IN THIS ISSUE

1. Militias in 's Fourth-Republic: Bargaining with or Exiting from the State Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil ANIMASAWUN, PhD 2. The Ethnic Factor in the Emergence of Political Culture in Nigeria From 1960 to the Second Republic Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD 3. Performance of Technology Incubation Policy and Programme in Nigeria, 2014-2018 Bello Ohiani, PhD, Abu Karim Musa, PhD, Musa Zakari 4. Prevalence of PTSD among Women and Children Exposed to Boko Haram Insurgency in the North-East Nigeria Hadiza I. Dahiru, Akawu Monday, Omaku S. A. Sule 5. National Development and Institutional Capacity: An Assessment of Development Strides in Nigeria Abimiku John PhD, Atte John, Bawa Basil 6. Kuteb-Chamba Relations in Former District, Division, 1810-1939 Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD, Ibrahim Joseph Tende 7. An Analysis of Policy Strategies and Implementations of Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria Sheriff Garba, PhD 8. A Historical Analysis of the Causes and Effects of Herders - Farmers Conflicts in Akombo I. Elijah, PhD 9. Key Components of Post-Conflict Reconstruction/Peace-Building Process Umar, Garpiya, Iliya Ibrahim Gimba 10. The Role of History As A Beacon For Peaceful Co-Existence in the Society Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Garba Tanko 11. Women Participation in Governance and Politics in the Eastern Niger Delta Area of Nigeria Odeigah, Theresa Nfam, PhD 12. The Role of the Judiciary in Nigerian Democracy: An Overview Astiya Godiya Pius, PhD, Iyadah John Viko, PhD, Luka Ruth Caleb, PhD 13. Appraisal of Factors Militating Against Jukun Women in Political Participation in the Post-Colonial Period Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Samuel Ruth Agbu 14. Ethics, Morality and Good Governance In Islam; A Panacea to Conflict Amina Aminu Isma'il, Usman Imam Bello, Maunde Usman Muhammad 15. Paradigm Shift in Church Mission and Its Implication for the 21st Century Nigerian Church A PUBLICATIONPUBLICATION OFOF Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, PhD, Mande Hakumi, John Mark Cheitnum 16. Examining the Role of ECOWAS in Regional Integration and Collective Security in West Africa INSTITUTEINSTITUTE OFOF PEACEPEACE STUDIESSTUDIES ANDAND Charles Akale, Kingsley Chigozie W. Udegbunam 17. Morality of Alago- Eggon Violent Conflict: Lessons For Peaceful Co-Existence In Nasarawa State COCONFLICTNFLICT MANAGEMENTMANAGEMENT (IPSACM),(IPSACM), Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, PhD, Oyiwose Ishaya Owusakyo, Akawu, Monday 18. An Evaluation of the Role of Total Quality Management on Bank Performance: A case of Selected Banks in Taraba State, Nigeria. Mohammed Zaiyanu, Hamisu Idris, Mansur Bello 19. Factors Militating Against the Development of Jos Museum and Its Role in the Preservation of Historical and Religious Heritage Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD, Anuye, Steve Paul 20. The Islamic Model for Peace and Conflict Resolution in Interpersonal Disputes Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu, Lawan Abdullahi Muhammad 21. The Ruling Class as Agent of Capitalist Exploitation in Nigeria Larry, Steve Ibuomo, Abah Danladi 22. and Empowerment Programmes: An Assessment of N-Power in Taraba State Isa Mohammed, Auwal Abubakar Chul, Andeley Laasutu Naomi, Ibrahim Nu'aimu Dan-Bala V o l u m e 1 , N u m b e r 2 , M a r c h 2 0 1 9 HPL HAMEED PRESS LIMITED No. 51 Garu Street, Sabon line , Taraba State, Nigeria. TEL 08036255661, 07035668900. ISSN 2682- 6194 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

ISSN: 2682-6194

JOURNAL OF MULTI-DISCIPLINARY STUDIES A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and

Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria

Volume 1, Number 2, March 2019 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Volume 1, Number 2, March 2019 ISSN: 2682-6194

Editorial Board Editor-In-Chief Akombo I. Elijah, PhD

Secretary Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD

Editorial Members Isa M. Adamu, PhD Aboki M. Sani, PhD Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Haruna M. Suleimuri, PhD

Article should be submitted online to the Secretary, Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSCAM), Taraba State University PMB 1167 Jalingo, Taraba State, Nigeria. Email: [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]

i Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Editorial Consultants

Professor Talla Ngarka S., Director, A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. Professor Abolade Adeniji, Department of History and International Studies, University, Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Oguntola-Laguda, Danoye Department of African Traditional Religions, , Ojo, Lagos, Nigeria Professor Mike O. Odey, Department of History, University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Professor E. C. Emordi, Department of History and International Studies, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria Professor Adagba Okpaga, Department of Political Science, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria Prof. Umar Habila Dadem Danfulani, Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos, , Nigeria. Prof. Olubunmi Akinsanya Alo, Department of Sociology, Federal University, Wukari, Taraba State, Nigeria Professor Saawua Gabriel Nyityo, Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Dr. Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun, Centre for Peace and Strategic Studies, , Nigeria

ii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Mission Statement

The world system is increasingly passing through very disturbing phases. Almost every sphere of life is being subjected to unprecedented crises. Both the human and the physical environments have come to crossroads of crises. There are, for instance, unprecedented episodes of global warming; depreciating conditions of soil fertility caused by, mostly, unregulated human activities; overflowing of banks of oceans and rivers on one hand, and alarming rain failures in different parts of the world resulting in protracted droughts and famine; on the other hand unprecedented frictions in human relationships across the globe resulting in unprecedented inter-personal, inter-group, inter-regional and inter-continental confrontations, among others. The Nigerian society is caught up at a similar crossroad. This presupposes that what has become, or is becoming, of the Nigerian society is directly a reflection of the predicament of the international community. Indeed, the entire Nigerian system is increasingly becoming alarmingly chaotic, resulting in unprecedented episodes of conflicts and violent behaviours. For instance, relationship within, and between, families is increasingly becoming very confrontational; the echoes of intra and inter-communal or group conflicts and violence are assuming new disturbing dimensions; the educational system is fast proving highly incapable of producing variables for positive national growth and development; the two dominant religions, Christianity and Islam, are disturbingly proving to be avenues for the promotion of intra and inter-religious rivalries other than peace and unity which are supposedly their main tenets; the

iii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies political system is fast becoming terrains of unprecedented violence, conflict, misrule on one hand, as the security agencies are increasingly proving to be suspiciously incapable of performing their constitutional roles on the other hand, among many other vices. Needless to assert at this juncture that conflict, violence and confrontation have become the dominant features of the Nigerian society. This development results from a network of causes. Apparently, therefore, for us to be able to adequately comprehend the adjoining variables responsible for this down trend in our society, much mental, physical and financial energies have to be exerted. This, of course, is the hallmark of Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies, A Publication of Institute of Peace Studies and Conflict Management (IPSACM), Taraba State University, Jalingo. The Centre appreciates our renown academies who have identified with this mission, particularly, the maiden edition of its Journal through their very valuable articles. Our most reputable senior colleagues who have graciously accepted to be part of this mission as editorial consultants cannot be appreciated enough. The Centre has, indeed, put its hands on the plough and pledges to stick to the philosophy of “Forward Ever, Backward Never”. We remain resolute.

Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD

iv Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies Notes on Contributors

1. Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun Centre for Peace & Strategic Studies University of Ilorin, Ilorinz 2. Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD, Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. 3. Bello Ohiani, PhD, Abu Karim Musa, PhD & Musa Zakari Department of Political Science, Nasarawa State University, Keffi 4. Hadiza I. Dahiru, Akawu Monday & Omaku S. A. Sule Department of Psychology, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nasarawa State. 5. Abimiku John PhD Department of , Faculty of Administration Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Atte John No 5, Onterio Crescent, Son City, Abuja & Bawa Basil Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Administration Nasarawa state university, keffi. 6. Dr. Abdulsalami M. Deji, Ibrahim Joseph Tende Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State 7. Sheriff Garba, PhD Department of History Faculty of Arts and Education , Damaturu, Nigeria. 8. Akombo I. Elijah, PhD Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University,Jalingo, Nigeria & Joseph John Department of History Faculty of Arts Nasarawa State University 9. Umar, Garpiya Department of Political Science Federal College of Education, Zaria & Iliya Ibrahim Gimba Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of ArtsTaraba State University, Jalingo 10. Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar (MHSN) Department of History, College of Education Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria. Audu, Garba Tanko (MHSN) Department of History, College of Education Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria v Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

11. Odeigah, Theresa Nfam, Ph.D Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ilorin, P.M.B 1515, Ilorin, 12. Astiya Godiya Pius, PhD Nasarawa State University Keffi, Department of Political Science, Iyadah John Viko, PhD Faculty of Law Nasarawa S t a t e U n i v e r s i t y K e ff i , & L u k a R u t h C a l e b , P h D Nasarawa State University Keffi, Department of Political Science 13. Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD and Samuel Ruth Agbu Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. 14. Amina Aminu Isma'il Department of Islamic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Usman Imam Bello Department of Islamic Studies, School of Arts and Social Sciences, Federal College of Education, Yola A d a m a w a S t a t e & M a u n d e U s m a n M u h a m m a d Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo 15. Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, Phd Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nigeria, Mande Hakumi U. M. C. A Bible College, Tungan Magajiya, Rijau L.g.a, & John Mark Cheitnum Department of Philosophy and Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nigeria 16. Charles Akale Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja & Kingsley Chigozie W. Udegbunam Peace and Conflict Resolution Unit, School of General Studies University of Nigeria, Nsukka 17. Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, Ph.D Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Oyiwose Ishaya Owusakyo Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi & Akawu, Monday Department of Psychology, Nasarawa State University, Keffi

vi Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

18. Mohammed Zaiyanu, Hamisu Idris & Mansur Bello. Department of Business Administration, Taraba State University Jalingo 19. Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD Department of Religion & Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria and Anuye, Steve Paul Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo 20. Maunde Usman Muhammad Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo &Lawan Abdullahi Muhammad Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo 21. Larry, Steve Ibuomo Department of History and Diplomacy, , Wilberforce Island, , & Abah Danladi Department of History & International Studies Anyigba 22. Isa Mohammed & Auwal Abubakar Chul Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty Management & Social Sciences Taraba State University, Jalingo, Andeley Laasutu Naomi Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Salem University, Lokoja, & Ibrahim Nu'aimu Dan-Bala Department of Political Science Federal University, Wukari

vii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Contents 1. Militias in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic: Bargaining with or 1-22 Exiting from the State Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil ANIMASAWUN, PhD 2. The Ethnic Factor in the Emergence of Political Culture in 23-44 Nigeria From 1960 to the Second Republic Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD 3. Performance of Technology Incubation Policy and 46-58 Programme in Nigeria, 2014-2018 Bello Ohiani, PhD, Abu Karim Musa, PhD, Musa Zakari 4. Prevalence of PTSD among Women and Children Exposed to 59-76 Boko Haram Insurgency in the North-East Nigeria Hadiza I. Dahiru, Akawu Monday, Omaku S. A. Sule 5. National Development and Institutional Capacity: An 77-91 Assessment of Development Strides in Nigeria Abimiku John PhD, Atte John, Bawa Basil 6. Kuteb-Chamba Relations in Former Takum District, Wukari 92-103 Division, 1810-1939 Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD, Ibrahim Joseph Tende 7. An Analysis of Policy Strategies and Implementations of 104-122 Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria Sheriff Garba, PhD 8. A Historical Analysis of the Causes and Effects of Herders - 123-135 Farmers Conflicts in Taraba State Akombo I. Elijah, PhD 9. Key Components of Post-Conflict Reconstruction/Peace- 136-144 Building Process Umar, Garpiya, Iliya Ibrahim Gimba 10. The Role of History As A Beacon For Peaceful Co-Existence 145-154 in the Society Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar, Audu, Garba Tanko 11. Women Participation in Governance and Politics in the 155-165 Eastern Niger Delta Area of Nigeria Odeigah, Theresa Nfam, PhD 12. The Role of the Judiciary in Nigerian Democracy: An 166-176 Overview Astiya Godiya Pius, PhD, Iyadah John Viko, PhD, Luka Ruth Caleb, PhD viii Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

13. Appraisal of Factors Militating Against Jukun Women in 177-186 Political Participation in the Post-Colonial Period Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD, Samuel Ruth Agbu 14. Ethics, Morality and Good Governance In Islam; A Panacea 187-197 to Conflict Amina Aminu Isma'il, Usman Imam Bello, Maunde Usman Muhammad 15. Paradigm Shift in Church Mission and Its Implication for the 198-214 21st Century Nigerian Churc Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, PhD, Mande Hakumi, John Mark Cheitnum 16. Examining the Role of ECOWAS in Regional Integration 215-229 and Collective Security in West Africa Charles Akale, Kingsley Chigozie W. Udegbunam 17. Morality of Alago- Eggon Violent Conflict: Lessons For 230-247 Peaceful Co-Existence In Nasarawa State Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, PhD, Oyiwose Ishaya Owusakyo, Akawu, Monday 18. An Evaluation of the Role of Total Quality Management on 248-258 Bank Performance: A case of Selected Banks in Taraba State, Nigeria. Mohammed Zaiyanu, Hamisu Idris, Mansur Bello 19. Factors Militating Against the Development of Jos Museum 259-271 and Its Role in the Preservation of Historical and Religious Heritage Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD, Anuye, Steve Paul 20. The Islamic Model for Peace and Conflict Resolution in 272-285 Interpersonal Disputes Maunde Usman Muhammad, Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu, Lawan Abdullahi Muhammad 21. The Ruling Class as Agent of Capitalist Exploitation in 286-295 Nigeria Larry, Steve Ibuomo, Abah Danladi 22. Public Policy and Empowerment Programmes: An 296-306 Assessment of N-Power in Taraba State Isa Mohammed, Auwal Abubakar Chul, Andeley Laasutu Naomi, Ibrahim Nu'aimu Dan-Bala

ix Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Militias in Nigeria's Fourth-republic: Bargaining Withorexiting From the State?

