no Kenpō Society for History Textbook Reform). 2 15 | 21 | 1 APJ | JF Moreover, under the second Abereceives the greatest attention, Nippon Kaigi administration, “moral education” (dōtoku) was calls for seven important constitutional introduced as an “official subject” (i.e., with revisions including the making of a new clause grades assigned, based on evaluation of degree on emergency powers and the addition of a of patriotism among other rubrics) infamily protection clause to Article 24.5 On May elementary and junior high schools, which has 3, 2017, Prime Minister Abe delivered a video been criticized for potentially interfering with message at a symposium held by the National children’s freedom of thought. As of September Citizens’ Association. There, he called for 2017, the adoption process of elementary making “explicit the status” of the self-defense school moral education textbooks to be used forces in Article 9 of the Constitution by the from 2018 is under way. The textbookyear 2020. Clearly, Article 9 has become a published by Kyōiku Shuppan includespriority for Nippon Kaigi. members of the Japan Education Rebuilding Organization among its editors, and has an On August 15 this year, I visited the booth of especially patriotic content, with photos of the National Citizens’ Association to Create a conservative politicians, including Abe Shinzo, Beautiful Constitution for Japan at a street near in the text.3 In the translated text, Tawara Yasukune Shrine. There flags and signs stresses the danger of the next Gakushū Shidō included “Write the SDF into the Constitution” Yoryō [Education Guideline], whichand “Thank you, SDF,” along with a photo of fundamentally changes the guidelines for all journalist Sakurai Yoshiko, who is also one of aspects of schools, families and communities. the co-chairs of the National Citizens’ Tawara insists that the aim of education Association. I also received a flyer “Thank you, became two-fold in the new guideline: to SDF.” Despite heavy rain, Nippon Kaigi was strengthen “human resources” for the sake of holding a gathering in a tent on the grounds of the state by promoting patriotism, and also in the shrine. The main speaker was LDP Upper the service of large corporations by promoting House representative and former SDF member neoliberal policies. Sato Masahisa discussing the importance of the SDF and the need to revise the Constitution. It Currently the most important goal for Nippon was obvious that the goal of amending the Kaigi is undoubtedly to amend the post-war Constitution by 2020, by writing the SDF into Constitution. Nippon Kaigi founded theArticle 9 of the Constitution, remains a Nippon National Citizens’ Association to Create a Kaigi priority as it is of the Abe administration. Beautiful Constitution for Japan in 2014, to promote a constitutional revision movement based on a “national referendum” to be held during Abe’s administration. The organization has actively pursued approaches introduced in the 1970s to pass legislation that requires the use of imperial era names, ranging from a massive “10 million” signature drive, collecting petitions from local assemblies, holding gatherings in such major venues as Nippon Budōkan of Tokyo, conducting small study group meetings across Japan, distributing leaflets and a DVD, and broadcasting videos on YouTube. It is important to note that while there is no doubt that amendment of Article 9 3 15 | 21 | 1 APJ | JF The flyer “Thank you, SDF” by the National Citizens’ Association to Create a Beautiful Constitution for Japan. The flags at the booth of the Association to Create a Beautiful Constitution for Japan in front of Yasukuni Shrine on August 15, 2017. Picture book, Jieitai tte Naani? [What is the SDF?] (Author: Sonoda Haru, Meiseisha 2017), sold at the Nippon Kaigi booth of Yasukuni Shrine on August 15, 2017. The book is recommended by LDP Upper House Representative, Sato Masahisa.5 On September 28, Prime Minister Abe Shinzo dissolved the lower house of the parliament, and a snap election was held on October 22. Abe’s LDP and its coalition partners secured a major victory, with more than half of the seats won by the LDP. As the LDP and the Komeito Party that currently form a coalition government, gained two-third of the Lower House, which is the number of votes needed to assure a national referendum for constitutional revision, the likelihood is that a proposal to hold a national referendum will be submitted to the Diet in the very near future. Under Japan’s national referendum law, a majority (more than 4 15 | 21 | 1 APJ | JF 50%) vote is required to amend theLDP. The party’s platform included opposition Constitution, with no stipulation as to the to the revision of the Article 9, the minimum number of votes cast. Since 2014,
Recommended publications
  • Japan: Super Global High Schools

