Nahdlatul Ulama and the Production of Muslim
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Gus Dur, As the President Is Usually Called
Indonesia Briefing Jakarta/Brussels, 21 February 2001 INDONESIA'S PRESIDENTIAL CRISIS The Abdurrahman Wahid presidency was dealt a devastating blow by the Indonesian parliament (DPR) on 1 February 2001 when it voted 393 to 4 to begin proceedings that could end with the impeachment of the president.1 This followed the walk-out of 48 members of Abdurrahman's own National Awakening Party (PKB). Under Indonesia's presidential system, a parliamentary 'no-confidence' motion cannot bring down the government but the recent vote has begun a drawn-out process that could lead to the convening of a Special Session of the People's Consultative Assembly (MPR) - the body that has the constitutional authority both to elect the president and withdraw the presidential mandate. The most fundamental source of the president's political vulnerability arises from the fact that his party, PKB, won only 13 per cent of the votes in the 1999 national election and holds only 51 seats in the 500-member DPR and 58 in the 695-member MPR. The PKB is based on the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), a traditionalist Muslim organisation that had previously been led by Gus Dur, as the president is usually called. Although the NU's membership is estimated at more than 30 million, the PKB's support is drawn mainly from the rural parts of Java, especially East Java, where it was the leading party in the general election. Gus Dur's election as president occurred in somewhat fortuitous circumstances. The front-runner in the presidential race was Megawati Soekarnoputri, whose secular- nationalist Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) won 34 per cent of the votes in the general election. -
The Formation of Liberal and Anti-Liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh
Akh. Muzakki IS EDUCATION DETERMINANT? The Formation of Liberal and Anti-liberal Islamic Legal Thinking in Indonesia Akh. Muzakki The University of Queensland, Australia Abstract: Liberalism and anti-liberalism are two increasing- ly prominent but staunchly opposing streams of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. This article analyses the formation of each of the two through an examination of the role of formal education. It focuses on organic intellectuals during two periods, the New Order and the reformasi. Challenging the strongly-held thesis of the determinant role of education, this article argues that both liberal and anti-liberal Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia is a result of not only the intellectual formation in the sense of academic training and access to education and knowledge, but also the sociological background and exposure in building a new epistemic community in an urban context. As a theoretical understanding of sociolo- gical background and exposure, the concept of epistemic community deserves to be taken as an analytical framework in addition to education for the analysis of the formation of the two contesting bents of Islamic legal thinking in Indonesia. Keywords: Liberalism, anti-liberalism, Islamic legal think- ing, education, epistemic community. Introduction In his controversial speech entitled “The Necessity of Islamic Renewal Thinking and the Problem of the Integration of the Ummah” on 2 January 1970, Madjid argued for a dynamic approach to Islam which requires reinterpretation of Islamic teachings in context with place and time. In more elaborate ways, he further argued that Islamic values move in line with the spirit of humanitarianism which promotes 280 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 02, December 2007 Is Education Determinant? the dignity of Mankind. -
Friend - Wahid
Foreign Policy Research Institute E-Notes A Catalyst for Ideas Distributed via Email and Posted at www.fpri.org January 2010 ABDURRAHMAN WAHID, THE INDONESIAN REPUBLIC, AND DYNAMICS IN ISLAM By Theodore Friend Abdurrahman Wahid, known as Gus Dur, died on 30 December 2009 at the age of sixty-nine. The genial complexity of his character, which drew millions to him, was not adequate to the pressures of the presidency. But his life, career, and elements of caprice contain abundant clues for anyone who would understand modern Sufism, global Islam, and the Republic of Indonesia. Premises of a Republic Wahid was five years old in 1945 at the time of Indonesia’s revolutionary founding as a multi-confessional republic. Sukarno, in shaping its birth, supplied the five principles of its ideology: nationalism, international humanity, consensus democracy, social justice, and monotheism. Hatta, his major partner, helped ensure freedom of worship not only for Muslims but for Catholics and Protestants, Hindus and Buddhists, with Confucians much later protected under Wahid as president. The only thing you could not be as an Indonesian citizen was an atheist. Especially during and after the killings of 1965-66, atheism suggested that one was a communist. In this atmosphere, greatly more tolerant than intolerant, Wahid grew up, the son of the Minister of Religious Affairs under Sukarno, and grandson of a founder of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) in 1926—a traditionalistic and largely peasant-oriented organization of Muslims, which now claims 40 million members. Wahid himself was elected NU’s chairman, 1984-1999, before becoming, by parliamentary election, President of the Republic, 1999-2001. -
Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX
Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 226 1st International Conference on Social Sciences (ICSS 2018) Political Orientation of Nahdatul Ulama After Muhtamar IX 1st Eko Satriya Hermawan 2nd Rojil Nugroho Bayu Aji 3rd Riyadi History Education Department, History Education Department History Education Department, Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Universitas Negeri Surabaya Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia Surabaya, Indonesia email: [email protected] email: [email protected] email: [email protected] Abstract–Nahdatul Ulama (NU) is currently the largest Muslim- traditionalist cleric, traders and landlords are the economic based community organization in Indonesia. Looking at the basis of (school) pesantren and cleric families, which can historical view, that NU used to be a political party, even winning threaten the coffers of the traditionalist cleric economy.[2] the election in Sidorajo, East Java. This study uses a The most obvious conflict, was when deciding on methodological approach of history to see the uniqueness of NU the representation of the Dutch East Indies in the Islamic in winning the election in 1955. Authentic documents and in- World Congress held in Mecca in 1926. The traditionalists, depth interviews were conducted to gain a past representation far beyond the discourse that developed in society. worried about not having the opportunity to become representatives in the activity. On that basis, Wahab Keywords— NU, Politics, and Islam Chasbullah, through the approval of Hasyim Asj'ari, invited the leading clerics from traditionalist circles to his home in Surabaya on January 31, 1926. The meeting had two aims: I. INTRODUCTION first, to ratify the creation of the Hijaz Committee which would send a delegation to the congress in Mecca . -
A REAL THREAT from WITHIN: Muhammadiyah's Identity
Suaidi Asyari A REAL THREAT FROM WITHIN: Muhammadiyah’s Identity Metamorphosis and the Dilemma of Democracy Suaidi Asyari IAIN Sulthan Thaha Saifuddin - Jambi Abstract: This paper will look at Muhammadiyah as a constantly metamorphosing organism from which have grown modernist-reformist, liberalist progressive, political pragmatist and potentially violent fundamentalist-radical Muslims. It will argue that the trajectory passed by and the victory of the radical-puritan element in the National Congress 2005 can potentially become an obstacle for Muhammadiyah's involvement in the process of implementing democratic values in Indonesia in the future. To keep watching Muhammadiyah’s trajectory is crucially important due to the fact that this organization is one of the powerful forces in the world toward the democratization process. In order to be on the right track of democracy, Muhammadiyah has to be able to cope with its internal disputes over democratic values. Only by means of coping with these internal disputes can this organization ensure its role in propagating and disseminating democratic ideas as well as practices in Indonesia. Keywords: Muhammadiyah, metamorphoses, identity, democracy Introduction: An Overview of Muhammadiyah To date, Muhammadiyah has been plausibly assumed to be a moderate Islamic organization which is in a similar position to Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and does not have any connections with radical individuals or organizations that could be associated with radical Islamic ideology. This paper will I argue that there are some important 18 JOURNAL OF INDONESIAN ISLAM Volume 01, Number 01, June 2007 Muhammadiyah and the Dilemma of Democracy factors that have been overlooked or ignored in this understanding of Muhammadiyah. -
From Custom to Pancasila and Back to Adat Naples
1 Secularization of religion in Indonesia: From Custom to Pancasila and back to adat Stephen C. Headley (CNRS) [Version 3 Nov., 2008] Introduction: Why would anyone want to promote or accept a move to normalization of religion? Why are village rituals considered superstition while Islam is not? What is dangerous about such cultic diversity? These are the basic questions which we are asking in this paper. After independence in 1949, the standardization of religion in the Republic of Indonesia was animated by a preoccupation with “unity in diversity”. All citizens were to be monotheists, for monotheism reflected more perfectly the unity of the new republic than did the great variety of cosmologies deployed in the animistic cults. Initially the legal term secularization in European countries (i.e., England and France circa 1600-1800) meant confiscations of church property. Only later in sociology of religion did the word secularization come to designate lesser attendance to church services. It also involved a deep shift in the epistemological framework. It redefined what it meant to be a person (Milbank, 1990). Anthropology in societies where religion and the state are separate is very different than an anthropology where the rulers and the religion agree about man’s destiny. This means that in each distinct cultural secularization will take a different form depending on the anthropology conveyed by its historically dominant religion expression. For example, the French republic has no cosmology referring to heaven and earth; its genealogical amnesia concerning the Christian origins of the Merovingian and Carolingian kingdoms is deliberate for, the universality of the values of the republic were to liberate its citizens from public obedience to Catholicism. -