Gbemisola Abdul-Jelil Animasawun, PhD Centre for Peace & Strategic Studies University of Ilorin, Ilorin [email protected]

Abstract Despite the reduction of secessionist moves in post-Cold War Africa, the continued existence of ethnic and religious militias within many of these States, including Nigeria, underscores their fragility. The recent emergence of an Islamist militia (Boko-Haram) localized in core northern Nigeria perceived as fast-losing out in the distribution of power in the Fourth-Republic reflects the extent of ethnic and religious insecurity in Nigeria. This article argues that militias in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic have conferred bargaining power on ethnic nationalities in gaining state power (presidency) going by the contributions of the Odua People's Congress and the Niger-Delta militants in securing the concession of the presidency to their respective zones. Situating the activities of militias in Nigeria within the context of Albert Hirschman's model ofExit Voice Loyalty (EVL) and the bargaining theories of power, it can be posited that they represent voices of demand and not decisive moves to exit the State.

Introduction The end of the Cold War sparked the start of deep-rooted and protracted intra-state wars in many African countries along-side the democratization process. These conflicts have characterized democratization with wars, guns and votes (Collier 2010) in the rabid contest for the control of state resources while replacing the politics of ideology and values with ethnic and religious sentiments. Hence, democratization has been without any normative order. Mehler (2009) presents the antithetical realities arising from the relationship between democratization and peace-building in many post- conflict states in justifying the assertion that democratization seems to have (re)defined and (re)characterised old conflicts with unprecedented lethality in seeming confirmation of the prediction made by Kaplan in 1994 of the coming anarchy on the continent. From Senegal to Uganda, to Congo and Nigeria to Chad, insurgencies in different garbs, especially ethnic irredentism and religious extremism, have been the basis of agitations and claims by armed groups against existing regimes. Much as the phenomenon

1 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of armed insurgencies are not entirely new on the continent cognizant of the nationalist struggles and the support provided to divergent ideological camps on the continent while the Cold War lasted, the current manifestation of insurgency on the continent differs in content and posture. Boas and Dunn (2007) observe that the post-Cold War years on the continent have produced two new fully established regional conflict zones. These are located in Western Africa and Central Africa. The causes of the conflicts in Western Africa can be seen in the intertwined series of localized conflicts basically along the Mano River basin which pushed countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, Cote d'Ivoire and Guinea to the brink. In Central Africa, the fall of the Mobutist State in defunct Zaire now Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), fed into an already tensed war region that included countries like Angola, Burundi, Rwanda, Namibia, Sudan, Uganda and Zimbabwe (Bihuzo 2012). A common feature in all of these conflicts has been the involvement of armed non-state actors. Vinci (2009) delineates three types of non-state armed groups as; insurgencies, warlord organisations and terrorist groups. According to him, the Sudanese People's Liberation Army which fought a civil war against the government of Sudan from 1983-2005 typifies a type of insurgent group; Charles Taylor and his National Patriotic Front of Liberia (NPFL) qualify as warlord organiations while groups like JemmahIslamiya based in South-east Asia using bombs and attacking civilians is an example of a terrorist group. Christopher Clapham delineates four types of guerrillas or insurgents with empirical examples as quoted in (Boas and Dunn 2007: 3): Liberation Insurgencies illustrated by the anti- colonial nationalist movements; Separatist Insurgencies like the Eritrean People's Liberation Front; Reform Insurgencies like YoweriMuseveni'sNational Resistance Army in Uganda and Ojukwu's Biafra in Nigeria and Warlord Insurgencies like Charles Taylor's National Patriotic Front of Liberia and Foday Sanko's Revolutionary United Front (RUF) in Sierra Leone.

Since then, a number of peace processes have taken place on the continent and most of these have resulted in transitional governments of national unity with fragile peace and tenuous security. The transitions from conflict to peace and democratization continue to be plagued by the activities of militias sometimes armed by embattled regimes in protection of their territories and external actors in continuation of the greed-grievance thesis. This has placed militias, especially ethnic ones, at a critical juncture in the 2 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies peace, reconciliation and democratization processes of many countries of the continent (Alden et al 2011). Despite the allure and celebration of democratic peace as basis for the propagation of democracy, especially from the West, democratisation in many post-Cold African countries has been characterized by the absence of order, peace and security. Albert (2011) laments the failure of the cliché-like mantra referred to as: African Solution to Africa's Problem as a tactical withdrawal from the chief promoters of liberal democracy from the crises arising there-from in Africa. Given their askance posture, the need to epistemologically (re)contextualisethe raison d'être of these insurgencies vis-à-vis the threats they constitute to peace, security, state-building and democratization cannot be wished away. Now involved in attacks against civilians and aid workers, vandalisation of strategic installations of the state, attacks against the media and telecommunication facilities going by the activities of Niger-Delta militants and the Boko-Haram Islamist sect, they present a peculiar challenge in terms of warfare that goes beyond the classic interstate and intra-state (government/guerrilla movement). In the words of Alden et al (2011: 1): what distinguishes them from more traditional combatants is their operational mode, especially their willingness to engage in violent tactics that defy international norms of conflict and their proclivity to embrace expediency in alliance-making . . . militias are notoriously difficult to manage in the context of transitions from war to peace . . . conventional approaches to conflict management and resolution promulgated by the international community are singularly inadequate in addressing the issue of militias as well as the enduring effect that they have on post-conflict situations.

Although, Boas and Dunn (2007) opine that militias are best understood as rational responses to the composition of African states and their polities, it is the opinion of this article that the incompatibility of post-Cold War African democratization process with security, peace and order caused by the activities of these militias speaks to their inchoate and fragile nature.This view is reinforced by the ethnic insecurity argument of Gleditsch (2001) and ethnic security-dilemma arguments of Kew (2010). Both provide the basis for the extant Balance of Terror (Adebanwi 2004) amongst the disparate ethnic-nationalities.

3 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The realities arising from the activities of these militias in many democratising post-Cold War countries in Africa point to the fact that the threats facing them are more internal than external which have made peace and the states themselves fragile. The threats of insurgencies to peace and security have been significantly aided by Information and Communication Technology (ICT), improvement in transport technology, deregulation of international markets and increased migration which enable many armed groups to break boundaries in order to build transnational affinities (Vinci 2009). In Nigeria, the phenomenon of militias became a topical issue that has continued to shape demands and discourse on the national question, peace and security since the demands and activities of the Oodua People's Congress (OPC) based in the Southwestern part in the 1990s sequel to the annulment of the June 12 Presidential elections. Sesay et al (2003) observe that others like the Bakkassi Boys sprang up in the Southeast;Egbesu Boys of Africa emerged in the South-south and the ArewaPeople's Congress (APC) in the northern part of the country. Other armed non-state actors that have been in confrontation with the Nigerian state include: the Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), Ijaw Youth Congress (IYC), the hitherto existence of the Nigerian Army as the ethnic-militia of the Hausa-Fulani oligarchy until 1999 as opined by Agbaje (2003) and the opinion in some quarters that the Boko-Haram is an ethnic militia of northern Nigeria (Esinulo 2012). This article therefore attempts to establish whether these militias have been bargaining for more or attempting to exit from the Nigerian state. Using the theory of emergentism, the article analyses the agential and structural interactions that precipitated major militias and interrogates their motivations in the contexts of greed, grievance and creed in order to predict whether they are exiting from or bargaining with the Nigerian State. Albert Hirschman's model Exit Voice Loyalty (EVL) and the bargaining theories of power and conflict were used. The Phenomenon of Ethnic and Religious Militias in Post-Cold War Africa The activities of militias since the end of the Cold in sub-Saharan Africa are some of the features that define contemporary Africa. However, despite their conspicuous presence and the consequences of their actions, there is a dearth of researches on them. Their mutating nature and not too successful processes of Demobilisation, Demilitarisation and Reintegration (DDR) processes in many transiting post-war countries on the continent make them problematic for peace, order, stability and national security in many nation-states. This has made diagnosing them as a socio-political

4 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies problem in order to know the right response slippery. This situation is not entirely different in Nigeria going by the increasing and menacing activities and utterances of these militias, especially on issues that touch on the country's security and its continued corporate existence. Historically, the word militia, especially in American and British contexts, was used to describe a reserve body of citizens enrolled for military duty and called upon only in times of emergency (Alden et al 2011). The contemporary usage of the term has been utilized in describing: “private armed groups of pro-regime strongmen and paramilitary formations that organize in defence of the political order in a given country. Second, the term has also been used in connection with states where the central authority has been considerably weakened” (Alden et al 2011: 4). In such places, the armed formations set up by warlords, tribal or regional strongmen, drug lords and the like are described as militias. Since the end of the Second World War, many militias have emerged on the world stage. In recent years, the well-known ones are the Janjaweed (devils on horseback) of Darfur, Sudan, composed of Arabic- speaking nomadic men. Alden et al (2011) report that their notoriety derives from their principal role in attacking non-Arab Black Darfurians, especially the sedentary farmers leading to over 200,000 deaths and massive displacement. Also, militias played a dominant role in the Rwandan crises. The Rwandan national army, the Forces Armees Rwandaises (FAR) made use of the well-organised Hutu militia referred to as Interahamwe('those who work/fight together') and the Impuzamugambi('those who have the same goal) in the organized annihilation of the Tutsis and moderate Hutus (Alden et al 2011). The case of Lau's Resistance Army (LRA) presents the transnational implications of the actions of militias. Popularly known as a cultish-militia, its menacing presence has been felt across Central Africa for over 25 years (Borzello 2009). After the 2005 peace process in Sudan, the LRA was forced out of Sudan and prevented from entering Uganda by a strong army presence which culminated in its becoming a roaming militia. The case of Movement des Forces Democratiques de Casamance (MFDC) which has started since 1982 offers a striking difference in its objective and challenges the popularly held notions about contemporary militias because it has a separatist agenda. Also, it has been involved in a sustained war with the Senegalese state and, despite its tattered war- economy, has sustained itself by little cannabis, charcoal and cashew nuts (Foucher 2007). The movement has refrained from rapes, amputations and the use of child soldiers. Boas and Dunn (2007) have further classified militias into stationary and roaming militias. The stationary militias set up physical 5 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies enclaves, often setting up rudimentary structures of governance and control usually headed by a male. Roaming militias are however typically on the run. So, militias in Africa based on the categorization of Clapham 1998 and Boas and Dunn (2007) can be grouped into the following: Liberation Insurgencies, Separatist Insurgencies, Reform Insurgencies and Warlord Insurgencieswhich can be stationary or roaming. Another factor that has fed into the activities of militias since the end of the Cold War is religion contrary to the secularization hypothesis that religion will fade away in the public space or public discourse with the dawn of modernization or democratization.Rather, there has been its revival in political and public discourses not only in the advanced democracies but also the tottering ones. This development renders as implausible the prediction of Sir Julian Huxley made in the 1960s that: “by the year 2000 two pernicious phenomena would have vanished into the “dustbin of history”, the first was nationalism and the second was religion” (Elshtain 2009:6). This is because happenings since the end of the Cold War and the inception of democratization in many African countries show that there have been the religicisation and ethnicisation of politics which could pass for the nationalization of politics by ethnic nationalities (Obadare 2006, Adebanwi 2005 and Ukiwo 2003). The phenomenon has also instigated the establishment of religious militias, especially Islamism across the globe. Most of the religious militias advocate for a prime place of religion in state affairs and have been grouped as; fundamentalists, extremists and ethno-religious fundamentalists (Appleby, 2001). The extremists operate like the religious militia (Albert 2005) because they make use of violence as an instrument of sanctifying the community and waging war against threatening outsiders. They hold that the suppression, conversion or elimination of the enemy as defined by them is a sacred right or obligation. When they want to pursue this through political means, they adopt civic intolerance. Appleby (2001) explains this as a situation whereby they rely on the use of legitimate violence or coercive forces of the state against their targets. Appleby (2001) describes the fundamentalists as groups that react basically to halt the marginalization of religion. The fundamentalists believe that religion should determine the culture, politics and laws of the society. The perversion of a supposed pristinely religious community by secular or religions alien to the state or community precipitates reactions from fundamentalists. For example, presence of Western business people who behave contemptuously of Islamic codes and culture in Cairo by bringing in casinos and luxury hotels are some of the factors responsible for the increasing rise of fundamentalists groups in Egypt. Also, in Kano city,