    Japan: Super Global High Schools

    July 2015 Japan: Super Global High Schools The Japanese Government’s Super Global High School (SGH) project was launched in 2014, and aims “to develop leaders with international competencies”. Working with universities, industry and international organisations, SGH schools develop and implement tailored curricula for five years. SGH Associate schools will work with SGH schools to develop a broader SGH community. SGH Associate schools also develop and implement targeted educational programs for “nurturing global leaders” for one year. Students from SGH schools will be “expected to hone their communication and problem-solving skills as they tackle global issues” in concert with Japan-based universities and international organisations, industry and non-profit groups. The SGH project complements the government’s focus on internationalisation of universities – where possible, connections between SGH schools and universities are noted below. List of Super Global High Schools (appointed in 2014) Project duration: April 2014-March 2018 Prefecture Type Name of School Aichi Prefectural Aichi Prefectural Asahigaoka Senior High School Aichi Private Meijo University Senior High School Aomori Prefectural Aomori High School Chiba Private Makuhari Junior and Senior High School Ehime Prefectural Matsuyama Higashi High School Fukui Prefectural Fukui Prefectural Koshi Senior High School Gifu Prefectural Ogaki Kita High School Gunma Prefectural Gunma Prefectural Chuo Secondary School Gunma Municipal Takasaki Municipal High School of Takasaki Coty University
  • The Significance of Nippon Kaigi in the Revisionist

    The Significance of Nippon Kaigi in the Revisionist

    Tomomi Yamaguchi The “HistoryWars” and the “Comfort Woman” Issue: The SignificanceofNippon Kaigi in the Revisionist Movement in ContemporaryJapan Introduction In December 2012,Abe Shinzō became Japan’sPrime Minister for the second time. From the beginning of his political career in 1993asanew member of the House of Representativesfrom the conservative Liberal Democratic Party (hereafter,LDP), Abehas been apolitician committed to historical revisionist causes. Both times that he served as the primeminister in 2006–2007 and then since 2012,Abe showed extensive interest in denying Japan’sresponsibility over the “comfort woman” issue, and the issue gained lots of political attention, both in Japan and abroad.¹ At the national political level, the revision of the Kōno statement issued on 4August 1993, by then-Chief Cabinet Secretary, Kōno Yōhei, became the topic of intense discussion. The statement includes the phrase, “[a] government studyhas revealed thatinmanycases they werere- cruited against their own will, through coaxing, coercion, etc., and that,attimes, administrative/military personneldirectlytook part in the recruitments.”² Right- wing forces arguetothis daythatthe Kōno statement’sindication that the “com- fort women” wereforciblyrecruited by the Japanese military is false. After the building of the “comfort woman” statue (Statue of Peace) in front of the Japanese Embassy in Seoul in December 2011, the Japanese right-wingand the government have been obsessed with “comfort women” statues and memo- rials in different overseas locations, giventheir heavy interest in the internation- al reputation of Japan. The building of the first “comfort woman” memorial in the U.S. in front of alibrary in Palisades Park, New Jersey,in2010,gainedatten- tion of Japanese conservativesinspring 2012.Subsequently,statues werebuilt in The term “comfortwomen” was aeuphemism used during WWII, which does not reflect the harsh realities of women forciblyengaged in sexual slavery.When used in English-languageac- tivism and academia this term is often put in quotation marks.
  • Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868

    Growing Democracy in Japan: the Parliamentary Cabinet System Since 1868

    View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by University of Kentucky University of Kentucky UKnowledge Asian Studies Race, Ethnicity, and Post-Colonial Studies 5-15-2014 Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Georgia Institute of Technology Click here to let us know how access to this document benefits ou.y Thanks to the University of Kentucky Libraries and the University Press of Kentucky, this book is freely available to current faculty, students, and staff at the University of Kentucky. Find other University of Kentucky Books at uknowledge.uky.edu/upk. For more information, please contact UKnowledge at [email protected]. Recommended Citation Woodall, Brian, "Growing Democracy in Japan: The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868" (2014). Asian Studies. 4. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/upk_asian_studies/4 Growing Democracy in Japan Growing Democracy in Japan The Parliamentary Cabinet System since 1868 Brian Woodall Due to variations in the technical specifications of different electronic reading devices, some elements of this ebook may not appear as they do in the print edition. Readers are encouraged to experiment with user settings for optimum results. Copyright © 2014 by The University Press of Kentucky Scholarly publisher for the Commonwealth, serving Bellarmine University, Berea College, Centre College of Kentucky, Eastern Kentucky University, The Filson Historical Society, Georgetown College, Kentucky Historical Society, Kentucky State University, Morehead State University, Murray State University, Northern Kentucky University, Transylvania University, University of Kentucky, University of Louisville, and Western Kentucky University. All rights reserved. Editorial and Sales Offices: The University Press of Kentucky 663 South Limestone Street, Lexington, Kentucky 40508-4008 www.kentuckypress.com Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Woodall, Brian.
  • The History Problem: the Politics of War

