Political Communication in Perspective

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Political Communication in Perspective Political Communication in perspective: Identifying the message of Radical Right Parties in Europe during the first decade of the 21st century: A comparative case study Vasiliki Tsagkroni Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy i Required statement of originality for inclusion in research degree theses I, Vasiliki Tsagkroni confirm that the research included within this thesis is my own work or that where it has been carried out in collaboration with, or supported by others, that this is duly acknowledged below and my contribution indicated. Previously published material is also acknowledged below. I attest that I have exercised reasonable care to ensure that the work is original, and does not to the best of my knowledge break any UK law, infringe any third party’s copyright or other Intellectual Property Right, or contain any confidential material. I accept that the College has the right to use plagiarism detection software to check the electronic version of the thesis. I confirm that this thesis has not been previously submitted for the award of a degree by this or any other university. The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author. Signature: Vasiliki Tsagkroni Date: 28th March 2014 Details of collaboration and publications: [insert details here if applicable] ii Acknowledgements I would like to thank my supervisors Dr. Judith Bara, Dr. Catherine Needham and Prof Raymond Kuhn for the encouragement and guidance they provided me during the years. I would like to express my special appreciations to Dr. Judith Bara who has been a great mentor and supporter during this period. Your encouragements and advice have been priceless. In addition I want to thank Dr. Georgiadou, the person who introduced me to political science, motivated and challenged me to be critical. I would also like to thank the department of Politics and International Relations of Queen Mary University of London, all the staff members and the fellow scholars for their support and help during all these moments of feeling lost and desperate. It was a great relief to acknowledge that there are other people sharing the same journey as you are. A special thanks to my dearest Marilou, for making me believe in myself and always making me stronger, to Mr. Psarras, Dr Stathis Tsiras, Dr Lazaros Mavridis, Dr Faidon Zaras, Gaja and Prof Irini Moustaki for their essential contribution and to all my friends for supporting me in writing all these sleepless nights, all those struggling days. Last but not least I want to thank my family. Words cannot express how grateful I am to my parents, for offering me the greatest possibilities a child can ask for in order to find and follow their dream. You have been an inspiration and your love has been unconditional. For the sacrifices that you have made, for your family, for your children, for all this, I will always be grateful. And finally I want to thank you, who are not among us anymore… If this is my greatest achievement, it is dedicated to you. iii Abstract The thesis aims primarily to analyse the communication strategies of radical right parties. More specifically, the research examines three cases of radical right parties in Western Europe during the first decade of the twenty-first century with particular emphasis on the political communication along with marketing and branding techniques used to engage with the electorate to gain and maintain electoral support. These case studies comprise the Greek Popular Orthodox Rally (LA.O.S.), the Swiss People’s Party (SVP) and the Italian National Alliance (AN). Different forms of content analysis are used in order to pinpoint the characteristics that identify the parties as members of the radical right family. Through this approach the thesis provides evidence that the parties, in their effort to become more appealing to their audiences, avoid direct engagement with issues, which reflect traditional ideological tenets of the radical right issues such as fascism, racism or xenophobia. Rather, they attempt to present a more mainstream and competitive profile in the political arena. From a market-oriented perspective, the thesis addresses questions on marketing and related explanations which focus both on how the parties choose to communicate with the electorate, what is their message and, through comparative analysis, whether there are similarities in communication techniques among the three parties and whether it can be