6 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the proliferation of beer–parlours or pubs operated by mostly southerners particularly from the south–east and south–south was considered as desecrating the city and this was one of the strongest arguments for the full implementation of Sharia in the state and the introduction of religious vigilante in the state (Olaniyi 2005). There are also fundamentalist groups such as the Taliban of Afghanistan, the Armed Islamic Group of Algeria and the terrorist cadre of Osama bin Laden, the Saudi exile, who wage wars overtly and covertly in order to extinguish all forms of religious and political oppositions. The third category are the ethno-religious nationalist groups. These are people who equate their religious traditions with that of a nation and assume that a threat to either is a perfidious attack on what is sacred. They operate like the fundamentalists in some ways. For example, they demonize missionaries of other faiths, foreign business men, troops stationed on the country's sacred soil, educational and social service volunteers, relief workers and international peace–keepers (Appleby 2001). The ethno-religious nationalists also desire to make their religion the center of the society just like the fundamentalists. However, they are convinced that strengthening of the local or host religion cannot be done by strictly complying with its precepts but by employing political collective or political action to give their religion a privileged position over other religions in such communities. Therefore, the Sharia struggle championed by twelve core northern at the inception of the Fourth-Republic which cannot be fully delinked from the current rage of Boko-Haram can be described as a form of ethno-religious nationalism or fundamentalism. Mahmoud (2004) describes Islamism as the conduct of state affairs by Islamic laws as prescribed in the Sharia. He traces this back to the Jihad of Othman Dan Fodio, observing that it continued in post-colonial Nigeria because of the need to give Nigeria's northern region an Islamic identity. However, the resultant ethnic insecurity it has promoted continues to have severe implications for inter-ethnic relations and national security. So, militias in Africa can be grouped into the following: Liberation Insurgencies, Separatist Insurgencies, Reform Insurgencies and Warlord Insurgencieswhich can be stationary or roaming. This article shares the views of Alden et al (2011) that define non-state armed actorsas armed actors operating outside the formal spheres of the state with autonomy from the structure and machinery of the state. Besides their lack of ideology, they have been shaped and are also shaping the global war on terror especially through the use of information technology, especially the internet. As a phenomenon, they constitute an integral part of the crises of the post-colonial state and modernity whose manifestation is traceable to

7 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies regional and social marginalization, worsened by recycled elites and warriors in the rabid contests for autochthony, land and belonging. Emergentist Analysis of Militias Different from the common usage of emergence as the first appearance of a phenomenon, the emergentist theory provides deeper and intellectual explanations of a social phenomenon through its use. This has informed its choice in deepening the causal variables that gave birth to ethnic and religious militias in Nigeria's contemporary history. The term emergentwas first known as a term in 1875 by G.H Lewes alongside the term resultant in further deepening of the distinction by John Stuart Mills's distinction between homeopathic and heteropathic laws which has become the widely accepted origin of the concept of emergence (Elder-Vass 2010). Sawyer (2005:100) quotes Emile Durkheim's opinion on emergence: Whenever certain elements combine and thereby produce by the fact of their combination new phenomena, it is plain that these new phenomena reside not in the original elements but in the totality formed by their union. . . . we assert not that social fact are material things but that they are things by the same right as material things, although they differ from them in type. Emergence will be used in this context in synchronic sense focused on the relationship between the properties of a whole and its parts at any point in time (Elder-Vass 2010). Wholes and parts are taken as entities in this context. Therefore, I seek to explain the relationship between ethnic and religious militias as entities on one hand and the Nigerian state as an entity on the other hand. Nigeria, her ethnic nationalities and militias are defined as entity along the definition of entity given by Elder-Vass (2010: 17): “as a persistent whole formed from a set of parts that is structured by the relationship between these parts.” Based on the foregoing, I posit that religious and ethnic militias are products of the interaction between the whole that it, Nigeria and her entities that is, the ethnic nationalities. I further argue that the mutual suspicion between the whole and her entities has also generated religious and ethnic insecurity and ethnic security dilemma for the nationalities. The Nigerian State or center and her ethnic nationalities fit into this context because they have persisted over a period of time as whole and entities withproperties. Elder-Vass (2010) describes properties or powers as intrinsic aspects of an entity that can have causal impact on its universe and that emergence occurs when a whole or entity has one or more emergent properties. Therefore, the existence of ethnic militias identified with ethnic nationalities in the country and the growing perception of the Boko-Haram as an ethno-religious fundamentalist reaction from an ethnic nationality

8 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies that lost out in the power struggle for the country's presidency underscore the argument that ethnic nationalities as entities of the whole haveemergent properties brought about as result of the interaction between the whole and her entities. The militias can also be linked to ethnic nationalities using the emergentist argument that emergence is inherently compositional (Buckley 1998). This means that an entity or whole such as an ethnic nationality is composed of emergent properties that constitute entities at lower levels that represent its parts. So, in the context of this article, ethnic and religious militias are taken as compositional parts of a whole, that is, their respective ethnic nationality. Hence, the OPC is considered a Yoruba ethnic militia representing the South-west geo-political zone, the MASSOB is taken as that of the Igbo ethnic-nationality functioning on behalf of the South-east, the Niger-Delta militants taken as representative of the South-south whilea strong perception exists that the Boko-Haram is a Hausa-Fulani ethnic militia largely representative of northern Nigeria. This presents the picture of a Balance of Terror which is the outcome of the failure of democracy and elections to provide a valid social contract amongst the disparate ethnic nationalities at the take-off of the (post)colonial project called Nigeria (Kew 2010). Albert (2007) posits that ethnic militias in Nigeria are products of a long period of traumatic events in the nation's political history and evidence of lack of nation-building processes. As a traumatized and transiting state, post-military Nigeria since 1999 has failed in fast-tracking nation-building. Going by the failure of the Human Rights Violations Investigation Commission popularly known as the JuscticeOputa Panel, series of Constitutional Amendment exercises, 2006 National Population and Building Census, successive elections rather than pull the ethnic- nationalities together continue to tear them apart. While agreeing with Adebanwi and Obadare (2010:382) that the failure of these processes speak toan avoidance of a fundamental and politically honest rigourous survey of the Nigerian state, I add that these are wasted opportunities that would have initiated the process of forging national unity described by Poulantza (1978 quoted in Adebanwi and Obadare 2010: 382) as ensuring that positive histories of inter-group relations overwhelm its negative histories. Consequently, Nigeria's constituent parts (ethnic nationalities) and their emergent properties (ethnic and religious militias) constitute evident threats to its corporate existence and one another. The threat militias pose to one another speaks to the causal role of relations in creating emergence and the relational theory of emergence. This is based on the opinion of this article that social realities are outcomes of 9 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies human interactions. Therefore, when these interactions become adversarial like the case of ethnic nationalities in Nigeria, it is illustrative of the definition of social conflict given by Oberschall (1978) as characterized by an aggregate of individuals which may be groups, organisations, communities and crowds rather than single individuals. So, members ofMilitias as the emergent power of these adversarial relations pursue not personal interest but corporate goals as defined by these ethnic nationalities. Therefore, these militias can as well be seen as products of fragile ethnic relations in the country. This lends credence to the views of Elder-Vass (2010) that emergent properties arise out of specific relationships existing amongst entities in a kind of whole. Unlike countries that experienced full blown internal conflicts since the end of the Cold War, post-military Nigeria has generated militias which successive regimes have hardly made conscious efforts to demobilize, demilitarize or reintegrate except the Niger-Delta militants. Therefore, in discussing militias in Nigeria, it must be treated not as an extinct phenomenon but an existing, perhaps, passive phenomenon to some extent. In the classical Peace and Conflict text, the militias are recognized as likely spoilers of post-conflict peace and democratization and this informs their inclusion in the transition processes which changes their status from spoilers to militias in case they return to the Bush after the cessation of full scale hostilities. Stedman (1997 quoted in Alden et al 2011:21) defines spoilers as: “leaders and parties who believe that peace emerging from negotiations threatens their power, worldview, and interests and use violence to undermine attempts to achieve it.” The term spoiler is descriptive of a selected group of actors within peace processes whose conduct can hinder its success (Alden et al 2011). However, going by their activities since the start of Nigeria's Fourth-Republic in 1999, they can be described as a group made up of largely subalterns acting (in) dependently and violently in order to have more of what the state has to offer economically and politically. This explains why post-conflict regimes ensure that militias get (re)integrated into the government as part of the processes of many post- war transitions across Africa since the end of the Cold War. However, the Nigerian case is a peculiar one because militias who constitute spoilers continuously emerge after or towards elections since 1999 and have gradually become evenly spread and more rabid. Therefore, what obtains in Nigeria does not follow the common pattern of militias transforming to spoilers rather, it has been a case of simultaneity determined by which ethnic nationality controls the Presidency. For instance, the OPC after its

10 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies initial militant activities at the inception of the presidency of former president (1999-2007) gradually became less militant except for isolated skirmishes. During this period, militias from other parts of the country, especially the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger- Delta (MEND) coordinated by its Joint Revolutionary Council (JRC) (Campbell 2010) remained daring and threatening to regime stability and national security. Therefore, militias have persistently beenretaining their agency as spoilers and militias since 1999 in defence of sectional interests.As emergent properties of a whole brought into being by ethnic insecurity and ethnic security dilemma, their relational emergencebecomes more lucid going by their conflation of resource and implicitly value-based demands and objectives. This peculiarity points to the limitations of the greed- grievance causal explanation of post-Cold War African militias. Motivations of Militias in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic: Creed, Greed, or Grievance? In terms of the history and factors responsible for the manifestation and sustenance of militias, there are a plethora of literature (Babawale et al 2003; Sesay et al 2003; Adebanwi 2005; Albert 2005; 2007 & 2010 and Ukiwo 2005). However, the need to (re)examine their motivations beckons on intellectual inquiry because of current threat posed by Boko-Haram which represents the latest phenomenon of militias in Nigeria. This will be done along the lines of ideological,behavourist and systems lenses on the comprehension of the motivations of militias. Alden et al (2011: 20-33) observe that each of these approaches has been influenced by its taxonomy in evaluating and classifying a given militia. The ideological approach to the explanation of militias limits itself to the declared ideology and identity of the militia and their relationship with the dominant state actors such as the United States and the defunct Soviet Union while the Cold War lasted. Springing from the ideological polarization between the East and West, it experienced a lull and has since been reawakened by the ugly events of 9/11. Eisenstein (2007) argues that since then terrorism has become the new global communism because many of the same terror networks supported by the US to fight the Soviet Union in Afghanistan, Iraq and Iran now constitute the newest ideological foes. Mamdani (2004) reflects that the bad Muslims of today were the good Muslims of the Cold War days. The clash of Civilizations predicted by Samuel Huntington seems to have redefined Christianity and Islam in a way that equates them to contemporary clashing ideologies within countries like Nigeria while serving as means of seeking transnational

11 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies support by militias.This configures religion as Janus-faced while querying its relevance in the promotion of peace and security. For instance one of the motivations for the emergence of the OPC was the annulment of the June 12 Presidential elections widely known to have been won by a Yoruba man. The ideological conviction of the militia is expressed in its anthem titled Ileya (time to go home) contextually meaning that it was time to exit from the Nigerian state and create an Oduduwa Republic named after the progenitor of the (Albert 2007). This move can be said to have been precipitated by grievance although strengthened by what Adebanwi (2005: 352) describes as the reinvention of culture through rituals and violence. The MASSOB, in its demands and cognizant of the history of Nigeria's civil war can be described as borne out of grievance rather than creed or greed. The MASSOB at different times has hoisted its own flag, written its anthem, map and produced its own currency which speak to the revival of the Biafran agenda. This was sequel to the statement credited to former President Olusegun Obasanjo as the reason for the exclusion of an Igbo (wo)man in the National Security Council (NSC) that: “a conquered people are not supposed to aspire to such a council for 200 years after their defeat” (Adeyemo 2004:18). This infuriated late Ojukwu, especially after he has contributed to the electoral victory of President Obasanjo. The revival of the Biafran agenda came into the public domain in 2004 whenlate Chief Chukwuemeka Odumegwu Ojukwu who led the first Biafran secessionist move that culminated into a civil war from 1967-1970 and Chief Uwazurike were declared wanted over the spate of activities pointing to the revival of the Biafran dream through the agency of the MASSOB (Adeyemo 2004). The refusal of Ojukwu to honour invitation from the State Security Service (SSS) which informed his being declared wanted received support from other ethnic nationalities under the banner of the defunct Ethnic Nationalities Forum (ENF) who paid him a courtesy call in Enugu as a symbolic endorsement of his refusal to honour the invitation of the SSS. The ENF comprised representatives of the Afenifere, the pan- Yoruba socio-political group, Ijaw National Congress (INC) and the Middle-Belt Progressives Movement (MBPM). The divergent interpretation of unity between Nigeria as a whole and her entities can be seen in the message delivered by Chief Reuben Fasoranti of the Afenifere that: “through your actions, comments and activities, you have shown that you believe in the unity of this country.” Ojukwu savoured the message and replied thus: “your statements encouraged me, your appearance inspires me. I feel warm by the charity of your expression: I thank you for regarding

12 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies me as your son” (Adeyemo 2004: 18).Eight years after, Chief Ralph Uwazurike, the leader of MASSOB, in an interview reiterated that: I am fighting for the welfare of the Ndigbo and that is paramount. This is because no ethnic group in Nigeria has suffered what the Ndigbo have been going through . . . if what is happening to Ndigbo had happened to another ethnic group, I would have supported them (Ofiebor 2012:17).