    The History Problem: the Politics of War

    History / Sociology SAITO … CONTINUED FROM FRONT FLAP … HIRO SAITO “Hiro Saito offers a timely and well-researched analysis of East Asia’s never-ending cycle of blame and denial, distortion and obfuscation concerning the region’s shared history of violence and destruction during the first half of the twentieth SEVENTY YEARS is practiced as a collective endeavor by both century. In The History Problem Saito smartly introduces the have passed since the end perpetrators and victims, Saito argues, a res- central ‘us-versus-them’ issues and confronts readers with the of the Asia-Pacific War, yet Japan remains olution of the history problem—and eventual multiple layers that bind the East Asian countries involved embroiled in controversy with its neighbors reconciliation—will finally become possible. to show how these problems are mutually constituted across over the war’s commemoration. Among the THE HISTORY PROBLEM THE HISTORY The History Problem examines a vast borders and generations. He argues that the inextricable many points of contention between Japan, knots that constrain these problems could be less like a hang- corpus of historical material in both English China, and South Korea are interpretations man’s noose and more of a supportive web if there were the and Japanese, offering provocative findings political will to determine the virtues of peaceful coexistence. of the Tokyo War Crimes Trial, apologies and that challenge orthodox explanations. Written Anything less, he explains, follows an increasingly perilous compensation for foreign victims of Japanese in clear and accessible prose, this uniquely path forward on which nationalist impulses are encouraged aggression, prime ministerial visits to the interdisciplinary book will appeal to sociol- to derail cosmopolitan efforts at engagement.
  • 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate

    2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe Wins a New Mandate

    At a glance October 2017 Japan: Shinzō Abe wins a new mandate Shinzō Abe won the snap elections he called for the lower house on 22 October 2017. Despite her popularity, Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike failed to convince the electorate to oust a prime minister in charge since December 2012. The newly created Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan became the main opposition force in the House of Representatives. In coalition with Kōmeitō, Abe's Liberal Democratic Party holds a two-thirds majority enabling it to pass constitutional amendments. The outcome of the 22 October 2017 elections On 22 October 2017, elections for the lower chamber (House of Representatives) of Japan's Parliament took place. Turnout was 53.69 %, reversing a long-term declining trend (2014 had seen a record low of 52.66 %) despite a powerful typhoon that might have encouraged voters to stay at home. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) was confirmed as the country's largest party, with 281 seats. Its partner Kōmeitō obtained 29 seats. With a combined 310 seats, they retain two thirds of the lower chamber, the majority needed to revise the Constitution, one of Abe's goals. The Constitutional Democratic Party of Japan (CDPJ) became the main opposition party, obtaining 54 seats. The CDPJ is Japan’s smallest main opposition party since 1955. Tokyo's governor Yuriko Koike's Kibō no Tō (Party of Hope) obtained 50 seats. Shinzō Abe won his fourth mandate. Grandson of Nobusuke Kishi, prime minister in the 1950s, his first mandate was from September 2006 to September 2007, when he became, at 52, Japan’s youngest post-War prime minister and the first to have been born after the war.
  • The Union of National Economic Associations in Japan