argued that parties in the radical right family project a common profile in terms of their communication strategies. Furthermore, the application of such an approach to the use of political communication techniques of the selected radical right parties can contribute to a wider understanding of how the concept of ‘consumption’ has come to be applied increasingly in activities undertaken in the political arena. iv Table of Contents List of Tables ix List of Figures ix 1. Introduction 1 2. Review of existing literature in the field 9 2.1. Introduction 9 2.2. Communication politics 10 2.2.1. Introducing political communication 10 2.2.2. Political marketing………………………………………………………… 13 2.3. Political Branding: A definition 22 2.4. Researching the radical right 26 2.4.1. The problem of definition 26 2.4.2. Historical background 31 2.4.3. Approaches to radical right ideology. What do they stand for? 35 2.4.3.1. Immigration 35 2.4.3.2. Neo-liberal economic approaches 38 2.4.3.3. Anti-establishment populism 38 2.4.3.4. Strong authoritarian security 39 2.4.4. Why are they popular? 40 2.4.5. Media and the radical right parties: What is missing? 42 2.5. Conclusion 43 3. Research Methodology 45 3.1. Introduction 45 3.2. Approaches to the analysis 46 3.3. Categorising the data- Specifics 59 3.4. Using CATA 62 3.5. Why take a comparative approach? 66 3.6. Conclusion 68 3.7. Technical Appendix 69 4. The Case of Laikós Orthódoxos Synagermós (LA.O.S.) 86 4.1. Introduction 86 4.2. Background – Foundation and electoral success 86 4.3. How does the party identify itself? 89 v 4.4. Structure and Ideology 93 4.4.1. Structure 93 4.4.2. Ideology and policy-making 94 4.4.3 Leadership 100 4.5. Analysis of the context 103 4.5.1. Beyond text 103 4.5.2. Organised Campaigns 108 4.6. Outcomes 114 4.7. Conclusion 116 5. The case of Schweizerische Volkspartei (SVP) 118 5.1. Introduction 118 5.2. Background – Foundation and electoral success 118 5.2.1. The origins of the party 118 5.2.2. The electoral breakthrough 120 5.2.3. Approaches to the party’s electoral success. The transformation to a major political factor and its’ contributors: the opportunity, the leader, the rhetoric 122 5.3. Structure and Ideology 127 5.3.1. Structure 127 5.3.2. Leadership 128 5.3.3. Ideology – policy making 130 5.4. Analysing the context 132 5.4.1. Beyond text 132 5.4.2. Organised campaigns 144 5.5. Outcomes 152 5.6. Conclusion 153 6. The case of Alleanze Nazionale (AN) 155 6.1. Introduction 155 6.2. Background 155 6.3. Structure and Ideology 159 6.4. Organised campaigns 169 6.5. Success 176 6.6. Outcomes 178 6.7. Conclusion 179 vi 7. The content analysis approach: understanding party preferences 181 7.1. Introduction 181 7.2. The role of content analysis 182 7.3. Frequencies and relative salience in the CATA approach 185 7.4. CATA analysis of the three cases 186 7.4.1. LA.O.S. 186 7.4.1.1. Salience of categories in LA.O.S. documents 186 7.4.1.2. Comparing issue salience in the manifestos and leader’s speeches of LA.O.S. (%) 190 7.4.1.3. Outcomes 195 7.4.2. SVP 200 7.4.2.1. Salience of categories in SVP documents 200 7.4.2.2. Comparing issue salience in the manifestos and leader’s speeches of SVP(%) 202 7.4.2.3. Outcomes 205 7.4.3. AN 208 7.4.3.1. Salience of categories in the manifestos of AN (%) 208 7.4.3.2. Outcomes 210 7.5. Comparing the content 214 7.6. Conclusion 219 8. Reflections on the analysis: Communication strategies and radical right parties 221 8.1. Introduction 221 8.2. Research questions and hypothesis 221 8.3. Reflections on communicating politics 222 8.4. The communication approaches of radical right parties 223 8.4.1. Developing a market-oriented theory perspective for party politics 223 8.4.2. The communication approach in the content of LA.O.S., SVP and AN 226 8.4.2.1. Evidence from the CATA 226 8.4.2.2. Reading between the lines: the outcomes from the CATA 230 8.4.3. The communicating perspective of the image in a campaign assessment 235 8.5. Political branding in practice 239 vii 8.5.1. The political parties 240 8.5.2. The leadership 243 8.5.3. The policies 245 8.6. Observations on communicating politics: A conclusion 246 9. Conclusion 249 9.1. Responses to existing research 249 9.2. Involvement in the discussion: The contribution of the thesis 251 9.3. Research limitations and propositions for further research 252 9.4. Where are they now 255 9.5. Final Thoughts 255 10. Bibliography 257 Appendix 285 viii List of Tables Table 3.1: Categories applied to texts to identify key concerns of radical right parties 61 Table 7:1a Frequencies of categories in LA.O.S.
