Table of Contents Introduction

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Table of Contents Introduction STATE OF NORTH CAROLINA IN THE GENERAL COURT OF JUSTICE WAKE COUNTY SUPERIOR COURT DIVISION 18 CVS 014001 COMMON CAUSE, et al. ) Plaintiffs, ) ) v. ) JUDGMENT ) Representative DAVID R. LEWIS, ) in his official capacity as Senior ) Chairman of the House Select ) Committee on Redistricting, et al., ) Defendants. ) TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION ...........................................................................................................................5 FINDINGS OF FACT ...............................................................................................................11 A. Republicans Drew the 2017 Plans to Maximize Their Political Power ....................................................................................................................11 1. Republican Mapmakers Drew the 2011 Plans ............................... 11 2. The Covington Court Struck Down Certain 2011 Districts as Unconstitutional Racial Gerrymanders ..................................... 13 3. The General Assembly Enacted the 2017 Plans ............................ 14 4. The Covington Special Master Redrew Several Districts That Remained Racially Gerrymandered ....................................... 22 B. The 2017 Plans Were Designed Intentionally and Effectively to Maximize Republican Partisan Advantage on a Statewide Basis ..........23 1. Legislative Defendants Admitted That They Were Drawing the 2017 Plans for Partisan Gain .................................... 23 2. Dr. Hofeller’s Files Establish That the Predominant Goal Was to Maximize Republican Partisan Advantage ...................... 24 3. Plaintiffs’ Experts Established that the Plans Are Extreme Partisan Gerrymanders Designed to Ensure Republican Control ............................................................................... 37 C. The 2017 Plans Were Designed Intentionally and Effectively to Maximize Republican Partisan Advantage Within Specific County Groupings ..........................................................................................................109 1. Senate County Groupings ................................................................. 109 2. House County Groupings .................................................................. 149 D. The 2017 Plans Protected the Republican Majorities in the 2018 Elections ............................................................................................................223 E. The 2017 Plans Harm the Organizational and Individual Plaintiffs ............................................................................................................224 1. The 2017 Plans Harm the North Carolina Democratic Party ...................................................................................................... 224 2. The 2017 Plans Harm Common Cause .......................................... 230 3. The 2017 Plans Harm the Individual Plaintiffs .......................... 231 F. Defendants Offered No Meaningful Defense of the 2017 Plans............238 1. No Witness Denied That the Plans Are Intentional and Effective Partisan Gerrymanders ................................................... 238 2. Defendants’ Criticisms of Plaintiffs’ Experts Were Not Persuasive ............................................................................................ 239 3. Dr. Karen Owen’s Testimony on “Representation” and “Competitive Elections” and Representative John Bell’s Testimony on Competitive Districts Was Unpersuasive ........... 272 4. The Whole County Provision Did Not Prevent Systematic Gerrymandering of the Plans for Partisan Gain ......................... 277 5. Plaintiffs Do Not Seek Proportional Representation ................. 278 6. Legislative Defendants Did Not Seek to Comply with the VRA and Did Not Show Nonpartisan Plans Would Violate the VRA ................................................................................................. 279 7. Legislative Defendants, through Dr. Hofeller, substantially completed drafting the Enacted Maps in June 2017 ............................................................................................. 284 2 CONCLUSIONS OF LAW .....................................................................................................292 I. THE STANDING OF PLAINTIFFS ........................................................................292 A. The North Carolina Democratic Party Has Standing .............................293 B. Common Cause Has Standing ......................................................................295 C. The Standing of Individual Plaintiffs .........................................................296 II. THE 2017 PLANS VIOLATE THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION’S FREE ELECTIONS CLAUSE ..................................................................................298 III. THE 2017 PLANS VIOLATE THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION’S EQUAL PROTECTION CLAUSE ............................................................................307 A. North Carolina’s Equal Protection Clause Provides Greater Protection for Voting Rights Than its Federal Counterpart ......................................307 B. The 2017 Plans Were Created with the Intent to Discriminate Against Plaintiffs and Other Democratic Voters .....................................................309 C. The 2017 Plans Deprive Plaintiffs and Other Democratic Voters of Substantially Equal Voting Power and the Right to Vote on Equal Terms ..................................................................................................................312 D. The 2017 Plans Cannot be Justified by any Legitimate Governmental Interest ...............................................................................................................315 IV. THE 2017 PLANS VIOLATE THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION’S FREEDOM OF SPEECH AND FREEDOM OF ASSEMBLY CLAUSES ......317 A. North Carolina’s Constitution Protects the Rights of Free Speech and Assembly Independently from the Federal Constitution .......................318 B. Voting, Banding Together in a Political Party, and Spending on Elections Are Protected Expression and Association ..............................320 C. The 2017 Plans Burden Protected Expression and Association ...........322 1. The 2017 Plans Burden Protected Expression Based on Viewpoint by Making Democratic Votes Less Effective ............ 