Dakwah, Competition for Authority, and Development
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde Vol. 167, no. 2-3 (2011), pp. 236-269 URL: http://www.kitlv-journals.nl/index.php/btlv URN:NBN:NL:UI:10-1-101389 Copyright: content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 License ISSN: 0006-2294 JOHAN MEULEMAN Dakwah, competition for authority, and development Introduction The Arabic word da`wah – literally call or invitation – is a general term which denotes propagation of the Islamic religion. The Malay/Indonesian term, de- rived from the Arabic, is dakwah.1 Although the concept includes efforts to convert non-Muslims to Islam, da`wah primarily refers to activities aiming at strengthening and deepening the faith of Muslims and helping them lead their daily lives in conformity with Islamic principles. Since the birth of Islam, da`wah has been an important aspect of this religion and da`wah activities have always been highly appreciated in Muslim societies. However, in the course of the twentieth century, da`wah activities and organizations have grown par- ticularly strong all over the Muslim world and have adopted new forms and new aims. This phenomenon is related to two major developments which were partly contradictory: a renewed aspiration for international unity of all Muslims, on the one hand, and the formation of modern nation-states with their different religious traditions and – more importantly – their conflicting political interests, on the other hand. Additional factors include the develop- ment of modern means of transport and communication as well as Christian missionary activities.2 Although often associated with revivalism, competi- tion with other religions, or opposition to a secular political establishment, da`wah, understood more generally as organized efforts to strengthen the Is- lamic faith and its practice, is not limited to movements characterized by such associations. -
Why Are Indonesians Prone to Support the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria?
WHY ARE INDONESIANS PRONE TO SUPPORT THE ISLAMIC STATE OF IRAQ AND SYRIA? Karen Savitri Universitas Pelita Harapan, Tangerang [email protected] ABSTRACT Negara Islam Irak dan Syam, atau lebih dikenal sebagai ISIS, mendeklarasikan dirinya sebagai sebuah khilafah, atau negara Islam, dengan Abu Bakar Al-Baghdadi sebagai Khalifah atau pemimpin atas segala umat Muslim, pada tahun 2014. Dalam aksinya, mereka membunuh banyak orang, merugikan harta benda, serta membuat kerusakan infrastruktur dari wilayah kekuasaannya di Timur Tengah sampai dengan Asia Tenggara. Kabar kekerasan ISIS terdengar melalui media massa, dari internet, dalam artikel berita, dan didiskusikan di media sosial. Namun, dengan segala informasi mengenai kekejaman ISIS, mengapa masih ada orang Indonesia yang mendukung ISIS? Apa yang membuat mereka membenci orang-orang kafir? Apa yang memotivasi mereka untuk berjuang demi ISIS, bahkan sampai rela untuk kehilangan nyawa? Penelitian ini, dengan mengaplikasikan teori konstruktivisme, mendiskusikan kisah sejarah Indonesia dan faktor sosial yang mendasari alasan orang Indonesia mendukung ISIS. Dengan metode penelitian kualitatif, data dikumpulkan melalui interview dan studi literatur dari buku dan artikel penelitian. Peneliti mendiskusikan total 6 (enam) faktor pendorong dan penarik, mulai dari kisah sejarah, radikalisme di Tanah Air, kecendrungan orang Muslim di Indonesia, dan generasi milenial. Keywords: Radicalization, extremism, ISIS, Indonesia 1. Introduction Since the Islamic State of Iraq and Indonesians, including women -
Saudi Strategies for Religious Influence and Soft Power in Indonesia
12 2 July 2020 Saudi Strategies for Religious Influence and Soft Power in Indonesia Jarryd de Haan Research Analyst Indo-Pacific Research Programme Key Points Saudi Arabia’s push for religious influence in Indonesia has primarily taken shape through educational facilities, which remain the key source of influence today. Evidence of Saudi influence can also be seen through a trend of the “Arabisation” of Islam in Indonesia, as well as pressure on the Indonesian Government to maintain its hajj quota. Indonesian Muslim groups that object to the Salafist doctrine will continue to act as a brake on Saud i religious influence. Pancasila and, more broadly, nationalism, could also be used by those seeking to limit Saudi influence in the future. The long-term implications are less clear, but it is likely that Indonesia will continue to see elements of its own society continue to push for the adoption of more conservative policies and practices. Summary Saudi Arabia has a long history of exporting its brand of Islam across the globe as a tool of religious soft power influence and as a means to counter the influence of its rival, Iran. Indonesia, a country which contains the largest Muslim population in the world, has been at the receiving end of that influence for decades. This paper examines the origins of Saudi religious influence in Indonesia, the obstacles to that influence and identifies some of the implications that it may have for Indonesian society in the long-term future. Analysis Historical Saudi Religious Influence Saudi Arabia’s efforts to increase its religious influence in Indonesia coincided with an Islamic revival throughout South-East Asia in the late 1970s. -