Recommended publications
  • Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2020 Remarks Prior to a Meeting
    Administration of Donald J. Trump, 2020 Remarks Prior to a Meeting With President Simonetta Sommaruga of Switzerland and an Exchange With Reporters in Davos, Switzerland January 21, 2020 President Trump. Okay, thank you very much, everybody. President Sommaruga. Yes, please have a seat. President Trump. And we'll be having a meeting largely based on trade, President of Switzerland and representatives from Switzerland. And we have a tremendous relationship. We're working on other matters also that are very interesting. But today we're going to be discussing largely trade with Switzerland. They'd like to do an agreement, and we'll see what we can do. And thank you all for being with us. Thank you very much. President Sommaruga. Thank you, Mr. President. President Trump. Thank you. President Sommaruga. So, welcome. A warm welcome to you, to your delegation. We're very glad to have you here. We are glad to continue our contacts. President Trump. Yes. President Sommaruga. You had a contact with my predecessor last year that was—— President Trump. That's right. That's right. President Sommaruga. ——very great. And, well, you know that Switzerland President has only for 1 year. President Trump. Right. President Sommaruga. So you can see the diversity of Swiss Presidents. [Laughter] We have different languages. Mr. Parmelin, he will be the President next year. President Trump. Right. Wow. Good. President Sommaruga. And you can talk in French to him. President Trump. Good. [Laughter] President Sommaruga. And Mr. Maurer is speaking German. Afterwards, it will be Mr. Cassis; he's Italian speaking.
    [Show full text]
  • Switzerland-Suisse-En.Pdf
    Switzerland Official Title: Swiss Confederation General Information: Capital Bern Population (million) 8.61n/a Total Area 41,290 km² Currency 1 CAN$=0.697 Swiss franc (CHF) (2020 - Annual average) National Holiday August 1, Confederation day Language(s) German, French, Italian, Romansch Political Information: Type of State Confederation Type of Government Parliamentary democracy. Bicameral Federal Assembly with a 46-seat Council of States (Ständerat) (upper house) and a 200-seat National Council (Nationalrat ). The Federal Council (cabinet) consists of seven members elected by the Federal Assembly (both Houses) and elects the president for a one year term. The President of the Federal Council is both Head of Bilateral Product trade State and of Government. Administrative divisions: 26 cantons. Governing coalition: Social Canada - Switzerland Democrats (SP), Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), Swiss People’s Party (SVP), Christian 10000 Democratic People’s Party (CVP). 8000 Balance 6000 Head of State Head of Government 4000 Can. President President Exports 2000 Guy Parmelin Guy Parmelin Can. Millions 0 Imports -2000 Total Trade Ministers: Foreign Affairs: Ignazio Cassis (FDP) -4000 Finance: Ueli Maurer(SVP) -6000 Economic Affairs: Guy Parmelin (SVP) 2016 2017 2018 2019 2020 Statistics Canada Main Political Parties Swiss People’s Party (SVP), Social Democrats (SP), Christian Democratic People’s Party Canadian Imports (CVP), Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), Green Party (Grünen), Conservative Democratic Party from: Switzerland (BDP), Green Liberal Party (GLP). National Council: SVP (53); SP (39); FDP (29); Grünen(28); CVP (25); GLP (16); BDP (3); Chemical Prod. other parties (7) Council of States: CVP (13); SD (12); FDP (13); SVP (5); Grünen (1); CDP (1); other parties (1) Precio us M etals/ stones Specialized Inst.