322 2. The 2017 Plans Burden Plaintiffs’ Ability to Associate ............. 326 3. The 2017 Plans Burden the NCDP’s Expression Through Financial Support for Candidates ................................................... 328 3 D. The 2017 Plans Fail Strict Scrutiny—and Indeed Any Scrutiny .........328 E. The 2017 Plans Impermissibly Retaliate Against Voters Based on Their Exercise of Protected Speech .............................................................329 V. PARTISAN GERRYMANDERING CLAIMS ARE JUSTICIABLE UNDER THE NORTH CAROLINA CONSTITUTION .......................................................331 VI. ANY LACHES DEFENSE LACKS MERIT ...........................................................342 VII. DEFENDANTS’ FEDERAL DEFENSES LACK MERIT ...................................343 A. The Covington Remedial Order Does Not Bar Changes to the 2017 Plans ..................................................................................................................343 B. There Is No Conflict with Federal Civil Rights Laws .............................344 C. Granting Relief Will Not Violate the Fundamental Right to Vote .......346 VIII. THE COURT WILL ENJOIN USE OF THE 2017 PLANS IN FUTURE ELECTIONS AND THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY IS TO IMMEDIATELY BEGIN THE PROCESS OF REDRAWING THE RELEVANT DISTRICTS ...................................................................................................................347 A. The Court Will Require the Redrawing of Specific County Groupings ..........................................................................................................347 B. The Court Will Require the Use of the Adopted Criteria, with certain exceptions, and Prohibit the Use of Other Criteria in Redrawing the Districts..............................................................................................................348 C. The Court Will Not Stay the Remedial Process Pending Appeal .........351 D. The Court Retains Discretion to Move the Primary Dates ....................352 DECREE ....................................................................................................................................352 4 The People of North Carolina have delegated, through the State’s Constitution, the drawing of the State’s legislative districts to the General Assembly. The delegation of this task, however, is not so unconstrained that legislative discretion is unfettered. Rather, the power entrusted by the People to the General Assembly to draw districts is constrained by other constitutional provisions that the People have also ordained. Some of these constitutional constraints are explicit—for example, the Whole County Provision of the Constitution limits a mapmaker’s discretion to traverse county boundaries. But other constitutional constraints that limit the legislative process of map drawing are not explicit or limited in applicability only to map drawing—some constraints apply to all acts of the General Assembly, and indeed all acts of government. These principles include the obligation that our government provide all people with equal protection under law, that our government not restrict
Recommended publications
  • FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION Washington, DC 20463 June 1, 2021 CERTIFIED MAIL – RETURN RECEIPT REQUESTED Via Email: Pryan@Commo
    FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION Washington, DC 20463 June 1, 2021 CERTIFIED MAIL – RETURN RECEIPT REQUESTED Via Email: [email protected] Paul S. Ryan Common Cause 805 15th Street, NW, Suite 800 Washington, DC 20005 RE: MUR 7324 Dear Mr. Ryan: The Federal Election Commission (“Commission”) has considered the allegations contained in your complaint dated February 20, 2018. The Commission found reason to believe that respondents David J. Pecker and American Media, Inc. knowingly and willfully violated 52 U.S.C. § 30118(a). The Factual and Legal Analysis, which formed a basis for the Commission’s finding, is enclosed for your information. On May 17, 2021, a conciliation agreement signed by A360 Media, LLC, as successor in interest to American Media, Inc. was accepted by the Commission and the Commission closed the file as to Pecker and American Media, Inc. A copy of the conciliation agreement is enclosed for your information. There were an insufficient number of votes to find reason to believe that the remaining respondents violated the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971, as amended (the “Act”). Accordingly, on May 20, 2021, the Commission closed the file in MUR 7324. A Statement of Reasons providing a basis for the Commission’s decision will follow. Documents related to the case will be placed on the public record within 30 days. See Disclosure of Certain Documents in Enforcement and Other Matters, 81 Fed. Reg. 50,702 (Aug. 2, 2016), effective September 1, 2016. MUR 7324 Letter to Paul S. Ryan Page 2 The Act allows a complainant to seek judicial review of the Commission’s dismissal of this action.