    The Union of National Economic Associations in Japan

    No .. 4 入\ ECS 1 ) ル 、., ゜° 含、。 も Information Bulletin of そ云OLo/‘ 名 ;,,..ssoThe Union of National C、 ち ゞ Economic Associations 令 シ匁 1 in Japan 日本経済学会連合 1984 INFORMATION BULLETIN OF THE UNION OF NATIONAL ECONOMIC ASSOCIATIONS IN JAPAN This Information Bulletin is designed to serve as an introduction of the academic activities of member associations of the Union t_p the economic societies throughout the world. It will be distril5uted by the secretariat of the L/nion to. economists and societies in other countries which are recognized by the member associations of the Union. - Managing Editors Makoto IKEDA, Hitotsubashi University Hisanori NISHIYAMA,. Meiji University Fumimasa HAMADA, Keio University Kazuo NIMURA, Hosei University Tsuneo NAKAUCHI_, International Christian University Kiyoshi OKAMOTO, Hitotsubashi University Junko NISHIKAWA, Tokyo Metropolitan College of Commerce Haruo SHIMADA, Keio University Shizuya NISHIMURA, Hosei University Hideo TAMURA, Chuo-University Editorial Committee Seiji FURUTA, Keio University lsamu OTA, Toyo University Tian Kang GO, Chuo University Yasuo OKADA, Keio University Toshir,obu KATO, Asia University Moriyuki TAJIMA, Hitotsubashi University Masamj KIT A, Soka University Shigeru T ANESE, Hitotsubashi Univ釘sity Kenichi MASUI, Mi甜suzaka University Koichi TANOUCHI, Hitotsubashi University Syunsaku NISHIKAWA, Keio University Nobuo YASUI, Chuo iUniversity lkujiro NONAKA, Hitotsubashi University Directors of the Union President Su�umu TAKAMIYA, Sophia University Secretary General Takashi SHIRAISHI, Keio University
  • (ASCJ) Saitama University June 29-30, 2019

    (ASCJ) Saitama University June 29-30, 2019

    The Twenty-third Asian Studies Conference Japan (ASCJ) Saitama University June 29-30, 2019 Information correct as of June 11, 2019. Please check the website for any late changes: https://ascjapan.org Registration will begin at 9:15 a.m. on Saturday, June 29. Sessions will be held in the Liberal Arts Building of Saitama University. Registration and Book Display: Ground floor lobby. All rooms are equipped with projector, video and DVD player. PROGRAM OVERVIEW SATURDAY JUNE 29 9:15 – Registration 10:00 A.M. – 12:00 NOON Sessions 1–7 12:00 NOON – 1:30 P.M. Lunch break 12:30 P.M. – 13:00 P.M. Lion Dance Demonstration 1:30 P.M. – 3:30 P.M. Sessions 8–16 3:40 P.M. – 5:40 P.M. Sessions 17–26 6:00 P.M. – 6:45 P.M. Keynote Address 6:50 P.M. – 8:30 P.M. Reception SUNDAY JUNE 30 9:15 – Registration 9:30 A.M. – 9:50 A.M. ASCJ Business Meeting 10:00 A.M. – 12:00 NOON Sessions 27–35 12:00 NOON – 1:30 P.M. Lunch break 1:30 P.M. – 3:30 P.M. Sessions 36–43 3:40 P.M. – 5:40 P.M. Sessions 44–48 1 The Twenty-third Asian Studies Conference Japan (ASCJ) Saitama University June 29-30, 2019 SATURDAY, JUNE 29 SATURDAY MORNING SESSIONS: 10:00 A.M. - 12:00 P.M. Session 1: Room 21 Modern Art History of East Asia in the Digital Age: Collaborations beyond National Borders Organizer: Magdalena Kolodziej, Duke University Chair: Stephanie Su, Assistant Professor 1.
  • The “Japan Is Great!” Boom, Historical Revisionism, and the Government