    [Show full text]
  • «Ich Versuche, Meiner Mutter Nahe Zu Sein»
    baernerbaer.ch baernerbaer @baernerbaer baerner.baer PP 3001 BERN/STADT UND REGION BERN | DIENSTAG, 26. JANUAR 2021 | NUMMER 04/38. JAHRGANG | INFORMATIONEN ZUR ZUSTELLUNG: 031 300 03 24 | AUFLAGE 103 410 Ex. SIMONETTA SOMMARUGA GANZ PRIVAT «Ich versuche, meiner Mutter nahe zu sein» Blieb in schwierigen Zeiten ruhig und durchsetzungsstark: Bundesrätin Simonetta Sommaruga. Foto: KEYSTONE/Peter Klaunzer 2 + 3 Soeben ist ihr Präsidialjahr zu Natürlich hatte sie sich ihre Amtszeit Jahren. Teilweise musste sich die ihr auch jetzt nahe zu sein. Einmal Ende gegangen. Für Simonetta als Bundespräsidentin etwas anders Könizerin harte Kritik anhören. «Das habe ich ihr etwas auf dem Klavier Sommaruga war es ein äusserst vorgestellt. Doch Simonetta Somma- gehört dazu. Oft hilft sie, im Bundes- am Telefon vorgespielt.» Im Inter- schwieriges. Das Coronavirus ruga fand sich schnell mit der neuen rat bessere Entscheide zu finden.» view mit dem Bärnerbär erklärt die hat die Könizer Bundesrätin Situation ab – und führte die Schweiz Auch privat machte Covid-19 Som- SP-Magistratin, wie sie Impfskepti- beruflich, aber auch privat fast zusammen mit Alain Berset durch maruga zu schaffen. Ihre Mutter lebt ker überzeugen will und was sie der- pausenlos auf Trab gehalten. die grösste Pandemie seit hundert in einem Altersheim. «Ich versuche, zeit am meisten beschäftigt. ys 24h-Betreuung gesucht? Sicherheit24h-Betreuung und Lebensqualität gesucht? zuhause zumSicherheit Pflegeheimtarif. und Lebensqualität Fürsorgliche zuhause Betreu- ende.zumSicherheit Pflegeheimtarif. Führender und Lebensqualität Anbieter, Fürsorgliche von Kranken­ zuhause Betreu- kassenende.zum Pflegeheimtarif. Führender anerkannt. Anbieter, Kostenlose Fürsorgliche von Beratung. Kranken­ Betreu- kassenende. Führender anerkannt. Anbieter, Kostenlose von Beratung. Kranken­ kassen anerkannt.Tel 031 Kostenlose370 80 70 Beratung.
    [Show full text]
  • Der Schlachtbrief Von Pater Rudolf Henggeler Und Die Morgarten-Gedenkfeiern Auf Den Spuren Eines Schriftstücks
    Der Schlachtbrief von Pater Rudolf Henggeler und die Morgarten-Gedenkfeiern Auf den Spuren eines Schriftstücks Andréa Kaufmann Der Mittelpunkt der Morgartenfeier Rede, Mittagessen in Sattel – etablierte sich Ende der 1940er-Jahre.2 An der Morgartenfeier, die jedes Jahr am 15. November Im folgenden Beitrag soll gezeigt werden, wie es über- im Weiler Schornen auf Gemeindegebiet von Sattel durch- haupt zu den Morgartenfeiern kam, ob bereits früher Schrift- geführt wird, bildet die Verlesung eines Schriftstücks den stücke eine Rolle spielten und welche Vorlagen und Vorbil- Mittelpunkt.1 So hat es der damalige Staatsarchivar Josef der dem Schlachtbrief zugrunde liegen. Im Zentrum stehen Wiget 1985 in seiner Abhandlung über die Bedeutung der die Fragen nach den «Paten» und dem Inhalt des Dokuments Schlacht am Morgarten und der damit verbundenen Feier von 1940. Ein weiteres Kapitel widmet sich der Frage, wie formuliert. Beim Schriftstück handelt es sich um den so- es zur Schlachtfeier von 1940 kam. Abschliessend folgt ein genannten Schlachtbrief, den der Einsiedler Pater Rudolf «grosser Bogen» über die Entwicklung der Morgartenfeiern Henggeler (1890–1971) 1940 verfasst hat. In sieben kur- bis in die Gegenwart mit einem Fokus auf die wechselnden zen Abschnitten wird in historisierendem Deutsch an die Zuständigkeiten bei der Organisation. Dabei soll wenn mög- Schlacht und ihre Opfer erinnert und um den Schutz lich auch die Wirkung des Schlachtbriefs im Auge behalten Gottes für das Vaterland nachgesucht. Im selben Jahr werden.3 wurde der Text erstmals an der Morgartenfeier vorgelesen. Der Anlass, wie wir ihn heute kennen – mit jährlicher Durchführung am 15. November in der Gemeinde Sattel, Von den Schlachtjahrzeiten zur Festzug von Sattel nach Schornen, Gedenkfeier bei der Zentenarfeier von 1915 Schlachtkapelle mit Verlesung des Schlachtbriefs, Ehrung der Gefallenen sowie Wortgottesdienst und politischer Die Morgartenfeier in Sattel hat ihren Ursprung in den Schlachtjahrzeiten, an denen man den Gefallenen der Schlacht vom 15.