However, unlike other ethnic and religious militias in the country, the scale of violence used by MASSOB puts it in the class of militias like the Movement des Forces Democratiques de Casamance (MFDC) of Senegal which has not take full arms against the State like other militias. This puts the MASSOB in the class of militias motivated by grievance. In contrasting its character with other militias in the country, Chief Uwazurike observed that:“ . . . violence is the only language the Nigerian state listens to quickly. Talking about the Boko-Haram despite the callous killing of innocent people, especially the Ndigbo, federal government is on its knees begging them . . .” (Ofiebor2012:17). The behaviourists led by scholars like Paul Collier and AnkeHoeffler opine that militias are basically motivated by economic gains which reinforce the greed-grievance argument. Rooted in economists thinking that sees organised rebellions such as posed militias as organised crimes and protest movements. Collier (2001: 145) sums up their views thus: “Rebellion is large-scale predation of productive economic activities.” This school of thought posits that grievances arising from forms of relative deprivation such as oppression, poverty and marginalization are not sufficient as causes or motivations of conflicts but the feasibility of predation especially in countries with low income, slow growth and dependent on primary commodities is a stronger motivation (Collier 2001). On the contrary, this school argues that grievance, ethnic factionalism, and other supposed factors are not strong indicators of the likelihood of having a militia or civil wars (Alden et al 2011). Unlike the behaviourists, the systems analysis of the motivations of militias argues that militias are social organisations that should be examined based on their internal dynamics of control (Alden et al 2011). The preceding leads to analysis of uprisings from the Niger-Delta prior to the emergence of one of their own as the president of the country.

13 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Exiting from the State or Bargaining with it? :Militias in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic One shared character of many post-colonial African States is that the state is Janus-faced because it is the source of conflicts borne out of the intense struggle for the control of its resources and at the same time has the responsibility to mediate these conflicts. From the rationalists' point of view, such inter-ethnic and inter-group conflicts are informed by the struggle for the control of State's resources (Lake and Rothchild 1996). Consequently, instead of the disparate ethnic nationalities cooperating as partners, they relate as rivals. This bred series of tensions and crises on the continent which made secession enticing, especially during the Cold War days. Although, there has been a noticeable decline in the attraction to secession since the end of the Cold War, tensions and crises persist in unprecedented bestiality perpetuated through the agency of militias that are connected to various interests in these States where they wear the garb of religion and ethnicity.This challenges the absoluteness of the assumption that secession or exiting from the state is a forgone option for marginalized groups especially with reference to the emergence of the Southern Sudan as a sovereign country. Despite their challenges, some of these states have resisted total collapse which informs why some of them are described as weak or fragile which aptly describes the situation of many of the States on the continent. This is because of the acute and chronic crises of governance, security and poverty which have culminated in the worrisome level of lawlessness and insecurity. The fragility has also provided breeding grounds for militias, terrorists and warlords. Amongst other threats, the activities of militias pose stark threats to the generation of a collective identity and a social contract between the state and the society that could lead to nation-building out of the disparate ethnic nationalities. Nigeria presents a curiouscase of a country standing still after fifty- years of independence and over a decade of democratization characterized and threatened by the demands and activities of ethnic and religious militias. The extant state of nation-building in Nigeria which is necessary for sustainable peace and security conforms to what Watts (2003) describes asunimagining or denationalization (Osaghae 1999: 94) in contradistinction to nation-building. This sums up the story of Nigeria since independence. In lending credence to rationalists' view, the struggle for control of state resources lies beneath the crises between the State and militias in Nigeria. This has been greeted by attempts to exit and voices of dissent from marginalized and oppressed groups in the entity. As explained by Hirschman (1970), when businesses or

14 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies government fail to live up to the expectations of the customers or citizens as a result of the inadequacies of the service providers or those in government, there are three options open to those at the receiving end. These are exit,voice and loyalty. Habitually, citizens devise ways of coping when it is in the context of the relationship between the citizens and the state even in the face of suffering despite knowing the human agency responsible for the suffering. However, loyalty appears to be the option with the least dividend because its nature determines the dividends it yields. Hirschman (1970) explains further that when loyalty is attractive to members more than voice or exit, leaders concede less. Hirschman (1970) explicates that the society is usually able to organize from within itself the forces that compel those responsible for the failure of the state to fulfill its mandate to behave in ways that will meet the expectations of the citizens. He expatiates further that the availability of the exit option sharply reduces the preference of the voice option. Exit and voice more than loyalty as presented by Albert Hirschman encapsulates the essence of the disappointment that serves as the pull and push factors of the phenomenon of militias in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic.This article considers the presence of ethnic and religious militias as forms of voice of dissent and seeks a clarification of the undeclared intent of these militias and their sponsors by exploring whether they are bargaining or exiting. Gelbach (2006) describes the exit-voice model as elucidating the clash of interest between the leaders of an organization and its members. In this context, leaders are taking as rulers, the state as an organisation and members as citizens of the state. Within the context of State and citizens relations, Osaghae (1999) describes exit as a form of withdrawal from the State by dissatisfied, weak and marginalized members of the citizenry into alternative and parallel social, cultural, economic and political systems constructed outside the state and competing with it. Osaghae (1999) goes further by distinguishing exit from the State from exit from the polity. Given the domineering and ineffective character of States where such discontents are prevalent, citizens exit from the polity by avoiding its organised civil order without necessarily disconnecting from the state (Osaghae 1999). Such an option is often attractive to those fed up with the State but find it indispensable. Exit from the State is more political, organised and elite-driven. It may take the form of migration; this option has been influenced by the notion of global citizenship (Osaghae 1999). In theoretically explaining the reasons for exit as choice by affected groups, Osaghae (1999) lists the indigenousness, marginalization and extraneousness theories. Out of these, the marginalization theory fits into the context of this article. This is

15 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies because, individuals and groups who are weak, oppressed, deprived, dominated, excluded alienated and systemically discriminated against and unable to influence the course of action usually opt for exit. The common forms of exit are politico-religious, socio-economic, criminal networks and exile. The political exit takes the form of assertion of local political economy, separatist agitations or secessionist movements questioning the authority of the state and challenging its unity (Osaghae 1999). The AdakaBoro-led uprising and the Biafran war illustrate the political ones while the Maitatsine, Izala, Shi'ite and currently the Boko- Haram can be classified as the politico-religious ones. This list confirms the observation of Osaghae (1999) that groups attempting to exit the Nigerian state have existed since independence. An observable trend in the pattern of militancy in Nigeria since 1999 is that ethnic nationalities that feel short-changed in terms of distribution of power or political offices usually have the most restive militia. With the exception of MASSOB that has been moderate in its engagement with the Nigerian State, the OPC and MEND can be described as militias of ethnic nationalities who at one time or the other felt short- changed in the power distribution arrangement of the country. It can be safely concluded that these militias were very restive prior to the ascension of someone from their ethnic nationality as the country's president. For instance, the MEND was unabashed in threatening to secede from the Nigerian state until one of their own became the Vice-President in 1999 to a President who initiated the amnesty as a form of Demobilisation, Disarmament and Reintegration (DDR) process for the ex-militants in the region. Sequel to the demise of President Umar Yar'adua, his Vice-President, Dr Goodluck Jonathan, rose from an acting President to an elected President in 2011. However, his election was greeted with unprecedented post- election violence that was localized in the northern parts of the country which has not really abated till now. The plausible reasons adduced for the post 2011 election horrendous violence were the failure of the winner to abide by the zoning arrangement of the People's Democratic Party (PDP) which would have ensured that the north where the late president hailed from produced his successor after his Vice might have completed their tenure. Another argument is the appeal of the closest rival in the person of former Head of State, General Mohammadu Buhari to the subalterns in the northern part of the country and their perception that there was an elite conspiracy to rig the election against the retired General in favour of the incumbent. It was in the midst of these crises that the Boko-Haram peaked which reinforces the argument in some quarters that it is an ethnic platform for bargaining for the

16 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies country's presidency. This is not baseless because since 1999, out of the three regions that have produced the country's president, two of them were actually placated with the office in a seemingly predetermined electoral process. The first was former President Olusegun Obasanjo whose ascendancy cannot be totally separated from the fierce agitation from the Yoruba people with the OPC as its militia; also, the them President, Goodluck Jonathan, became a Vice-President as part of a deft move to placate the militants of the Niger-Delta. These two cases underscore the strength of threat or actual moves to exit the state as a bargaining chip for the country's presidency. This is because at different times before they had the presidency, the Yoruba and the Niger-Deltans had threatened to exit the Nigerian state. Therefore, violence through the agency of militias is gradually emerging as the most potent strategy of bargaining for power in Nigeria's Fourth-Republic. This is because out of the major ethnic nationalities in the country, only the two that violently bargained for power through the agency of militias and threats of exiting the state got it. On the other hand, the Hausa-Fulani of the northern part of the country and the Igbo of the South- eastern part of the country that have not really threatened the authority of regimes and unity of the Nigerian State have not had a sustainable taste of power and perhaps this partly explains the assumption that the activities of the Boko-Haram is part of the bargaining process so that the country's presidency can be conceded to the northern part of the country come 2015. Bargaining, Militias and the Nigerian State: Implications for Peace and Unity Given the intrumentalisation of threats of exitfrom the state as voice expressing dissent and demand in the context of Hirschman's EVL and the persistence of ethnic and religious insecurity underpinning inter-group relations in Nigeria, this section examines the implication of this strategic behaviour for sustainable peace and unity of Nigeria. This is based on observed trend that violence through the agency of militias has become a strong bargaining power for the country's presidency by the country's ethnic nationalities and that a fraternal relationship exists between groups and militias domesticated in their geo-political zones because the local populations provide safe havens and logistic support to them after legitimizing their activities through ethnic and religious sentiments. Also, the relationship between the State and militias is taken as a dyadic one. This is so based on the assumption that civil wars are overtly known as violent attacks on the state (Wuchepfennig 2009). So, in our context the Nigerian State and the militias are actors. However, because of the uncertainty of taking a decisive exit 17 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies option, bearing in mind the cost for both parties and the unsavory end of the Biafran war for the secessionists it, the future relationship between the two can be predicted through the application of the bargaining theories of power and conflict. In this context, power is defined in the context of state power which is power held by the government in power and sought by other contenders and bargaining power (Wuchepfenning 2009). Militias constitute a sort of bargaining power for ethnic nationalities and for themselves cognizant of their strategic contributions to the ascendancy of the country's presidency by the Yoruba and Niger-Delta peoples in the Fourth-Republic. Given that being in government practically means controlling state power and accruable benefits, it guarantees a pool of resources for ethnic favoritism. Therefore, it is predictable that those left out of these benefits will feel short-changed and this increases their dissatisfaction with the government of the day. This explains why the contest for the country's presidency is a zero or constant-sum game (Dixit and Skeath 2004) because the gain of one ethnic or religious group is loss for the others and in such situations, there will be instability and crisis especially when large ethnic nationalities of the country are excluded from power for a longtime. However, given the uncertainty and risk involved in full-scale secessionist moves, bargaining becomes desirable because its models assume that coordination between two or more parties in conflict promotes higher dividends than when their actions are not coordinated (Wuchepfennig 2009). Also, the uncertainty associated with the outcome of war makes bargaining a considerable option because the victories from civil conflicts are often Pyrrhic to both parties. Therefore, rather than decisive exit, the voice option remains the most realistic for the ethnic nationalities. Conclusion This article posits that the existence of militias depicts voice in the context of Hirschman's EVL. While their present activities point to an exit from polity, it cannot be foreclosed that they may not eventually exit the state. This is why their existence and likely (un)predictable future actions have implications for the unity and existence of Nigeria as presently constituted because violence is fast becoming attractive as bargaining power by the ethnic nationalities especially in the quest for the coveted position of presidency.