    The “Japan Is Great!” Boom, Historical Revisionism, and the Government

    Volume 15 | Issue 6 | Number 3 | Article ID 5021 | Mar 15, 2017 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The “Japan Is Great!” Boom, Historical Revisionism, and the Government Tomomi Yamaguchi This is the first of a two-part article. Part two, ideology can enter the mundane, everyday entitled “The National Story of ‘Japan Is Great’” spheres of life. In doing so, Hayakawa by Hayakawa Tadanori, is available here. brilliantly demonstrates how the nationalistic movement “Japanism” (Nihonshugi) took off. Abstract: As the Tokyo Shimbun reported in its He shows that these books “discover” the recent article, the expression “Japan Is Great!” greatness of Japan everywhere, from rice and and a distinctive nationalistic sentimentfish consumption to etiquette, hygiene, and associated with it flood the mass media in physical training methods. And through his Japan today. Journalists and televisionexamination of nationalistic publications in the personalities praise Japan ad nauseam.country’s past—those that like the “Japan Is Hayakawa Tadanori is an editor and writer who Great” publications today also overstated the has extensively covered this “Japan-Is-Great” uniqueness of the country’s culture and phenomenon. Analyzing issues surrounding technology—he clarifies how that older “Japan nationalism and propaganda both in pre-war Is Great” discourse bolstered the mobilization and contemporary Japan, he examines topics for the Greater East Asia War, thereby ranging from patriotic mobilization in pre-war awakening us to the danger of history and war-time Japan to post-war propaganda repeating itself. promoting nuclear energy. His most recent book, The Dystopia of “Japan Is Great”: The Genealogy of Singing One's Own Praises in Wartime (“Nihon sugoi” no disutopia: senjika jiga jisan no keifu, Seikyūsha, 2016) analyzes “precursors to the current ‘Japan Is Great!’ discourse” in publications between 1925 and 1945.
  • The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups

    The Limits of Forgiveness in International Relations: Groups

    JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations E-ISSN: 1647-7251 [email protected] Observatório de Relações Exteriores Portugal del Pilar Álvarez, María; del Mar Lunaklick, María; Muñoz, Tomás The limits of forgiveness in International Relations: Groups supporting the Yasukuni shrine in Japan and political tensions in East Asia JANUS.NET, e-journal of International Relations, vol. 7, núm. 2, noviembre, 2016, pp. 26- 49 Observatório de Relações Exteriores Lisboa, Portugal Available in: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=413548516003 How to cite Complete issue Scientific Information System More information about this article Network of Scientific Journals from Latin America, the Caribbean, Spain and Portugal Journal's homepage in redalyc.org Non-profit academic project, developed under the open access initiative OBSERVARE Universidade Autónoma de Lisboa e-ISSN: 1647-7251 Vol. 7, Nº. 2 (November 2016-April 2017), pp. 26-49 THE LIMITS OF FORGIVENESS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: GROUPS SUPPORTING THE YASUKUNI SHRINE IN JAPAN AND POLITICAL TENSIONS IN EAST ASIA María del Pilar Álvarez [email protected] Research Professor at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Salvador (USAL, Argentina) and Visiting Professor of the Department of International Studies at the University T. Di Tella (UTDT). Coordinator of the Research Group on East Asia of the Institute of Social Science Research (IDICSO) of the USAL. Postdoctoral Fellow of the National Council of Scientific and Technical Research (CONICET) of Argentina. Doctor of Social Sciences from the University of Buenos Aires (UBA). Holder of a Master Degree on East Asia, Korea, from Yonsei University. Holder of a Degree in Political Science (UBA).
  • Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No

    Roster of Winners in Single-Seat Constituencies No

    Tuesday, October 24, 2017 | The Japan Times | 3 lower house ele ion ⑳ NAGANO ㉘ OSAKA 38KOCHI No. 1 Takashi Shinohara (I) No. 1 Hiroyuki Onishi (L) No. 1 Gen Nakatani (L) Roster of winners in single-seat constituencies No. 2 Mitsu Shimojo (KI) No. 2 Akira Sato (L) No. 2 Hajime Hirota (I) No. 3 Yosei Ide (KI) No. 3 Shigeki Sato (K) No. 4 Shigeyuki Goto (L) No. 4 Yasuhide Nakayama (L) 39EHIME No. 4 Masaaki Taira (L) ⑮ NIIGATA No. 5 Ichiro Miyashita (L) No. 5 Toru Kunishige (K) No. 1 Yasuhisa Shiozaki (L) ( L ) Liberal Democratic Party; ( KI ) Kibo no To; ( K ) Komeito; No. 5 Kenji Wakamiya (L) No. 6 Shinichi Isa (K) No. 1 Chinami Nishimura (CD) No. 2 Seiichiro Murakami (L) ( JC ) Japanese Communist Party; ( CD ) Constitutional Democratic Party; No. 6 Takayuki Ochiai (CD) No. 7 Naomi Tokashiki (L) No. 2 Eiichiro Washio (I) ㉑ GIFU No. 3 Yoichi Shiraishi (KI) ( NI ) Nippon Ishin no Kai; ( SD ) Social Democratic Party; ( I ) Independent No. 7 Akira Nagatsuma (CD) No. 8 Takashi Otsuka (L) No. 3 Takahiro Kuroiwa (I) No. 1 Seiko Noda (L) No. 4 Koichi Yamamoto (L) No. 8 Nobuteru Ishihara (L) No. 9 Kenji Harada (L) No. 4 Makiko Kikuta (I) No. 2 Yasufumi Tanahashi (L) No. 9 Isshu Sugawara (L) No. 10 Kiyomi Tsujimoto (CD) No. 4 Hiroshi Kajiyama (L) No. 3 Yoji Muto (L) 40FUKUOKA ① HOKKAIDO No. 10 Hayato Suzuki (L) No. 11 Hirofumi Hirano (I) No. 5 Akimasa Ishikawa (L) No. 4 Shunpei Kaneko (L) No. 1 Daiki Michishita (CD) No. 11 Hakubun Shimomura (L) No.
  • Japanese Swords As Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media