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN GREECE 6th May 2012 European Elections monitor Great Uncertainty just one Month before the next Greek General Elections Corinne Deloy (with Stellina Galitopoulou) On 31st October last Prime Minister George Papandreou (Panhellenic Socialist Movement, PASOK) announced the organisation of a referendum on the rescue plan for Greece approved by the Euro- Analysis pean Union on 27th October in Brussels. The latter aimed to help Greece pay off its debts but obliged 1 month before the country to submit to economic supervision and to implement a stricter austerity regime. The the poll announcement was the source of stupor and indignation in Greece and across all of Europe – it sent the European, American and Asian stock exchanges into disarray and surprised the financial markets. “It’s suicide”, declared Michalis Matsourakis, chief economist at the Greek Alpha Bank, who perceived an attempt on the part of George Papandreou to break out of his solitude and the political crisis that was undermining the country as he pushed the opposition parties, which until now had categorically refused to support the strict austerity measures taken by the government, to adopt a position on the European plan, in order to calm the social protest movement that went together with a sharp decline in living standards. The Prime Minister, who was finding it increasingly difficult to find support within his own socialist party and the ministers of his government, had already suggested to the opposition that they create an alliance in the shape of a government coalition in June 2011. The right however, rejected this proposal.
    [Show full text]
  • Inhaltsverzeichnis
    Inhaltsverzeichnis 7 Vorwort und Dank Hinweise zur Benützung des Lexikons 17 Der schweizerische Bundesrat auf dem langen Weg zur Konkordanzdemokratie Einführung von Urs Altermatt Porträts der Bundesrätinnen und Bundesräte 30 1848-1874 Jonas Furrer 31 - Ulrich Ochsenbein 38 - Henri Druey 44 - Josef Munzinger 51 - Stefano Franscini 57 - Friedrich Frey-Herose 63 - Wilhelm Matthias Näff 69 - Jakob Stämpfli 74 - Constant Fornerod 81 - Josef Martin Knüsel 88 - Giovanni Battista Pioda 93 - Jakob Dubs 99 - Carl Schenk 105 - Jean-Jacques Challet-Venel 112 - Emil Welti 118 - Victor Ruffy 125 - Paul Ceresoie 130 - Johann Jakob Scherer 136 - Eugene Borei 142 147 1875-1918 Joachim Heer 147 - Friedrich Anderwert 152 - Bernhard Hammer 157 - Numa Droz 163 - Simeon Bavier 169 - Wilhelm Friedrich Hertenstein 173 - Louis Ruchonnet 177 - Adolf Deucher 183 - Walter Hauser 189 - Emil Frey 193 - Josef Zemp 200 - Adrien Lachenal 206 - Eugene Ruffy 211 - Eduard Müller 216 - Ernst Brenner 222 - Robert Comtesse 227 - Marc Ruchet 233 - Ludwig Forrer 240 - Josef Anton Schobinger 246 - Arthur Hoffmann 250 - Giuseppe Motta 257 - Louis Perrier 264 - Camille Decoppet 269 - Edmund Schulthess 275 - Felix Calonder 282 - Gustave Ador 289 - Robert Haab 296 301 1919-1958 Karl Scheurer 301 - Ernest Chuard 306 - Jean-Marie Musy 312 - Heinrich Häberlin 319 - Marcel Pilet-Golaz 325 - Rudolf Minger 331 - Albert Meyer 338 - Johannes Baumann 344 - Philipp Etter 349 - Hermann Obrecht 356 - Ernst Wetter 361 - Enrico Celio 366 - Walther Stampfli 371 - Edmund von Steiger 377 - Karl Kobelt 383 - Ernst Nobs 389 - Max Petitpierre 393 - Rodolphe Rubattel 400 - Josef Escher 407 - Markus Feldmann 412 - Max Weber 417 - Hans Streuli 423 - Thomas Holenstein 429 - Paul Chaudet 434 - Giuseppe Lepori 440 - Friedrich T.