References Adebanwi, W. and Obadare, E. 2010. 'Introducing Nigeria at Fifty: A Nation in Narration',

18 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28:4 379-405 Adebanwi, W. 2005. 'The carpenter's revolt: Youth violence and the reinvention of Culture in Nigeria', Journal of Modern African Studies, 43, 3: 339 – 365. Agbaje, A. 2003. 'The Historical Antecedent of the Phenomenon of Ethnic Militias in Nigeria',

TundeBabawale(ed) Urban Violence Ethnic Militias and the Challenge of Democratic Consolidationin Nigeria. Lagos: Malthouse. 1-15 Albert, I.O. 2011. Pitched, Ditched or Jinxed? The Mantra of African Solutions to African Problems. An Inaugural Lecture Delivered on 3.2.2011 at the Albert, I.O. 2007.'The Yoruba and the National Question'. In: Osaghae, E.E &Onwudiwe, E. (eds). The Management of the National Question in Nigeria. Okada, Igbinedion University Press. 270-300 Albert, I.O 2005 'Applying social work practice to the study of ethnic militias: the Oduduwa People's Congress', researching conflicts in Africa. Porter, E. Robinson, G. Smyth, M. Schnabale, A. Osaghe, E. (eds). Tokyo United Nations University Press. 64-89 Alden, C; Thakur, M and Arnold, M. 2011.Militias and the Challenges of Post-Conflict Peace Silencing the Guns. London & New York: Zed Books. Appleby, R.S. 2001. 'Religion as an Agent of Conflict Transformation and Peace- Building', Crocker, A.C; Hampson, F.N and Aall, P. (eds). Tu r b u l e n t P e a c e T h e C h a l l e n g e s o f M a n a g i n g InternationalConflict. Washington D.C. United States Institute of Peace. Bihuzo, R.M. 2012. 'Unfinished Business: A Framework for Peace in the Great Lakes,' Africa Security Brief.The Africa Centre for Strategic Studies No. 21 July 2012 Boas, M. and Dunn, K.C. (eds). 2007. African Guerrillas: Raging Against the Machine. Boulder London: Lynne Rienner Publishers Borzello, A. 2009. 'The Challenges of DDR in Northern Uganda: the Lord's Resistance Army',

19 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Berdal, M and Ucko (eds), Reintegrating Armed Groups after Conflicts: Politics, Violence and Transition. Abindgon: Routledge Buckley, W. 1998.Society: A Complex Adaptive System. Amsterdam: Gordon and Breach Campbell, J. 2010. Nigeria: Dancing on the Brink. Ibadan: BOOKCRAFT Clapham, C. 1998. 'Introduction: Analysing African Insurgencies', Christopher Clapham (ed) African Guerrillas. Oxford: James Currey. 1-18 Collier, P. 2010. Wars, Guns & Votes Democracy in Dangerous Places. London: Vintage Books Collier, P. 2001. 'Economic Causes of Civil Conflicts and Implications for Policy', Turbulent Peace The Challenges of Managing International Conflict, Crocker, C. A; Hampson, F.O and Aall, P (eds). Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace. 143-162 Dixit, A. and Skeath, S. 2004. Games of Strategy. New York & London: W.W Norton & Company Eisenstein, Z. 2007. Sexual Decoys Gender, Race and War in Imperial Democracy. London & New York: Zed Books Elder-Vass, D. 2010.The Causal Power of Social Structures Emergence, Structure and Agency. New York: Cambridge University Press. Elshtain, J.B. 2009. 'Religion and Democracy', Journal of Democracy Volume 20 Number 2 April 2009:5-17 Foucher, V. 2007. 'Senegal, The Resilient Weakness of Casamancais Militias', Boas, M and Dunn, K.C (eds) African Guerrillas Raging Against the Machine. Boulder London: Lynnes Rienner. 171-198 Hirschman, O.A. 1970. Exit Voice and Loyalty Responses to Decline in Organisations, Firms and States'. Cambridge: Harvard University Press Gelbach, S. 2006. 'A Formal Mode of Exit and Voice', Rationality and Society. 18:4 395-418 Kaplan, R. 1994. 'The Coming Anarchy: How Scarcity, Crime, Over- population and Disease are Rapidly Destroying the Social Fabric of our Planet,' Atlantic Monthly, February, www.theatlantic.com/magazine

20 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

/archive/1994/02/the-coming-anarchy/4670/1/> (accessed on 17. 9. 2011) Kew, D. 2010. 'Nigerian Elections and the Neopatrimonial Paradox: In Search of Social of the Contract', Journal of Contemporary African Studies 28: 4, 499- 521 Lake, D.A and Rothchild, D. 1996. 'Containing Fear: The Origins and Management of Ethnic Conflict', International Security 21:2 41-75. Mamdani, M. 2004. Good Muslim Bad Muslim America, The Cold War and the Roots of Terror. New York: CODESRIA Book Series. Mahmoud, S.S. 2004. 'Nigeria', African Studies Review 47: 2 : 83-95 Mehler, A. 2009. 'Peace and Power Sharing in Africa: A Not so Obvious Relationship', African Affairs 108/432, 435-473 Olaniyi, R. 2005. Community Vigilantes in Metropolitan Kano 1985 – 2005. Ibadan: IFRA. Obadare, E. 2006.'Pentecostal Presidency? The Lagos-Ibadan “Theocratic Class” and the Muslim “Other ” ', Review of African Political Economy, Vol. 33. No. 10: 665 – 678. Oberschal, A. 1978. 'Theories of Social Conflict', Annual Reviews Sociology, 4 : 291 Osaghae,E.E. 1999. 'Exiting from the State in Nigeria', African Association of Political Science, 4:1 83-98 Ukiwo, U. 2003. 'Politics, Ethno-Religious Conflicts and Democratic Consolidation in Nigeria', The Journal of Modern African Studies Vol. 41 No 1:115 – 138 Vinci, A. 2009.Armed Groups and the Balance of Power The International Relations of Terrorists, Warlords and Insurgents. London & New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group Sawyer, R.K. 2005.Method in Social Science. London: Routledge Sessay, A; Ukeje, C; Aina, O. &Odebiyi, A. 2003.Ethnic Militias and the Future ofDemocracy in Nigeria.Ile-Ife.Center for Development and Conflict Management Studies. Wuchepfennig, J. 2009. Bargaining Power and Ethnic Conflict. A Paper Prepared for

21 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Presentation as Swiss Association of Political Science Geneva January 7-8 2010

Newspapers and Magazines Adeyemo, W. 2004. 'The Igbo Dilemma' TELL: Lagos 11.10.2004: 17-25

Ofiebor, O. 2012. 'Igbos will Go to War', TheNEWS. Lagos: 20.2.2012: 16- 19 Esinulo, K. 2012. 'Nigerians Need to Talk Now', TheNEWS: Lagos 20.2.2012: 54

22 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Ethnic Factor in the Emergence of Political Culture in Nigeria From 1960 to the Second Republic

Akombo Elijah Ityavkase, PhD, Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria. E-mail: [email protected] Phone: 08030403902

Abstract By the first half of the 20th century, the spirit of nationalism swept across Africa. This was in reaction to the draconian colonial policies across the continent. This involved mobilizing the people with the aim of presenting common fronts against the colonial system. In Nigeria, the process adopted the same posture. The fathers of Nigerian nationalism, Herbert Macaulay, Nnamdi Azikiwe, Sir Ahmadu Bello and Chief Obafemi Awolowo, started the process. Though these nationalists sought to achieve national self-rule, not sooner had the process started than they collapsed into socio-cultural and ethnic platforms, which eventually produced a problematic and corrosive political culture which they bequeathed to independence Nigeria. This has remained a very corrosive cog in the wheel of meaningful national unity. This paper seeks to unfold the way and manner ethnic politics shaped the nature of Nigeria's nationalist movement which eventually produced the type of fragile political culture that saw the nation through the nationalist period to the Second Republic. The paper tries to proffer solution to the problem of ethnicity in Nigeria's body politics, and hence the way forward. Introduction In its original sense, the concept ethnicity connotes simply the consciousness of a distinct identity. This is based on distinct features like claims or “myths of common history, ancestry, language, race, religion, culture and territory” (Ukoha Ukiwo, 2005). Similarly, Mair (1962) states that ethnicity has to do with “the same historical experience, having the same culture, speaking the same language and sharing the belief about the future together”. On the same pedestal, Kafir (1976) outlines the basic variables that define ethnicity as culture, language, traditional and political organization and territory. No matter these distinct variables, in its original context, ethnicity did not imply contempt for one another. Unfortunately, some unhealthy politico- historical antecedents transformed the concept from a friendly to an unhealthy concept. This transformed the concept from being mere

23 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies consciousness of belonging to a group to a strong feeling of belonging to an ethnic group other than the other. It is a feeling of exclusive identity which sees the others as inferior or hostile. It is on this note that Heinecke (1984) remarked that “Ethnicity is a strained and exaggerated feeling of difference in relation to other ethnic groups”. Similarly, United Nations Research Institute for Social Development (UNRISD, 1995:95) asserted that “Ethnicity is a deeply emotional basis of mobilization that not merely distinguishes one from the other, but can also dehumanize and demonize the other group”. This phenomenon is an elitist phenomenon evolved by the elite in their efforts to build political pyramids both in the nationalist and post-independence periods. It is relevant to state that culture dictates or patterns people's behavioral pattern in all spheres of life. Invariably, political culture has to do with people's behavioural pattern in politics. It embraces those variables that shape people's political behavior. Almond and Verba (1963) asserted that “political culture is the pattern of individual attitudes and orientations towards politics among members of a political system”. Similarly, Okeke and Chukwuka (n.d) remarked that: Political culture (is) made up of attitudes, beliefs, emotions and values of society that relate to the political system and to political issues... political culture of a nation consist of the ideas, traditions, assumptions and accepted rules (not always) of the game that make up the framework within which the political system functions. Unfortunately, in a society like Nigeria where ethnicity has assumed primacy since the nationalist era, the ethnic factor has continued to shape our political culture. This has remained the major cause of the widespread inter-ethnic conflicts across the nation, On the other hand, politics can simply be construed as the manipulation of human variables, using economic resources, not only to assume control over political power, but also to consolidate and sustain control over same, in any democratic set up, the process is expected to be free and fair, with the majority always determining who assumes control over political power. While in developed nations, politics is based on ideological factors, in developing countries, primordial considerations like ethnicity, regionalism and religion assume primacy. When these primordial factors constitute the dominant ingredients in the evolution of any political culture, socio-political and economic vices abound. Unfortunately, in Nigeria, right from the precolonial period to date, ethno-religious and regional factors have continued to play dominant roles in our body politics While ethnic politics engulfed the nationalist period and the First and

24 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Second Republics, ethnic politics took the center stage in the era of the one party and two party systems imposed on the country by the Babangida regime. Origin of Ethnicity in our Body Politics It is worth noting that the intrusion of ethno-regional factor in our body politics is a historical process, which has to do with the history of origin and migration of the diverse ethnic nationalities that inhabit the Nigerian area. The major historical antecedents were the phenomena of origin and migration of various ethnic nationalities into what became Nigeria (Onwubiko, 1982; Ajayi and Crowder, 1976). These two phenomena resulted in the admixture of diverse groups in given geographical territories as highlighted by Kwanasie (1995), in the case of the Region of Nigeria, that, “... whatever might happen to other parts of Nigeria... and to Nigeria itself the Central Nigerian Area will remain an area of extensive ethnic, linguistic and religious mix”. A similar description was made about the Arochukwa area by Dike and Ekejiuba (n.d) when they stated that: the story of the emergence of the Aro... supported by democratic, linguistic and contemporary augments clearly stress the multi-ethnic base of the Aro... Aro histoiy should be seen as an experiment poly-ethnic state formation, a precursor of the contemporary incorporation of many multi-ethnic groups into one political unit. The foregoing implies that what is today claimed to be Igboland is a byproduct of the incorporation of diverse groups. The same is the reflection of the areas today referred to as Yorubaland, Ibibioland, Efikland, Hausaland, Kanuriland, Tivland, Jukunland, Tarokiand, Beromland, Angasland, Idomaland, just to mention but a few. Notwithstanding the multiplicity of ethnic nationalities, in the pre-colonial Africa, particularly in Nigeria, Akombo (2005) remarked that the phenomenon: ---did not translate into inter-group conflicts. This was sustained, most essentially, by the African socio- economic and political formations which demanded broader relationships, cutting across ethno-geo-political boundaries ... this promoted the phenomena of short and long distance trade… The foregoing was the predominant feature in the history of inter-group relations across African territories. Unfortunately, the harmonious characteristic was gradually submerged by inter-ethnic frictions as a result of the rise of kingdoms, empires, chiefdoms, and state systems which were founded by particular ethnic groups. For instance, the Kanuri Kanem-Bomu Empire, the Hausa states, the Yoruba Oyo Empire, the Nupe Kingdom, the Igbo Aro Confederacy, the Edo Benin Kingdom, the Ibibio Kingdom, the