    [Show full text]
  • The Case for an Impeachment Inquiry of President Trump
    Updated Preface: The Ukraine Connection The Case for an Impeachment Inquiry of President Trump Acknowledgments This report is made possible by the 1.2 million supporters of Common Cause who believe in setting higher ethical standards for public servants and who hold power accountable to the people, regardless of political party. Thanks also to the Why Not Initiative for its support for this report and our annual Blueprint for a Greater Democracy conference. This report was written by Karen Hobert Flynn, Paul Seamus Ryan, and Common Cause Legal Fellow William Steiner. The authors wish to acknowledge Susannah Goodman and Yosef Getachew for their review and input. Thank you to Scott Blaine Swenson, Dale Eisman, and Kerstin Vogdes Diehn for their support in production & promotion, copy editing, and design. This report was originally published in July 2019. A new preface was added to the report in October 2019. © July 2019; © October 2019 New Preface—October 2019 WHISTLEBLOWER COMPLAINT AND THE LAUNCH OF AN IMPEACHMENT INQUIRY On a July 25th, 2019 phone call—one day after Common Cause originally published this report— President Donald Trump repeatedly pressured Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky to work with Trump’s personal attorney Rudy Giuliani and Attorney General Bill Barr to investigate 2020 presidential candidate Joe Biden and his son Hunter. Shortly before the phone call, President Trump had ordered the withholding of nearly $400 million in military aid for Ukraine.1 By involving Attorney General Barr in his request for election assistance from the head of a foreign nation, perhaps using a foreign aid package as leverage, President Trump involved the Justice De- partment, State Department and Pentagon in an apparent effort to abuse his public office for private gain, an impeachable offense.
    [Show full text]
  • Intentional Disregard: Trump's Authoritarianism During the COVID
    INTENTIONAL DISREGARD Trump’s Authoritarianism During the COVID-19 Pandemic August 2020 This report is dedicated to those who have suffered and lost their lives to the COVID-19 virus and to their loved ones. Acknowledgments This report was co-authored by Sylvia Albert, Keshia Morris Desir, Yosef Getachew, Liz Iacobucci, Beth Rotman, Paul S. Ryan and Becky Timmons. The authors thank the 1.5 million Common Cause supporters whose small-dollar donations fund more than 70% of our annual budget for our nonpartisan work strengthening the people’s voice in our democracy. Thank you to the Common Cause National Governing Board for its leadership and support. We also thank Karen Hobert Flynn for guidance and editing, Aaron Scherb for assistance with content, Melissa Brown Levine for copy editing, Kerstin Vogdes Diehn for design, and Scott Blaine Swenson for editing and strategic communications support. This report is complete as of August 5, 2020. ©2020 Common Cause. Printed in-house. CONTENTS Introduction ............................................................................ 3 President Trump’s ad-lib pandemic response has undermined government institutions and failed to provide states with critically needed medical supplies. .............5 Divider in Chief: Trump’s Politicization of the Pandemic .................................... 9 Trump has amplified special interest-funded “liberate” protests and other “reopen” efforts, directly contradicting public health guidance. ...................9 Trump and his enablers in the Senate have failed to appropriate adequate funds to safely run this year’s elections. .........................................11 President Trump has attacked voting by mail—the safest, most secure way to cast ballots during the pandemic—for purely personal, partisan advantage. ..............12 The Trump administration has failed to safeguard the health of detained and incarcerated individuals.
    [Show full text]
  • America in the Post-Watergate Era: Politics of Distrust and the Myth Of
    America in the Post-Watergate Era: Politics of Distrust and the Myth of Ronald Reagan Senior Honors Thesis for Department of History Ryan Long Tufts University, 2012 Table of Contents Chapter One: Foundations of Distrust 3 Historical Background 4 Immersion in the Public Consciousness 13 Chapter Two: Reform and Revision in the Post-Watergate Era 19 Common Cause 20 Post-Watergate Reforms 25 Chapter Three: Presidential Image in the Post-Watergate Era 47 President Ford and President Carter 48 Economic Performance in the 1970’s 56 President Ronald Reagan 61 The Myth of Ronald Reagan 71 Chapter Four: Politics of Distrust 80 References 85 2 Chapter 1: Foundations of Distrust One of the most interesting facets of American politics is that the name of every current political scandal receives the suffix “gate” attached to the end. This pattern goes back to the Watergate Scandal. Stephanie Slocum-Schaffer states that Watergate had a significant impact on the 1970’s and the rest of the century. She argues that Watergate caused the public to see government service as ignoble but that it also proved that the American system of checks and balances could effectively contain corruption. 1 Ted Sorensen, a former Kennedy speechwriter and advisor, stated that Watergate significantly effected every subsequent presidential administration. He stated that: Removing the perpetrators of Watergate, even without altering the environment in which they operate, should teach some future White House occupants the necessity of not trying something similar. But it may only teach others the necessity of not being caught. History has never proven to be a strong deterrent.2 These accounts make it clear that Watergate completely reshaped the political system in the United States and fundamentally changed the way the Americans thought about the government.