    [Show full text]
  • Greek Elections 2012: a Political Crisis As an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties
    American International Journal of Contemporary Research Vol. 3 No. 1; January 2013 Greek Elections 2012: A Political Crisis as an Anti-Marketing Tool for Traditional Parties Dr. Nasios Orinos European University Cyprus Kastorias 6A, Lykavitos, 1055, Nicosia, Cyprus Abstract This article strives to answer the question how a political crisis can be an anti-marketing tool for traditional parties. It presents a road map of the 2012 Greek Parliamentary Elections. It begins with a discussion of the context within which the elections have taken part, explaining how the memorandum and the bailout agreement imposed have impacted the country. It reviews the Greek election law and discusses the campaign strategies and tactics that have been used historically. But foremost the article tries to bridge between the two elections, 6th of May 2012 and 17th of June 2012, presenting the strategies used in those, while discussing and analyzing the campaigns used by the two major parties now in Greece, New Democracy and SYRIZA. It concludes by presenting the results of the two elections noting the huge percentage drop of PASOK and the end of two-party system, synthesizing it with the impact these results will have on the country. Keywords: Pasok , Syriza, New Democracy, Memorandum 1. Introduction Newman (1999) highlighted that marketing strategy lies at the heart of electoral success because it induces a campaign to put together, in a relatively short period of time, a forceful organization that mobilizes support and generates a winning coalition of disparate and sometimes conflicting groups. Garecht (2010) has posed a question. Why on earth would we want to get involved in politics? As he noted, the political lifestyle seems enjoyable.
    [Show full text]
  • Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: the 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece
    Winning Votes and Weathering Storms: The 2009 European and Parliamentary Elections in Greece Kostas Gemenis Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) Working Paper 32 © Kostas Gemenis, 2010 ISSN 1475-1569 ISBN 1-899488-73-1 KEPRU Working Papers are published by: School of Politics, International Relations and Philosophy (SPIRE) Keele University Staffs ST5 5BG, UK Fax +44 (0)1782 73 3592 www.keele.ac.uk/kepru Editor: Professor Kurt Richard Luther ([email protected]) KEPRU Working Papers are available via SPIRE’s website. Launched in September 2000, the Keele European Parties Research Unit (KEPRU) was the first research grouping of its kind in the UK. It brings together the hitherto largely independent work of Keele researchers focusing on European political parties, and aims: • to facilitate its members' engagement in high-quality academic research, individually, collectively in the Unit and in collaboration with cognate research groups and individuals in the UK and abroad; • to hold regular conferences, workshops, seminars and guest lectures on topics related to European political parties; • to publish a series of parties-related research papers by scholars from Keele and elsewhere; • to expand postgraduate training in the study of political parties, principally through Keele's MA in Parties and Elections and the multinational PhD summer school, with which its members are closely involved; • to constitute a source of expertise on European parties and party politics for media and other interests. The Unit shares the broader aims of the Keele European Research Centre, of which it is a part. KERC comprises staff and postgraduates at Keele who are actively conducting research into the politics of remaking and integrating Europe.