25 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Fulani Sokoto Caliphate, among many (Onwubiko, 1982; Crowder, 1978; Ajayi and Crowder, 1976).This informed Akombo's assertion that, “across the length and breath of what became Nigeria, ethno-geo-political entities known as kingdoms, empires and chiefdoms evolved along ethnic lines”. The aforementioned flashpoints from the foregoing political development which sparked off the spirit of ethnicity were manifold. First and foremost, the process of empirical formation was beclouded by wars of territorial expansion which bred the spirit of suspicion between members of ethnic groups. Yet another related flash point was the attitude of the major or founding groups who behaved as if they were presiding over homogeneous political entities. This underscores Akombo's (2005) remark that: It is relevant to state that the attitude of the major groups to claim ownership over geo-political entities produced complications (in inter group relations) which resulted ii the emergence of the minority questions even in pre-colonial Nigeria. The major groups failed to appreciate that the incident of free flow of human waves brought smaller groups to co-exist with the major groups, some of which were assimilated by the latter. Bala (1999) equally remarked that: Significant ecological, demographic, economic and technological changes, going back to the fifteenth century, had by the eighteenth century created even greater heterogeneity in the composition of the population of these polities… from their foundations, they were marked by considerable ethnic heterogeneity ... Any attempt to curve out the territories of Nigerian ethnic groups, or even sub-groups, to create ethnically based deferating units, will lead to violent conflicts and sustained civil wars, because there is no basis for these boundaries at the ethnic level, given the mosaic nature of the ethnic and cultural geography of Nigeria and most of Africa. Unfortunately, the spirit of self-acclaimed superiority complex which overwhelmed the so-called major groups could not allow the groups to appreciably acknowledge the presence of other groups in the polities they evolved. For instance, while the Hausa and Fulani did so in what became the Hausa states and the Sokoto Caliphate, respectively, the Yoruba, Ibo, lbibio, Kanuri, among others, did so in their respective state systems or chiefdoms. Apart from the emergence of ethno-regional political systems laying the basis for the emergence of ethnicity, the introduction of Arab-European capitalist economy contributed in adding great momentum to the sustenance of the phenomenon. Prominent among the structures were the incidences of the trans-Saharan trade and the Trans-. While slaves constituted part of the trade items through the Sahara to the Middle East, slaves were the main items of trade across the Atlantic Ocean

26 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies to America (Onwubiko, 1982; Crowder, 1978). The process of the procurement of slaves was the major cause of inter-ethnic suspicion and rivalry in the communities across what became Nigeria. There were either wars of territorial expansion or organized raids during which captives were held as trade items either across the Sahara Desert or the Atlantic Ocean. The frequency of such wars or raids against one another contributed significantly in exacerbating mutual suspicion and distrusts. It is, therefore, not an overstatement to say that contact with the Middle East and Capitalist Europe added ingredient to the process that produced the spirit of hostility between groups in what became Nigeria. This formed the basis for Aborisade and Mundt's (1999) assertion, paraphrased by Oritsejafor, that “Given the distribution of ethnic identities in Nigeria, it is important to note that these ethnic groups are not homogenous and have had a pre-colonial history of rivalries and is frequently resurrected by political and economic competitions”. Ethnic politics in the Colonial Period We have already stated that the history or origin of the various ethnic groups in what became Nigeria, and the way and manner they occupied different parts of the country were fertile platforms for the birth of ethnic politics. This potential, we stated earlier, was translated into reality through the process of the rise of ethnic based state systems. The dominance of some ethnic groups in the art of governance in such state systems like Bornu Empire, Hausa states, Oyo Empire, Benin Kingdom, Nupe Kingdom, Aro Confederacy, Old Calahar Kingdom, Sokoto Caliphate, the Jukun Kingdom, etc. nurtured into maturity the spirit of ethnicity even before colonial rule in what became Nigeria. This validates Aluko and Ajani's (2009) assertion that “ethnic nationalism was already well developed before the nationalist era”. Unfortunately, the colonial machinery added momentum to this unhealthy development as remarked by Elegbulem (nd). The introduction of indirect rule in Nigeria by lord Lugard, the chief administrator, was not the appropriate mechanism for managing tribal animosity in the colony. The system not only re-enforced ethnic division... The strategy of governance distanced ethnic groups from each other. Lord Lugard gave power to the traditional rulers who corruptly used it in the village to amass wealth, land and establish patronage networks, which in the long run, encouraged tribalism and nepotism. Coleman (1960) equally remarked that the indirect rule system “complicated the task of welding diverse elements into a Nigeria nation”. This resulted from the way and manner power was concentrated in the hands of the traditional rulers in whose hands members of other ethnic groups were marginalized in favor of their kinsmen. Unfortunately, all levels of

27 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies government in the colonial system; Provinces and Native Authorities, endorsed the pre-existing system which fanned the embers of inter-group marginalization. This underscores Ebegbulem's (n.d) remark that: Prejudice and hatred became rife in the provinces as different ethnic groups started looking at each other suspiciously in all spheres of contact. Unequal and differential treatment of ethnic groups was responsible for the intense competition in Nigerian society. It is relevant to also remark that the authoritarian approach adopted by Lugard and his successors in relating to the existing issues of marginalization of groups by groups in the colonial system further complicated the problem of inter-ethnic rivalry, and hence politics, in the Nigerian area. The system prevented the marginalized groups from directly presenting their concerns or rather yearnings and aspirations to the colonial system, since the system permitted them to do so through the colonial platform which placed the indigenous traditional rulers in the fore front. Unfortunately, the rulers were more dictatorial in dealing with such concerns than the colonial office which mandated them. More worrisomely, the colonial system in Nigeria behaved more like a military system, since Lugard and his successors were retired British army officers, as Okoke and Chukwuka (n.d). Noted: From historical perspective, the foundation of Nigeria's political life is laid by military leaders under colonial and neo-colonial rules. Cecil Rhods, the Lugard, Richardson, Clifford, Bourrdilon, Littleton, Mcpherson all were retired colonels and Generals of the British War Machine. They well all compensated with postings to the British colony, now Nigeria, as Governor- Generals. Consequently, the type of constitutions the Governor-Generals introduced during their respective tenures laid structures for the militarization of our politics. This, of course, formed the basis for Salawu and Hassan's (2011) argument that: The origin of ethnicism in Nigeria is traceable to the nation's colonial experience, particular the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Protectorates of Nigeria in 1914. It is important to note that even among the major ethnic groups; Ibo, Hausa- Fulani and Yoruba, unhealthy ethnic rivalry ensued. Ironically, even though the major ethnic groups were at each other's neck to check any anticipated elements of marginalization by the other, they failed to accord similar privilege to the minorities within their territories as remarked by Salawu and Hassan (2011) that: ...Aluko (2003) identifies the legacy of colonialism and monopoly of power by the major ethnic groups and their consequent marginalization of the

28 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies minority groups as major factors promoting ethnic nationalities in Nigeria. The consequence of the above development was the emergence of ethnic minority based associations in the four regions. As stated elsewhere by Garba and Akombo (2014), while the Ibibio State Union emerged in the eastern region to fight Ibo domination, in the northern region, similar associations like the Tiv Progressive Union (TPU), Idoma Hope Rising, etc, emerged. Similar ethnic associations emerged among the major ethnic groups, for instance, the Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa for Hausa-Fulani in the north; the Igbo State Union for the Igbo in the east and Egbe Omo Oduduwa, for the Yoruba in the west. Ethno-Regional Politics in the Nationalist Period in Nigeria The political behavior of our frontline nationalists in the nationalist period was a by-product of the political culture hatched in the pre-colonial period and nurtured by the colonial system. The foregoing development provided a very fertile platform for the emergence of ethnicism in our body politics which our leading nationalists, Zik, Awolowo and Ahmadu Bello, could not avert. They sanctioned this unhealthy phenomenon by coiling into the existing ethno-regional associations to evolve the first three major political parties in their efforts to fight for Nigeria's independence. For instance, while the NCNC founded in 1944 was the extension of the Igbo State Union founded in 1936 (Undiyaundeye, 2012), the AG founded in 1951 metamorphosed out of the Egbe Omo Oduduwa founded by Awolowo in 1945, just in the same manner as the NPC was an outshoot of Jamiyyar Mutanen Arewa. Similarly, the UMBC was a byproduct of ethnic minority associations in the Middle Belt led by the Tiv Progressive Union, TPU (Akombo, 2004). By this development, the ethnic factor became the dominant character of our political culture as far back as in the colonial and nationalist period up to the first to the fourth Republic. Considering the critical role political parties perform in any democratic society, party politics becomes very crucial and competitive. This is more so in a multi-ethnic or heterogeneous society where the various segments have a sustained history of hostility and suspicion for one another. Unfortunately, this was the situation the Nigerian society found itself right from the era of nationalism. Given such a scenario, party politics became the theatre of show of ethno-regional parties poised to contest for power for the purpose of promoting, firstly, group interests. This validates the remark by Edmund Burke, in Okolo, et al (2014), that a political party is “a body of men united for promoting joint endeavours...” The definition by Burke is apt in the case of Nigeria even right from the nationalist era. Even though the parties were formed with the desire to oust colonialism, as the dream was seemingly coming to reality, the desire for 29 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies national development was overtaken by ethno-regional interest as remarked by Anifowose (1962) that; For some time, the feeling of Nigerian nationalism did develop but as inter- ethnic rivalries and political maneuvers became more intensive with the approach of self-government, those who called themselves Nigerian nationalists came to behave less as Nigerians than as representatives of their various ethnic groups. After the achievement of independence, the lust for power and personal aggrandizement revived the myth of ethnic exclusiveness. It is not arguable, as Anifowose remarked, that all the political parties that saw Nigeria through the nationalist period to independence were more or less ethno-regionally based as the table 1 below shows.

S/NO YEAR FOUNDER(S) TERRITORIAL COVERAGE 1. Nigeria National Democratic 1923 Herbert Macauley Lagos based Party 2. Lagos Youth Movement 1934 “ “ “ “ 3. Nigeria Youth Movement 1936 “ “ “ “ 4. Action Group 1951 Awolowo Western Region (Yoruba) 5. National Council of Nigeria 1944 Azikiwe Eastern Region (Ibo) and 6. Northern Peoples’ Congress 1951 Dr. A.B Dikko, Aminu Northern Region Kano, Abubakar Tafawa (Hausa-Fulani) Belewa, Yahaya Gusau 7. Northern Elements 1950 Aminu Kano/Northern Kano (Hausa-Fulani) Progressive Union Progessive elite 8. United Middle Belt Congress 1955 Joseph Tarkaa Middle Belt (Mainly Tivland)

This was the basis why as the nationalist struggle was pushing Nigeria close to self-rule, inter-ethno-regional rivalry and suspicion intensified. No wonder, Harris (2013) lamented that “ethnic cleavages intensified in the 1950s”, while “the struggle for independence was reduced to the quest for ethnic dominance” (Ezonbi, 2012). This development was reinforced because “political leaders promoted their ethno-regional interest rather than national agenda” (Ezonbi, 2012). It is important to state that the spirit of rivalry and suspicion was not an unhealthy socio-political development only between members of the mega ethnic groups in the three regions. Elsewhere, Akombo (2005) remarked that: “within regions, ethnic rivalries soon erupted between the major groups and the micro groups. This resulted from the way and manner the micro groups were marginalized, though being used by the mega groups to achieve objectives”. In the northern region, the minority groups, led by the Tiv Progressive Union (TPU), formed the Middle Belt People Party in their 30 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies reaction to the marginalization by the Hausa-Fulani bloc (Ayati, 2006). Even within this minority arrangement, Akombo (2005) stated that: Even though the MBJ3P was initially embraced by other ethnic minorities in the Middle Belt, the overwhelming majority the Tiv assumed in the party made other groups to leave the party due to the way and manner the began to use the party to achieve their group objectives. Little wonder, therefore, that even though the UMBC was supposed to be for the entire Middle Belt minority groups, it soon became a Tiv political camp due to the emergence of ethnicism among the groups that formed the party. This was why the party soon assumed dominance in the entire Tiviand as Ayati (2006) observed that, “it was only in the UMBC that any candidate will be able to secure victory in Tiviand”. Basically, “In all the regions, minority parties represented the special interests of the minority ethnic groups, especially as they were affected by the majority” (Rushalmm, 2013). Consequently, on the eve of Nigeria's independence, political leaders from the regions, and within regions, contemplated Nigeria's independence in suspicion for one another about the benefits to be appropriated. This was the basis for Ebegbulem's worry that: …the struggle for independence was reduced to the quest for ethnic dominance... It was a period of politicized ethnicity and competition for resources, which worsened the relationship between ethnic groups. Unfortunately, this was the socio-political mindset our nationalist leaders bequeathed to members of their groups as the attainment of self-rule for the country became eminent. This development did not only result in the culture of ethnic politics, but, most worrisomely, the “rise of ethno-political political associations” (Ukiwo, 2005) which eventually metamorphosed into full- fledged political parties as well back as in the nationalist period. Ethno-Regional Politics in the First Republic The First Republic can best be described as a political interlude which introduced the military into the Nigerian body politics. It spanned from 1st October, 1960, to 151h January, 1966. The reality of political independence on 1st October, 1960, was the incorporation of the three regions into one Geo- political entity called Nigeria. By extension, it brought together the three ethno-regionally based political parties whose main ambitions were more or less to promote ethno-regional interest rather than national unity and development. This was the essence of Ebegbulem's (n.d) lamentation that: …the struggle for independence was reduced to the quest/or ethnic dominance. It was a period of politicized ethnicity and competition for resources, which worsened relationship between ethnic groups. Since independence, the situation in Nigeria has been fraught with ethnic politics whereby the elite from different ethnic groups schemed to attract as many