    [Show full text]
  • Putin, Trump and Democracy's Slippery Slope Toward Oligarchy
    Putin, Trump and Democracy’s Slippery Slope Toward Oligarchy Acknowledgments The Common Cause Education Fund is the research and public education affiliate of Common Cause, founded in 1970 by John Gardner. Common Cause is a nonpartisan, grassroots organization dedicated to upholding the core values of American democracy. We work to create open, honest and accountable government that serves the public interest; promote equal rights, opportunity, and representation for all; and empower all people to make their voices heard in the political process. This report was produced with the support of small dollar contributions from Americans who believe in transparent, open, and accountable govern- ment, as well as generous grants from the WhyNot Initiative and the Philip & Janice Levin Foundation. It was written by Joe Maschman, a Common Cause legal fellow, and edited by Paul Seamus Ryan, vice president for policy and litigation; Scott Swenson, vice president for communications, Susannah Goodman, director of voting integrity; and Dale Eisman, senior writer/editor. The authors and editors wish to express our thanks to Kerstin Diehn for her design and to Common Cause President Karen Hobert Flynn for her guidance and encouragement in the preparation of this report. Introduction Americans are more united than those who benefit from division want us to believe. Republicans, Democrats, and Independents largely agree that registration and voting should be secure, modern, and convenient, and that all eligible people should be encouraged to vote. As voters, we recognize that the more people who participate in our elections, the better it is for our democracy, making it more likely that the representatives who are elected will listen to the people.
    [Show full text]
  • CDP V. FEC (18-0888) Plaintiff's Memorandum in Opposition to Motion to Dismiss Filed July 13, 2018
    Case 1:18-cv-00888-RDM Document 14 Filed 07/13/18 Page 1 of 43 U.S. DISTRICT COURT FOR THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA ) COMMITTEE TO DEFEND THE ) PRESIDENT, ) ) No. 18-888 (RDM) Plaintiff, ) ) v. ) ) FEDERAL ELECTION COMMISSION, ) ) Defendant, ) _______________________________________) PLAINTIFF COMMITTEE TO DEFEND THE PRESIDENT’S MEMORANDUM IN OPPOSITION TO MOTION TO DISMISS Dan Backer POLITICAL.LAW PLLC 441 N. Lee Street, Suite 300 Alexandria, VA 22314 (202) 210-5431 [email protected] Counsel for Plaintiff Committee to Defend the President Case 1:18-cv-00888-RDM Document 14 Filed 07/13/18 Page 2 of 43 TABLE OF CONTENTS BACKGROUND .........................................................................................................................1 A. Federal Campaign Finance Law ...........................................................................1 1. Contribution Limits ...................................................................................1 2. Reporting Requirements ...........................................................................2 3. Joint Fundraising Committees ..................................................................2 4. Anticircumvention Provisions ..................................................................3 B. Administrative Complaint Process .......................................................................4 C. CDP’s Administrative Complaint .........................................................................6 D. CDP’s Challenge to the FEC’s Failure to Timely Adjudicate Its
    [Show full text]
  • Political Money: Deregulating American Politics, Selected Writings
    Hoover Press : Anderson DP5 HPANNE0700 01-05-00 rev2 page 135 Where Are We Now? The Current State of Campaign Finance Law Trevor Potter This selection is from Campaign Finance Reform: A Sourcebook, ed. Anthony Corrado, Thomas E. Mann, Dan Ortiz, Trevor Potter, and Frank Sorauf (Wash- ington, D.C.: Brookings Institution Press, 1997), pp. 5–24. In this article Trevor Potter, former member and chairman of the Federal Election Commission and now a partner in a Washington law firm, provides a systematic and reliable review of existing campaign finance law—the statutes and the regulations of the Federal Election Commission. The federal election laws were written broadly by Congress in 1971 and 1974 to cover all money spent “in connection with” or “for the purpose of influencing” federal elections. The intent of Congress was to regulate all funds that might be considered federal election related. However, the Supreme Court in Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1 (1976), and subse- quent cases, has defined these statutory phrases to have a much more limited reach. The Court held that the activity covered by the federal election laws must be narrowly and clearly defined so as not to “chill” speech protected by the First Amendment and to provide notice of regulation to speakers. This chapter describes the regulated portion of the federal campaign finance system (contribution limits) and the use of “soft” and “issue advocacy” money to influence federal elections beyond the reach of the federal election laws. It also describes the many entities engaged in political speech and spending, from party commit- tees to labor unions to 501(c)(3) and (c)(4) organizations.