    [Show full text]
  • Download/Print the Study in PDF Format
    GENERAL ELECTIONS IN GREECE 17th June 2012 European Elections monitor The Greeks called to ballot again on June 17th in a bid to break the stalemate Corinne Deloy Translated by helen Levy The Shock of May 6th The general elections of May 6th in Greece caused a political earthquake in a country suffering an extremely serious financial and socio-economic crisis. People voted en masse against austerity and Analysis the European Memorandum, the agreement signed in February by Athens with the International 1 month before Monetary Fund (IMF), the Union and the European Central Bank. Both of the main government the pool parties – the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) and New Democracy (ND) collapsed, whilst together they won 77.40% of the vote in the previous elections of October 4th 2009, they only won 32.03% of the vote on May 6th last. ND won 18.85% of the vote (108 seats, +17) in comparison with the last general elections on October 4th 2009 and PASOK were totally wiped out with 13.18% of the vote (41 seats, -119). The real winner of the election was the Radical Left Coalition government together suggesting the establishment of a “na- (SYRIZA) which under the banner “They chose without us. tional salvation” coalition. After failing to do this the leader of Let’s move on without them,” campaigned on the rejection the party that came second, Alexis Tsipras (SYRISA) tried to of the Memorandum and the maintenance of Greece in the form a coalition. This was to no avail since the KKE refused euro zone.
    [Show full text]
  • The Greek Cauldron
    stathis kouvelakis THE GREEK CAULDRON he escalation of the Eurozone crisis in the closing months of 2011 has produced spectacular upheavals in the political land- scape. Within less than a fortnight, the Greek Prime Minister George Papandreou had announced a referendum on the Tpunitive terms of a loan agreed at the Eurozone summit on October 27, only to abandon the plan after public humiliation by Sarkozy and Merkel at the G20 summit in Cannes on November 4, and resign two days later. On November 10, Lucas Papademos, ex-chief of the Bank of Greece and a former vice-president of the European Central Bank, was installed at the head of a government of so-called national accord. Alongside ministers from the preceding pasok government, with several key figures— notably the Finance Minister Evangelos Venizelos—keeping their posts, the centre-right opposition New Democracy party has been awarded six cabinet positions, including Defence and Foreign Affairs. Papademos’s government also includes a minister and two deputy ministers from the extreme-right laos party, which returns to office for the first time since the fall of the military dictatorship in 1974. By contrast, the parties of the Italian centre right, the Lega Nord and Popolo della Libertà, announced their opposition to the so-called technocratic government of the eu Commissioner Mario Monti, formed in Rome on November 12 after the forced departure of Silvio Berlusconi; thus scotching the plans of the centre-left pd, which had hoped to enter office on Monti’s coattails. The outcome in both Athens and Rome was above all determined by outside pressure from the German and French governments, accompa- nied by relentless assault from the bond markets, which have priced up both countries’ debts to unsustainable levels.