31 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies federal resources to their regions as possible, neglecting issues that could have united the country. The apt description of the Nigerian situation in the First Republic was a clear pointer to the reality that ethnicity became the dominant feature of the Nigerian political culture at the time. This was worsened by the way and manner the phenomenon reinforced religio-regional politics such that the concern of Nigeria's political gladiators in the First Republic was hinged on primordial ethno-regional interests. While Obafemi Awolowo was more or less a Yoruba nationalist, Sir Ahmadu Bello, in his “Northernisation policy” was more or less the “Messiah” of the North, just in the same manner as Nnamdi Azikiwe was the eloquent spokesman and “Apostle” of the Igbo race. This development, according to Akombo (2005), complicated the history of inter-ethnic relations among the three major groups in the country. Among the complications were “the Igbo-Yoruba hostility on one hand, and the Yoruba-Hausa/Fulani on the other hand” (Akombo, 2014). There was equally a tripod culture of hostility whereby hostility and mutual distrust between the major groups exacerbated as Akombo (2014) remarked “... ethno-regional politics took the centre stage in the First Republic, since the politics of the First Republic revolved around Azikiwe, Awolowo and Abmadu Bello whose political philosophies promoted ethno-regionalism”. It is sad to state that the political behavior of our leading nationalists produced a new dimension of ethnicity or ethnic politics in the regions. This was “majority-minority distinctions” in the regions. While in the eastern region, the Igbo domination led to the emergence of minority ethnic associations like the Ibibio State Union, in the Northern Region, “minority groups, particularly in the Middle Belt Region, formed ethnic based unions like the Tiv Progressive Union (TPU), Idoma Hope Rising (IHR), including other ethnic based associations among the Tarok, Angas and the Berom. In the western region, intra-ethnic nationalism emerged among the Yoruba, particularly between the Awolowo (Ijebu Yoruba) and the Akintola faction of the Yoruba, which eventually resulted in the 1965 crisis in the Western Region. Even in the Midwestern region which was created in 1963, the Edo nationalism instigated ethnic minority nationalism among the Ijaw, Itsekiri, Ui-hobo, etc, in the region. Similarly, some ethno-regional minority parties emerged, like the United National Independent Party (UNIP), a faction of the NCNC, “led by Eyohita... opted for the creation of Calabar Ogoja and ”; the Niger Delta Congress (NDC) established by Harold Dappa-Biriye and in 1964 demanded for the creation of Rivers state including the Democratic 32 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Party of Nigeria and Cameroon (DPNC), a break-away faction of the NCNC, founded by Kingsley Mbadiwe (Okolo, et al, 2014)”. The foregoing political gang ups within and across the three major regions reinforced ethnic nationalism which found expression in the emergence of ethno-regionally based political parties. Even within minority groups, new parties emerged. This manifested in form of the emergence of another category of majority within minority blocs. This further stimulated and multiplied tensions across the regions. In similar vein, the alliances formed by the major parties, NCNC/AG coalition (UPGA) (United Progressive Grand Alliance), and the NPC-led coalition, NNA (Nigerian National Alliance), were more or less warring camps, heading for the 1964 and 1965 Federal elections. The political culture developed on the eve of the elections was what resulted in the 1965 western region's crisis, and other violence across the regions, which, in turn, resulted in the demise of the First Republic. The development rationalized Okolo et al's (2014) remark that: …politics of the First Republic was characterized by strife, intense political crisis, regional and ethnic polarization, violence, repression, abuses of office, corruption, intolerance, etc. Undemocratic behaviours became the norm, as such, ethnicity, religion, and region became instruments in the warfare over state power. These negative developments produced a very worrisome political culture founded on unhealthy political ideals which carried along with it the following socio-political ills (Aluko, 2002; Okolo, 2014; Ogbeidi, 2010; Omodia, 2011); which eventually accounted for the collapse of the First Republic due to the inter-play of the following factors: a. Mutual suspicion/inter-ethnic or group animosity. b. Institutional fragility. c. Structural weakness. d. Entrenchment of ethnic nationalism. e. Widespread violence and insecurity. f. Intensification of ethno-regional politics. g. Political rivalry/intolerance. h. Poor political socialization. i. Elitist political participation. j. Corrupt socio-political norms. k. Neglect of the spirit of national unity or cohesion. l. Abuse of the provisions of the electoral process. The Military and Ethno-Regional Politics in Nigeria from 1966 to 1979 The consequence of the foregoing development was the worrisome involvement, even, of the military in ethno- regional politics. This was

33 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies clearly manifested in the ethno-regional character of the 15th January, 1966, and 29th July, 1966, coup and counter coup, respectively. While the first coup was clearly an eastern Nigeria Ibo master minded coup to seize power from the Yoruba/Hausa-Fulani from the West and North, respectively, the counter-coup was led by North/Western army officers who felt the 15th January, 1966, coup was a plot by the Ibo military officers to monopolize political power. In this way, the military found its way into politics in Nigeria.But just like the “white cap” politicians adopted the political culture of “do or die”, the military, “uniformed politicians”, used the gun to cling more tenaciously unto the culture of “do or die” as Ibrahim Baba (2015) remarked: The authoritarian regimes that ruled Nigerian from the termination of civil rule in 1966 to its re-establishment later in 1979 were characterized by elites who do not in any way nurture the ambition to relinquish political power as soon as they became head of state. The military designed several transitions to civil rule programs and abolished them at stages closer to their end. Whether the Nigerian military would want to exonerate itself from ethno- regional politics, the events of the first and second military coups in the country would contradict their defense. The way and manner the first and second coups were prosecuted placed the ethno-regional factor on the front burner. While the Northern and western political and military leaders were the victims in the Ibo-led coup, the message of the second coup did not contradict itself about the fact that the Northern/western military officers were out to deal with the menace of the Ibo military officers in the army. This development heightened ethno-regional nationalism in the Nigerian army, an unfortunate development which eventually led to the Nigerian civil war and eventually to the intervention of the military in politics for fifteen years before the return to civil rule in the country in 1979. Even though the military claimed that they seized power to correct the ills in the nation's political culture, which resulted in the general state of anarchy in the country, the military regimes that interfaced the First and Second Republics ended only in increasing the tides. Like the “white caps” politicians, the military held tenaciously unto power without any hope that they were capable of doing what they came to do. Instead, they used the gun not only to intimidate and threaten the civilians to stay off from power, but also threatened themselves. This was the basis for the catalogue of coups upon coups and the promotion of the barbaric culture of public executions of their colleagues allegedly involved in the coups. Rather than write a brilliant history about the military rule, many, like Chukwuka (n.d), remarked that:

34 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

…the full involvement of the military in the overall government of Nigeria is in itself an aberration both against the professional principle of the military itself and against the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria prior to the 1966 coup and other subsequent years. Second Republic and Ethno-Regional Politics The political culture in the Second Republic can best be described as the rebirth of the First Republic. In his analysis of the political behavior of members of the five dominant political parties in the Second Republic, especially in the 1979 General Elections, Aliyu and Payne (1982) lamented that: This country clearly is not a polity in which five discrete political parties compete nationally across the hoard for shares of the aggregate vote of the entire nation. Rather, as the index has made clear, this country is characterized politically by the prevalence of a series of enclaves (ethno- regional) each of which typically is largely dominated by a single party, which enjoys political hegemony within its enclave, but is unable beyond its limited area to mount an effective campaign for national power. The ethnic politics of the 1950's and 1960's has survived through these enclaves into the 1980's. Aliyu and Payne (1982) based their argument on their analysis of the results of the presidential election scored by each presidential candidate per political party across the country. They presented eight different, but related, tables to substantiate their argument as replicated in the tables (1-8) below: Table 2 Party Preference Index STATE GNPP NPN NPP PRP UPN Anambra 2.5 20.4 73.3 2.1 1.3 23.9 53,4 4.6 13.9 4.5 Bendel 2.8 39.6 8.6 0.5 48.4 Benue 8.9 72.8 14.3 1.3 2.9 Borno 54.0 35.2 0.8 6.1 3.7 Cross River 21.8 56.5 8.9 0.3 12.7 Gongola 38.5 34.7 3.8 3.9 19.0 Imo 7.7 14.9 74.7 1.2 1.0 Kaduna 17.5 42.2 4.1 30.5 5.7 Kano 2.4 21.5 0.2 74.9 1.1 Kwara 6.3 53.0 0.3 0.3 39.7 Lagos 1.1 7.6 8.1 0.5 82.6 Niger 19.1 73.4 0.8 3.2 2.6 Ogun 0.3 8.3 0.1 0.1 91.3 Ondo 0.3 6.1 1.1 0.1 92.3 Oyo 0.8 16.1 0.6 0.3 81.3 Plateau 6.4 32.9 55.1 3.5 3.7 Rivers 8.3 63.2 21.9 0.5 6.0 Sokoto 32.7 60.2 0.2 2.5 2.0

35 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Table 3: Distribution of States Preference scores by Party Percentage GNPP NPN NPP PRP UPN TOTALS Over 30 percent 3 12 3 2 6 26 10 – 30 percent 4 4 14 16 11 56 Under 10 percent 12 3 14 16 11 56 Total 19 19 19 19 19 95 T ABLE 4: GNPP RANK-ORDER PREFERENCE INDEX

1. Borno 54.0 11. Plateau 6.4 2. Gongola 38.5 12. Kwara 6.3 3. Sokoto 32.7 13. Bendel 2.8 4. Bauchi 23.9 14. Anambra 2.5 5. Cross River 21.8 15. Kano 2.4 6. Niger 19.1 16. Lagos 1.1 7. Kaduna 17.5 17. Oyo 0.8 8. Benue 8.9 18. Ogun 0.8 9. Rivers 8.3 19. Ondo 0.3 10. Imo 7.7 T ABLE 5: NPN RANK ORDER-PREFERENCE INDEX

1. Niger 73.4 11. Gongola 34.7 2. Benue 72.8 12. Plateau 32.9 3. Rivers 63.2 13. Kano 21.5 4. Sokoto 60.2 14. Anambra 20.4 5. Cross River 56.5 15. Oyo 16.6 6. Bauchi 53.4 16. Imo 14.9 7. Kwara 53.0 17. Ogun 8.2 8. Kaduna 42.2 18. Lagos 7.6 9. Bendel 39.6 19. Ondo 6.1 10. Borno 35.2

TABLE 6: NPP RANK-ORDER PREFERENCE INDEX

1. Imo 74.7 11. Gongola 3.8 2. Anambra 73.8 12. Ondo 1.1 3. Plateau 55.1 13. Borno 0.8 4. Rivers 21.9 14. Niger 0.8 5. Benue 14.3 15. Oyo 0.8 6. Cross River 8.9 16. Kwara 0.3 7. Bendel 8.6 17. Kano 0.2 8. Lagos 8.1 18. Sokoto 0.2 9. Bauchi 4.6 19. Ogun 0.1 10. Kaduna 4.1

36 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

TABLE 7: PRP RANK-ORDER PREFERENCE INDEX 1. Kano 74.9 11. Imo 1.2 2. Kaduna 30.5 12. Bendel 0.5 3. Bauchi 13.9 13. Lagos 0.5 4. Borno 13.9 14. Rivers 0.5 5. Gongola 3.9 15. Cross River 0.3 6. Plateau 3.5 16. Kwara 0.3 7. Niger 3.2 17. Oyo 0.3 8. Sokoto 2.5 18. Ogun 0.1 9. Anambra 2.1 19. Ondo 0.1 10. Benue 1.3

Table 8: UPN RANK-ORDER PREFERENCE INDEX 1. Ondo 92.3 11. Bauchi 4.5 2. Ogun 91.3 12. Borno 3.7 3. Lagos 82.6 13. Plateau 3.7 4. Oyo 81.3 14. Niger 3.6 5. Bendel 48.4 15. Benue 2.9 6. Kwara 39.7 16. Sokoto 2.0 7. Gongola 39.7 17. Anambra 1.3 8. Cross River 12.7 18. Kano 1.1 9. Rivers 6.0 19. Imo 1.0 10. Kaduna 5.7

The tables clearly show a rebirth of ethno-regional politics in Nigeria at a critical time when the nation's political gladiators would have sought to discourage the trend. One would, however, argue that even if some of them wished to take Nigeria out of ethno-regional politics, the unfortunate development was an atavistic concomitant whose root was deeply anchored in antiquity, which Aliyu and Payne (1982) remarked that: Mitch of this concern revolved around the old problem of ethnic disunity, which had manifested itself at least as early as the past World War II Movement for independence. As one concerning writer had observed, the Constitution of 1951 and the elections of 1951 established a three-party system pattern in Nigeria, with each party being ascendant and enjoying unrivalled supremacy in its particular region. The foregoing argument suggests the ferocity with which ethnic politics held grip over Nigeria's body politics. The results of the l979 General Elections manifested a “resurgence of ethnic sentiments” (Bala, J. Takaya, 1981). For instance, while the Yoruba-led UPN swept the votes in Yorubaland, the Ibo-led NPP played dominance in the east, just in the same manner as the three Northern-based parties (NPN, PRP and GNPP) eclipsed the North. It was on the basis of the character of the results of the 1979 General Election results that Bala Takaya (1982) remarked that: …we can also infer from the results that the major ethnic groups of Yoruba, Ibo and the Hausa-Fulani are not yet willing to entrust leadership to

