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Elements of Psychological Maturity and Its Influence on Antisocial and Criminal Behavior

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Elements of Psychological Maturity and Its Influence on Antisocial and Criminal Behavior 32 The Open Criminology Journal, 2011, 4, (Suppl 1-M1) 32-39 Open Access Elements of Psychological Maturity and Its Influence on Antisocial and Criminal Behavior Sharon Casey* School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia Abstract: Insights from developmental psychology provide a useful perspective from which to understand why young people might engage in higher levels of antisocial behavior than adults. They can also be useful in term of highlighting which aspects of development result in young people making less mature judgments. Yet despite this extensive body of knowledge, there is no psychological or legal definition of maturity that can be applied to legal decision making. Within a criminal context, investigations of adolescent immaturity have emphasized cognitive factors, influenced by the informed consent model which places a premium on factors such as “knowledge” and “competence”, with an emphasis on cognitive functioning (e.g., thinking, reasoning, and understanding). This approach has been criticized for failing to adequately illustrate differences between adolescent and adult decision making. This paper reviews the notion of psychological maturity and comments on the importance of a broader assessment that includes psychosocial factors in the face of a growing trend in many jurisdictions to transfer juvenile offenders to the adult jurisdiction based on the severity of crime committed rather than their level of culpability. Keywords: Psychological maturity, juvenile offenders, psychosocial maturity. INTRODUCTION 2000), with references to “problem neighbourhoods”, “in- civilities”, and “urban violence” increasingly dominant in the The development of separate justice systems for young political and media landscape in response to alleged in- people1 accused of committing criminal acts is predicated on creases in youth offending (Muncie, 2008). two fundamental assumptions: First, that they are less capa- ble of mature judgment than adults and are, therefore, con- A risk discourse such as that which now exists can un- sidered less culpable for any offenses they might commit dermine social justice and erode human rights, often as a and, second, that they are more amenable to treatment than function of particular political imperatives (Goldson & Mun- adults and thus more likely to benefit from rehabilitation cie, 2006; Hendrick, 2006). Although the various interna- efforts (Scott & Grisso, 1997). While these two assumptions tional covenants2 introduced over the past two decades pro- may seem sufficiently straightforward to facilitate the sys- vide a strong foundation for ensuring the rights of young tem’s smooth functioning, youth justice would appear to be people are upheld, there remains a strong possibility in the in a state of crisis (see Goldson, 2000; Kemshell, 2008; Pitts, current political climate that individual rights will be subju- 2001). According to Yates (2004), political opportunism has gated in favour of the new culture of control said to exist in resulted in the politicization of both youth crime and justice, many western countries (Garland, 2001). For example, while the net result of which has been profoundly distorted and Hammarberg (2008) has noted that the “… spirit of the UN conflicting policies that tend “to act on an amalgam of ra- Convention on the Rights of the Child [is] to avoid crimi- tionales, oscillating around and beyond the caring ethos of nalization and to seek family-based or other social alterna- social services and the neo-liberal ethos of responsibility and tives to imprisonment” (p. 193), there is a growing trend in punishment” (Muncie & Hughes, 2002, p. 1). Public dis- many jurisdictions to follow the lead of the US where young course and political rhetoric have demanded retribution, re- people are “adultified” (Jacobs, 2001) on the basis of crime sponsibility, and restorative justice while at the same time severity or frequency and referred to the adult system for acknowledging the importance of human rights, the need to adjudication (Muncie, 2008). What seems to have been lost divert young people away from the criminal justice system, in this trend for more punitive sanctions and the treatment of and the need for rehabilitation. It would seem, however, that young offenders as adults is an understanding of maturity social control has become the dominant paradigm in many and how this might impact on decisions regarding culpabil- countries (Garland, 2001). The terms “youth” and “risk” ity. There is no legal definition of maturity; nor, unfortu- have become synonymous (Green, Mitchell & Bunton, nately, does a psychological definition exist. Until the