Building Moderate Muslim Networks
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available CHILD POLICY from www.rand.org as a public service of CIVIL JUSTICE the RAND Corporation. EDUCATION ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT Jump down to document6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit NATIONAL SECURITY research organization providing POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY objective analysis and effective SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY solutions that address the challenges SUBSTANCE ABUSE facing the public and private sectors TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY around the world. TRANSPORTATION AND INFRASTRUCTURE WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Support RAND Purchase this document Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non- commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND mono- graphs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Building Moderate Muslim Networks Angel Rabasa Cheryl Benard Lowell H. Schwartz Peter Sickle Sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation CENTER FOR MIDDLE EAST PUBLIC POLICY The research described in this report was sponsored by the Smith Richardson Foundation and was conducted under the auspices of the RAND Center for Middle East Public Policy. -
Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Islamic Studies, Vol
Hayula: Indonesian Journal of Multidisciplinary Islamic Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, Januari 2018 DOI:https://doi.org/10.21009/hayula.002.1.04 The Discourse of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama with Considerations of Geertz’s Religion of Java Firdaus Wajdi Universitas Negeri Jakarta [email protected] Naskah diterima:17 Desember 2017, direvisi:26 Januari 2018; disetujui:29 Januari 2018 Abstrak Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama adalah dua organisasi Muslim terbesar di negara berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak, Indonesia. Banyak penelitian telah dilakukan untuk mengidentifikasi kedua peran tersebut dalam konteks Islam Indonesia. Namun, ada kekurangan studi untuk menelusuri kemungkinan kesamaan antara keduanya. Paper ini menggambarkan deskripsi yang berbeda dari kedua organisasi tersebut dari perspektif Clifford Geertz dalam karya utamanya, the Religion of Java, di mana Geertz meliput beberapa karakteristik pengikut Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama. Studi ini kemudian berlanjut dengan identifikasi common grounds dari Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama. Penelitian kualitatif ini dilakukan melalui penelitian kepustakaan. Studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa terlepas dari kenyataan perbedaannya, ada beberapa kesamaan, yang membuat kedua organisasi tersebut bersama-sama berkontribusi lebih pada pengembangan Islam di Indonesia. Kemudian diharapkan para pengikutnya untuk bisa bekerja sama untuk membangun Indonesia yang damai melalui pemahaman yang lebih baik tentang institusi keagamaan Islam seperti Muhammadiyah dan Nahdlatul Ulama. Kata kunci: Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul -
The Role of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in the Making of Sharia-Based Regional Regulation in the City of Tasikmalaya, Indonesia
The Role of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in the Making of Sharia-based Regional Regulation in the City of Tasikmalaya, Indonesia Ma’mun Murod Al-Barbasy1, Ali Noer Zaman2 {[email protected], [email protected]} Universitas Muhammadiyah Jakarta, Indonesia1, 2 Abstract. This paper describes the role of Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama in the making of the Perda syariah number 12/2009 in the City of Tasikmalaya. Data is collected by document study and interview with key persons of both organizations. The study reveals that, as the mainstream mass organization, Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama tend to reject the implementation of the Sharia Law in local regulation, which was in contrast to those of non-mainstream Islamic mass organizations such Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Front Pembela Islam (FPI), Laskar Thaliban, Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) and PKPPSI (Presidium Komite Perjuangan Penegakan Syatiat Islam/Presidium of the Islamic Sharia Enforcement Struggle Committee). In this case, the research highlights four roles of these organizations such as guardian of religious moderation, providing religious legitimacy, guardian of democracy, and pressure group. Keywords: Sharia Law, Local Regulation, Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama. 1 Introduction Towards independence and during the hearing in the Constituent Assembly in the late 1950s, Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), and other Islamic organizations were among those fought consistently for the enactment of Islamic Sharia in Indonesia. Even during the New Order era, Muhammadiyah and NU often took opposite views with the Suharto government regarding state ideology, Pancasila, the Bill of Pancasila’s Implementation and Understanding Guidelines (P4), Pancasila as the Only Ideology in Indonesia, Marriage Bill of 1974, and Issue of Local Religions and Beliefs (Aliran Kepercayaan) [1][2].