    [Show full text]
  • The Last White Election?
    mike davis THE LAST WHITE ELECTION? ast september, while Bill Clinton was delighting the 2012 Democratic Convention in Charlotte with his folksy jibe at Mitt Romney for wanting to ‘double up on the trickle down’, a fanatical adherent of Ludwig von Mises, wearing a villainous Lblack cowboy hat and accompanied by a gun-toting bodyguard, captured the national headquarters of the Tea Party movement in Washington, dc. The Jack Palance double in the Stetson was Dick Armey. As House Majority Leader in 1997 he had participated in a botched plot, instigated by Republican Whip Tom DeLay and an obscure Ohio Congressman named John Boehner, to topple House Speaker Newt Gingrich. Now Armey was attempting to wrest total control of FreedomWorks, the organization most responsible for repackaging rank-and-file Republican rage as the ‘Tea Party rebellion’ as well as training and coordinating its activists.1 Tea Party Patriots—a national network with several hundred affiliates—is one of its direct offshoots. As FreedomWorks’ chairperson, Armey symbolized an ideological continuity between the Republican con- gressional landslides of 1994 and 2010, the old ‘Contract with America’ and the new ‘Contract from America’. No one was better credentialed to inflict mortal damage on the myth of conservative solidarity. Only in December did the lurid details of the coup leak to the press. According to the Washington Post, ‘the gun-wielding assistant escorted FreedomWorks’ top two employees off the premises, while Armey sus- pended several others who broke down in sobs at the news.’2 The chief target was Matt Kibbe, the organization’s president and co-author with Armey of the best-selling Give Us Liberty: A Tea Party Manifesto.
    [Show full text]
  • RUCHO V. COMMON CAUSE
    (Slip Opinion) OCTOBER TERM, 2018 1 Syllabus NOTE: Where it is feasible, a syllabus (headnote) will be released, as is being done in connection with this case, at the time the opinion is issued. The syllabus constitutes no part of the opinion of the Court but has been prepared by the Reporter of Decisions for the convenience of the reader. See United States v. Detroit Timber & Lumber Co., 200 U. S. 321, 337. SUPREME COURT OF THE UNITED STATES Syllabus RUCHO ET AL. v. COMMON CAUSE ET AL. APPEAL FROM THE UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT FOR THE MIDDLE DISTRICT OF NORTH CAROLINA No. 18–422. Argued March 26, 2019—Decided June 27, 2019* Voters and other plaintiffs in North Carolina and Maryland filed suits challenging their States’ congressional districting maps as unconsti- tutional partisan gerrymanders. The North Carolina plaintiffs claimed that the State’s districting plan discriminated against Demo- crats, while the Maryland plaintiffs claimed that their State’s plan discriminated against Republicans. The plaintiffs alleged violations of the First Amendment, the Equal Protection Clause of the Four- teenth Amendment, the Elections Clause, and Article I, §2. The Dis- trict Courts in both cases ruled in favor of the plaintiffs, and the de- fendants appealed directly to this Court. Held: Partisan gerrymandering claims present political questions be- yond the reach of the federal courts. Pp. 6–34. (a) In these cases, the Court is asked to decide an important ques- tion of constitutional law. Before it does so, the Court “must find that the question is presented in a ‘case’ or ‘controversy’ that is .