    Japanese Swords As Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media

    Volume 19 | Issue 7 | Number 1 | Article ID 5564 | Apr 01, 2021 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus Japanese Swords as Symbols of Historical Amnesia: Touken Ranbu and the Sword Boom in Popular Media Kohki Watabe Abstract: This essay analyses the Japanese revisionism, nationalism, symbolism of sword boom in popular media in the 21st Japanese swords, Touken Ranbu century, situating Touken Ranbu, an online video game franchise, within its wider political and historical context. In the first two decades of the 21st century, government, commercial, Introduction and semi-public institutions, such as museums, extensively deployed positive depictions of In the 2010s, Japan's media culture witnessed a Japanese swords in popular media, including phenomenon that could be termed a Japanese anime, manga, TV, and films in public relations sword boom, evident in forms from manga and campaigns. As a historical ideological icon, anime to video games and films. The swords have been used to signify class in the transmedia popularity of sword iconography Edo period (1603-1868) and to justify the has influenced public relations strategies of Japanese Empire’s expansion into Asia during companies and governments and encouraged the Asia-Pacific War (1931-1945). Bycollaborations among public and private emphasizing the object's symbolism andsectors. Arguably, the most notable example of aestheticism, the sword boom of the 21st this phenomenon is a video game called Touken century is following a similar trajectory. Ranbu and its transmedia franchise. Taken Popular representations of swords in media together, these trends represent a fascination culture selectively feature historical episodes with the trope of the sword: some that are deemed politically uncontroversial and representations are historically grounded while beneficial for promoting a sense of national others are radically decontextualized; some pride.
  • The Uses of the Holocaust in Japanese Conservative Internet Media

    The Uses of the Holocaust in Japanese Conservative Internet Media

    Journal of Asia-Pacific StudiesThe Uses (Waseda of the University) Holocaust inNo. Japanese 26 (March Conservative 2016) Internet Media The Uses of the Holocaust in Japanese Conservative Internet Media Jeffrey J. Hall† Past scholarship on the Holocaust has shown that various groups throughout the world have at- tempted to emulate Jewish Holocaust awareness campaigning in their own activist campaigns aimed at bringing attention to other historical events. Such studies have almost exclusively focused on groups rep- resenting the victims of atrocities. However, there has been little academic study on the use of the Holo- caust in campaigns to deny alleged historical atrocities. This paper explores how the Holocaust is used by members of Japan’s conservative right in their efforts to deny Chinese and Korean claims of historical victimization. It will also address the possible misconception that widespread anti-Semitism and Holo- caust denial exist among the Japanese conservative right. This misconception seemed evident in early 2014, when foreign media outlets ran stories suggesting that acts of anti-Jewish vandalism at Tokyo li- braries were linked to the conservative supporters of Prime Minister Shinzo Abe. To analyze the views and uses of the Holocaust among the Japanese conservative right, this paper examined programs created by Nihon Bunka Channel Sakura, a conservative internet broadcaster with links to Prime Minister Shinzo Abe’s political base. The response from Nihon Bunka Channel Sakura to that incident, as well as its other programs that mentioned the Holocaust, depicted the Holocaust as a historical fact, celebrated Japanese heroes who protected Jews, denied the existence of anti-Semitism in Japan, and argued that Japanese are victims of foreign “lies” and “propaganda.” The truth of the Holocaust was contrasted with what conservatives saw as false or exaggerated accounts of atrocities committed by Japan during World War II.