    [Show full text]
  • Digitale Debatten in Zeiten Der Corona-Krise
    Digitale Debatten in Zeiten der Corona-Krise Eine Analyse von Kommentaren auf Twitter und Online-News-Plattformen Forschungsstelle sotomo Dolderstrasse 24 8032 Zürich Autor/innen (alphabetisch) Michael Hermann David Krähenbühl Eliane Müller Bruno Wüest Zürich, Mai 2020 INHALTSVERZEICHNIS Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 In Kürze 4 2 Methodisches 4 3 Welle an Online-Kommentaren 5 4 Wandel der Risikowahrnehmung 7 5 Ausschläge in der Stimmungslage 8 6 Die Exekutive übernimmt das Zepter 10 7 Fazit 13 3 2 METHODISCHES 1 In Kürze Die Corona-Pandemie hat für die Schweiz einschneidende Auswirkungen histo- rischen Ausmasses. Es scheint deshalb nur logisch, dass die Turbulenzen der letzten Monate auch deutliche Konsequenzen für die digitale Debatte in den sozialen Medien und den Online-Kommentarspalten haben. Die Forschungsstelle sotomo hat die Emotionen, Akteure und Risikowahrnehmun- gen in der digitalen Debatte während der Corona-Krise untersucht. Dafür konnten rund 930‘000 Online-Kommentaren verwendet werden, die vom 3. März bis am 25. Mai auf Twitter und fünf Schweizer Online-News-Plattformen publiziert wurden. Die Ankunft der Pandemie wird von einer Welle an publizierten Online- Kommentaren begleitet. Zu Spitzenzeiten wurden über 20’000 Kommentare pro Tag registriert, während das normale Niveau um 10’000 Kommentare beträgt. In der Phase der Einführung der «ausserordentliche Lage», in welcher der Bundes- rat in schneller Sequenz Notverordnungen zur Bekämpfung der Corona-Pandemie erlassen, dominieren die Ängste um Risikogruppen und die Überlastung des Ge- sundheitssystems klar über die Befürchtungen um die Wirtschaft. Gegen Ende März wechselt diese Risikoeinschätzung ins Gegenteil. Auch die Emotionalität der digitalen Debatte zeigt starke Ausschläge. Zu Beginn sind alarmistische Kommentare, aber auch Lob und Aufrufe zu Solidarität sehr wichtig für das Stimmungsbild der digitalen Debatte.
    [Show full text]
  • Uelimaurernimmtbankeranbord
    8 Schweiz Samstag, 5. Dezember 2020 Bundesplatz Ueli Maurer nimmt Banker an Bord Wer darf bei Bundesräten im Regierungsjet mitfliegen? Fünf Antworten zu Inlandflügen und Promis an Bord. Lucien Fluri Seine Ehefrau nahm der deut- sche Entwicklungsminister Gerd Doris Leuthard. Bild: Key Müller gerne mal in der Regie- rungsmaschine mit. Für die Fachpolitiker der Opposition Wie krisenfest ist der Bundesrat? hatte er dagegen keinen Platz an Alt Bundesrätin DorisLeuthard Bord. Darüber hat Deutschland skizzierte gegenüber CH Media in den letzten Wochen diskutiert. ihre Ideen für eine Regierungs- Höchste Zeit also für die Frage: reform. Sie schlägt unter ande- Wer darf in der Schweiz im rem vor, dass künftig ein Trio – Bundesratsjet mitfliegen? Die ein eigentlicher Führungsaus- «Schweiz am Wochenende» hat, schuss – den Bundesrat leiten gestützt auf das Öffentlichkeits- könnte. Das wechselnde Präsi- gesetz, beim Bund die Liste der dium ins Visier genommen hat Mitreisenden der Jahre 2019 und auch der Politikprofessor Adrian 2020 verlangt. Inzwischen lie- Vatter. In seinem neuen Buch gen die Angaben von fünf Bun- «Der Bundesrat: Die Schweizer desräten vor. Die wichtigsten Regierung» (NZZ Libro) befasst Erkenntnisse: er sich unter anderem damit,wie die Regierung strategisch ge- Die Wirtschaft bleibt fast stärkt werden könnte. Vatters In- immer draussen stitut an der Uni Bern frohlockte via Twitter über Leuthards Reisen Bundesräte ins Ausland, Ideen: Es sei einer der seltenen mögen sie dort der Schweizer Fälle, in denen sich Theorie und Wirtschaft Türen öffnen. Doch Praxis einig scheinen. kaum je fliegt ein CEO im Bun- desratsjet mit. Dies zeigt ein Und plötzlich ist er wieder viel Blick auf die Gästeliste der Flü- öfter in den Medien: Der SVP- ge.
    [Show full text]