    [Show full text]
  • Nixon's Wars: Secrecy, Watergate, and the CIA
    Eastern Kentucky University Encompass Online Theses and Dissertations Student Scholarship January 2016 Nixon's Wars: Secrecy, Watergate, and the CIA Chris Collins Eastern Kentucky University Follow this and additional works at: https://encompass.eku.edu/etd Part of the Defense and Security Studies Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Collins, Chris, "Nixon's Wars: Secrecy, Watergate, and the CIA" (2016). Online Theses and Dissertations. 352. https://encompass.eku.edu/etd/352 This Open Access Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Encompass. It has been accepted for inclusion in Online Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Encompass. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Nixon’s Wars: Secrecy, Watergate, and the CIA By Christopher M. Collins Bachelor of Arts Eastern Kentucky University Richmond, Kentucky 2011 Submitted to the Faculty of the Graduate School of Eastern Kentucky University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS December, 2016 Copyright © Christopher M. Collins, 2016 All rights reserved ii Acknowledgments I could not have completed this thesis without the support and generosity of many remarkable people. First, I am grateful to the entire EKU history department for creating such a wonderful environment in which to work. It has truly been a great experience. I am thankful to the members of my advisory committee, Dr. Robert Weise, Dr. Carolyn Dupont, and especially Dr. Thomas Appleton, who has been a true friend and mentor to me, and whose kind words and confidence in my work has been a tremendous source of encouragement, without which I would not have made it this far.
    [Show full text]
  • The Elections of Our Youth: Presidential Elections 1960-72
    TheThe ElectionsElections ofof OurOur Youth:Youth: PresidentialPresidential ElectionsElections 19601960‐‐7272 SecondSecond LectureLecture (( 27/2827/28 SepSep 2016)2016) ElectionElection ofof 19641964 Greg Cleva, PhdGreg Cleva, Phd George Mason University/OLLIGeorge Mason University/OLLI Fall 2016Fall 2016 1 I know of no safe depository of the ultimate I powers of the society but the people themselves; and if we think them not enlightened enough to exercise their control with a wholesome discretion, the remedy is not to take it from them but to inform their discretion. Thomas Jefferson 2 CampaignCampaign RhetoricRhetoric (Truman(Truman vs.vs. Dewey,Dewey, 1948)1948) • Agriculture is important. Our rivers are full of fish. You cannot have freedom without liberty. And, ladies And, ladies and gentlemen, the and gentlemen, the future lies ahead of future lies ahead of us.us.”” 3 TheThe ElectionsElections ofof OurOur Youth:Youth: PresidentialPresidential ElectionsElections 19601960‐‐7272 First Lecture ( 27/28 Sep 2016) Election of 1964 •• Class OverviewClass Overview •• General PointsGeneral Points •• The 1964 ElectionThe 1964 Election •• The PreThe Pre‐Election Period‐Election Period •• The Primaries/CaucusesThe Primaries/Caucuses •• The ConventionsThe Conventions •• The ElectionThe Election •• Fact Sheets—such as Campaign FinancingFact Sheets—such as Campaign Financing •• Portraits—Journalist/Historians/Influentials/Portraits—Journalist/Historians/Influentials/ Party Leaders/PollstersParty Leaders/Pollsters •• Election 2016Election 2016 ••
    [Show full text]
  • House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform “H.R. 1, for the People Act: Strengthening Ethics Rules for the Executive Branch” February 6, 2019
    House Committee on Oversight and Government Reform “H.R. 1, For the People Act: Strengthening Ethics Rules for the Executive Branch” February 6, 2019 Written Testimony of Karen Hobert Flynn President Common Cause Introduction Thank you, Chairman Cummings, for inviting me to testify before the Oversight and Government Reform Committee. And thank you to Chairman Cummings, Ranking Member Jordan, and all Members of the Committee for holding this critically important hearing. My name is Karen Hobert Flynn, and I am the President of Common Cause, a national nonpartisan watchdog organization with 1.2 million supporters and 30 state chapters. For nearly 50 years, Common Cause has been holding power accountable through lobbying, litigation, and grassroots organizing. Common Cause fights to reduce the role of big money in politics, enhance voting rights for all Americans, foster an open, free, and accountable media, strengthen ethics laws to make government more responsive to the people, and stop gerrymandering. Let me start by saying that H.R. 1, the For the People Act, is the biggest, boldest democracy reform package introduced in Congress since the Watergate era. Congressman Sarbanes and many democracy reform leaders in Congress have done incredible work to develop and compile this comprehensive bill that now has 227 cosponsors. I also want to express our appreciation to House Speaker Pelosi for her national leadership on this effort, for making this essential democracy reform package H.R. 1, and for making it a first order of business in the new Congress. Common Cause was founded by John Gardner, a Republican, at a time when Republicans and Democrats worked together on the most pressing issues of the day.
    [Show full text]