ground-breaking decision in Roper v. Simmons (2005) which abolished the juvenile death penalty in the US, the legal no- *Address correspondence to this author at the School of Psychology, Deakin University, Australia; Tel: +61 3 5227 8715; Fax: +61 3 5227 78621; E-mail: [email protected] 2 The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child; the United Nations Standard Minimum Rules for the Administration of Juvenile Justice (Beijing Rules); the United 1 Consistent with the tenor of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child Nations Guidelines for the Prevention of Juvenile Delinquency (Riyadh Guidelines); (1989), reference made in this paper to children, young people or juveniles will refer to and the United Nations Rules for the Protection of Juveniles Deprived of their Liberty young people under the age of 18 years. (Havana Rules) 1874-9178/11 2011 Bentham Open Elements of Psychological Maturity and Its Influence on Antisocial and Criminal Behavior The Open Criminology Journal, 2011, Volume 4 33 tion of maturity focused predominantly on cognitive capabil- berg et al., 2009). Based in part on this evidence, the Justices ity (e.g., capacity for thinking, reasoning, and understanding) concluded that as compared to adults, juveniles are less cul- rather than adopting a more holistic view of developmental pable. In particular, it was noted that juveniles are more im- maturity that includes psychosocial and emotional develop- mature, less blameworthy and less responsible than adults; ment. The aim of this paper is draw together more recent have greater difficulty controlling their impulses; are more findings which illustrate the challenges and need for a more likely to be influenced by external pressure including peer comprehensive assessment of culpability and maturity of pressure; and are more vulnerable, which can be attributed in judgment in young people who come before the criminal part to having less control over their environment than do justice system. This is particularly relevant in view of the adults. Attention was also given to what was perceived as current trend in many jurisdictions to transfer juvenile of- differences in character between juveniles and adults: “The fenders to the adult system for adjudication. personality traits of the juvenile are more transitory, less fixed” (Roper v. Simmons, 2005, p. 16). An important dis- BACKGROUND tinction made in the Roper case is that while the performance of adolescents and adults is comparable on tests of cognitive Research in the field of developmental psychology has ability (e.g., logical reasoning about moral, social, and inter- provided a strong body of evidence to explain why young personal matters), they are not equal in terms of their psy- people might engage in more antisocial behavior than adults chosocial capacities (i.e., impulse control, resistance to peer and, more particularly, which aspects of development may influence). The remainder of this paper will review relevant be responsible for young people making less mature judg- developmental research which identifies the cognitive and ments (e.g., Cauffman, Piquero, Kimmonis, Steinberg, Chas- psychosocial capacities that apply to adolescent offenders sin & Fagan, 2007; Cauffman & Steinberg, 2000; Cauffman, who come before the courts. In so doing, the paper will iden- Steinberg, & Piquero, 2005; Galambos, Macdonald, tify how differences in the developmental trajectory in these Naphtali, Cohen & Frias, 2004; Lerner & Galambos, 1998; domains of impacts upon decision making. Tilton-Weaver, Vitunski, & Galambos, 2001). Based on these finding, it is now accepted that young people are more COGNITIVE ASSESSMENTS OF MATURITY impulsive (e.g., Carroll, Hemingway, Bower, Ashman, Houghton, & Durkin, 2006; Ramoutar & Farrington, 2005), Despite legal presumptions about the inherent immaturity less risk aversive (e.g., Steinberg, 2007), have less developed of adolescents, the major focus of investigations into adoles- problem solving skills (Antonowicz & Ross, 2005; McMur- cent immaturity relies heavily on an assessment of the cogni- ran, Blair & Egan, 2002), and engage in less consequential tive domain of functioning. The emphasis in this approach, thinking than their adult counterparts (e.g., Cauffman, Shul- which rests on the consideration of factors such as “knowl- man, Steinberg, Claus, Banich, Graham, & Woolard, 2010). edge” and “competence”, is very much influenced by the Several key findings are particularly relevant to reversing the informed consent model derived from research investigating current trend to reduce the age at which young people can be the capacity of young people to give informed consent for treated as adults. For example, it is now accepted that devel- medical procedures (see Culver, 1982; Steinberg & Cauff- opment occurs at different rates for different individuals; that man, 1996;
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