37 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies another. Hence we tend to vote overwhelmingly for the parties whose leadership are also predominantly from their respective groups. Thus no matter how much we hate to talk in terms of tribalism, it is still very much part of our political life. It is a fact we cannot wish away by pretending that it is not there. Like Aliyu and Payne (1982), Bala Takaya (1982) equally buttressed his argument by presenting a table he captioned “ethnic voting behaviors in the presidential (1979) Election below: Table 9: Ethnic voting behavior in the 1979 Presidential Election

Ethnic group State Presidential Favour Election (%) Yoruba Dominated States Ogun 92.6 UPN Ondo 93.5 UPN Oyo 85.8 UPN Lagos 82.3 UPN Ibo Dominated States Anambra 83.0 NPP Imo 80.7 NPP Hausa-Fulani Dominated States Bauchi 92.2 NPN +PRP+GNPP Kaduna 89.3 NPN +PRP+GNPP Kano 97.8 NPN +PRP+GNPP Sokoto 96.5 NPN +PRP+GNPP

What is obvious is that the ethnic voting behavior was neither accidental nor spontaneous. It was a reflection of the ethno-regional character of our political culture which Amadi (1982) referred to as a game of “old friends”. And in the context of what has become the political culture of the country, it could be said to be a game of “old friends” and kinsmen, spread across geographical regions. According to Amadi (1982), for instance, Finding a political party is not all that easy. People shall have to find their old friends and invite enough. Chief Obafemi Awolowo in one of his speeches described politics as a game of old friends. Your enemy may not join you in the first place. Little wonder, while Chief Obafemi Awolowo mobilized his old friends and his kinsmen to reincarnate the AG with a new nomenclature, UPN, Nnamdi Azikiwe did same to change the nomenclature of the First Republic NCNC to NPP. In similar vein, the emergence of the NPN was a game of old friends and ethno-regional kinsmen who only changed the nomenclature of the NPC. It was the same thing with Aminu Kano who was able to mobilize old friends to transform NEPU to PRP. These developments clearly showed that the political culture of the country in the Second Republic was a replication of the First Republic's political culture. The unfolding political culture right from the nationalist period to the Second Republic unveiled the reality that the institutionalization of ethnic nationalism in Nigeria has beclouded our political behavior such that

38 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies political parties are formed along ethnic lines (Aluko, 2009). Consequently, even in the Third Republic, the dominant political parties, the National Party of Nigeria (NPN), the Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) and the Nigerian Peoples Party (NPP) were formed along ethno-regional sentiments or affiliations. This strategy was, of course, the surest way of guaranteeing victory from the polls as Ake (1978) argued: “...the regions and political constituents tended to be homogenous in ethnicity. Thus to win an election you had to win an ethnic group and if this happened to be large, a political base was guaranteed”. This basic political strategy in the process of political contest formed the basis for Aluko's (2009) remark that: “It is thus a norm for parties to be formed along ethnic lines in Nigeria”. Unfortunately, this is not the character of only the Nigerian nation. It is a dominant character of most multi-ethnic nations, especially where the co-existing ethnic nationalities subscribe to primordial group sentiments rather than loyalty to the entire nation as Lijphart (1984) observed: …all multi-ethnic nations are profoundly divided along religious, ideological, linguistic, cultural, ethnic or racial ties virtually made lip of separate sub-societies each with its own political party, its own interest group and its own means of communication. This political culture has remained the dominant feature of the Nigerian society right from the pre-colonial period as highlighted by Aluko and Ajani (2009) in the diagram below: Stages of loyalty of a Typical Nigerian a. Primary Self Others (Family and Relations) Town/Village Ethnic Group Religious Group b. Secondary Nation Summary This paper has taken us through the major contours in the political history of what became independent Nigeria. It has specifically introduced us to the peculiar variables that shaped our political behavior or culture from the nationalist period up to the Second Republic. It has equally laid bare the way and manner the inter-play of the core variables in the nationalist period, up to the First Republic, became contagious to the military, which effect produced

39 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies thel5thJanuary, 1966, the 29th July, 1966, coup and counter-coup, respectively. The foregoing development, we stated earlier, was an atavistic concomitant linked to the history of origin, migration and subsequent settlement of the diverse ethnic groups into what became Nigeria. The paper has also laid bare the fact that the eventual emergence of diverse levels of political systems identified as Chiefdoms, Kingdoms, Empires and States founded by particular ethnic groups in definite territorial locations introduced ethno-regional politics founded on the myth of ethnic nationalism or chauvinism. This marked the birth of the myth of exclusive Yoruba, Hausa-Fulani, Edo, Ibo, Jukun, Nupe, Ibibio, Tiv, Igala, Ijaw, Kuteb, Berom, Tarok, Atyap, etc. lands. The paper explicitly unveiled the way and manner the colonial system exacerbated the growing myth of exclusive ethnic enclaves. This was demonstrated in the creation of the regions and, later, provinces, native authorities and, even, districts. This colonial attitude heightened inter- ethnic antagonism, since most administrative units, whether large or small, were erroneously perceived in the light of exclusive ethnic enclaves. The consequence of this development was not only the emergence of the spirit of antagonism between the three major ethnic formations, but also the introduction of the minority question. The basis for this development was that, no matter the dominance of any ethnic group in any of the administrative units, none of them was wholly occupied by one ethnic group. Given the above platforms of antagonism, suspicion and marginalization of groups by others, our nationalists could not develop mutual trust for one another as they advanced the course of Nigeria's political independence. This explained why they coiled into ethno-regional associations to evolve political parties thereby introducing an unhealthy political behaviour which became our political culture. And since the nationalist era till date, and even within the army, the nation has continued to witness very disturbing replay of the same political culture, with the following very corrosive features to national unity, growth and development. i. Strong allegiance to ethnicity (ethnic nationalism) rather than Nigerian nationalism. ii. Mutual suspicion, fear of domination and competition for power among ethno-regional groups. iii. Promotion of primordial sentiments among Nigerians. iv. Threat to national unity and stability. v. Promotion of inter-ethnic tensions across the nations. vi. Party formation on ethno-regional platforms or sentiments. 40 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

vii. Fragmentation of the civil society in Nigeria. viii.Politics of bitterness resulting in political crises. ix. Electoral irregularities. x. Politicization of the sharing of national resources by the political elite resulting in unhealthy competition. xi. Repression and abuse of office for the purpose of promoting and protecting primordial interests. xii. Rise of ethnic militias to promote and defend primordial ethnic interests. xiii.The rise of ethno-regional factions in the Nigerian army. This was the major cause of the 15th January, 1966, coup and the 29th July, 1966, counter-coup as well as the secessionist attempt by the aborted Biafran Republic led by the Lt. Col. Emeka O. Ojukwu. xiv. Rejection of 1957 as the date for Nigeria's independence. xv. Introduction or involvement of the military into politics, that is, the politicization of the Nigerian army. xvi.Incubator for the factors responsible for the collapse of the First and Second Republics Recommendations From the foregoing discussion, it is not arguable that ethnicity played a very dominant influence in the evolution of our political culture. In all the phases of our political history (pie-colonial, colonial and nationalist periods, including the First Republic, Military regimes, Second, Third and Fourth Republics), those who always pose as the “political messiahs” of the country are always overwhelmed by primordial ethnic sentiments above national interest. Ethnic politics is, therefore., a political behavour manufactured and transmitted solely by our political elite. 1. It is therefore recommended that our political elite should go back to the drawing board to produce anti-thesis to their present unhealthy political behavior by evolving a healthy political culture which places national interest above primordial ethno-regional and religious sentiments. One believes that their kinsmen and associates who look unto them as their political searchlight will definitely bow to whatever political mindset and behavior they will introduce to them. 2. All political parties must assume national character in order to be registered, or to remain registered. 3. Independent candidature should be enshrined in our electoral process.

41 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

References Abroisadeoladimeji and Mundt Robert (1999): Politics in Nigeria, New York: Longman, Paraphrased by Oritsejafor O. Emmanuel, “Development in Nigeria: A Politics and Economic Challenges” (n.d). Ajayi, J. F. A. and Michael Crowderd (1976): History of West Africa, Volume One, Longman, Longman House, London. Ake Claude (1978): Revolutionary Pressure in Africa, Zed Press, London. Akombo Elijah Ityavkase (2005): Tiv-Jukun Relations from 1850-2003”, Ph.D, Thesis, Department of History, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria. Akombo Elijah, 1(2014): “Regional Self-rule and ethnicity in Nigeria's First Republic: A panoramic View”, a paper presented at the Instance of an.International Conference on the Theme “Ethnic Minority Agitation and Nigerian Politics: Reflection on the 'Tiv Revolts of 1964': 50 years after”, organised by Department of History, Faculty of Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi and Department of History and International Studies, Ibadan Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai-Niger State, from 1st - 3rd April, 2014. Aliyu, A. Y and Payne, T. (1982): “The 1979 Elections: A Terminative Assessment of Consequences Implications, in Return to Civil Rule: The Proceedings of the National Conference on Return to Civil Rule, held at the institute of Administration, , Zaria, 26th30th May, 1980, Published by the Institute of Administration Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria. Aluko, M.A.O (2002): “The Institutionalism of Corruption and its Impact on political Culture and Behaviour in Nigeria”, in Nordic Journal of African Studies 11(3): PP. 393-402. Aluko, M.A.O and Ajani, O.A (2009): “Ethnic Nationalism and the Nigerian Democratic Experience. . . (see p.6 to complete) Anene, J. C. (1970): The International Boundaries of Nigeria-1885-1960: The Framework of an Emergent African Nation. Faber, London, p.12. Audu Garba Tanko and Akombo Elijah, 1. (2014): “Regional self-rule and ethnicity in Nigeria's First Republic: A panoramic view”, A paper presented at the instance of an international conference on the Theme “Ethnic Minority agitation and Nigerian politics: Reflections on the Tiv “Revolts” of 1964: Soyears after organized by Department of History and International Studies Benue State University Makurdi and Dept. of History and International Studies, IBB University, Lapai, Niger State 1st - 3rd April, 2014. Bala J. Takaya (1982): “The 1979 Elections, New Era of Politics, New Results: Analysis of the Nigerian Voting Behaviour”, in Return to civilian. Rule: The Proceedings of the National Conference on Return to Civil Rule---Bala Usman (1999): “History and the challenges to the peoples and polities of Africa in the 21st century”, The 1999 Dike Memorial Lecture, Delivered at 44th Mnual

42 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Congress of the Historical Society of Nigeria, , Abuja, Nigeria, Monday, 22' November, 1999, Abdullahi Smith Centre for Historical Research, Hanwa, Zaria, Nigeria. Boume Ezonbi (2012): “Colonial Legacies and Conflict in Northern Nigeria, 1900-200”, in Colonialism and the Transition to Modernity in Africa, edited by Joseph Mangut and Terhemba Wuam, pp. 322-335. Coleman, J. S (1960): Nigeria: Background to Nationalism. Berkley: University of California Press. Gabriel A. Almond and Sidney Verba (1963): Civic Culture: Political Attitudes and Democracy in Five nations, Princeton, Princeton University Press. Heinkecke, P. (1984): Popular Fallacies in the Nigerian Social Sciences, Zaria, p.43. Ibrahim Baba (2015): “Political Culture and Democratic Transition in West Africa; The Nigerian Experience”, in Universal Journal of Management 3(3), pp. 1 15-121 Joseph C. Ebegbulem (n.d): “Ethnic Politics and Conflict in Nigeria: Theoretical Perspective”, in Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Kasfir (1976): Quoted by Joseph Ebegbulem (n.d) “Ethnic Politics and Conflict in Nigeria: Theoretical Perspective”, in Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Kenneth Dike and Felicia Ekejiuba (n.d): “The Aro of South-Eastern Nigeria, 1950-1980: A study of Socio-economic foundation and transformation in Nigeria. Kwanasie George (1995): “Ethnic Conflict and Communal Violence in Nigeria: Some Reflections on the Experiences of the Middle Belt”, A Paper presented on the Theme: Inter-ethnic Harmony and Community Relations in the Middle Belt and other parts of Nigeria, at the instance of African Leadership Forum, SAMPATI HOUSE, Jos, 26th28th January. Lijiphart, Arend (1984): Democracies: New Haven, Yale University Press. Mair, 5. (1962): Colonial Administration and Africa's Independence. Oxford: Oxford University Press, paraphrased by Ebegbulen (n.d) in “Ethnic politics and Conflicts in Nigeria: Theoretical Perspective”, in Khazar Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences. Micheal M. Ogebeidi (2010): “A Culture of failed elections: Revisiting Democratic , 1959-2003”, in HAOL, NITM. 21 (Invierno, 2010), 43-56. Okeke, V.O.S and Ugwu Chukwuka (n.d): “Nigerian Political Culture: The Saga of Militarism” Omodia, S.M. (2011): “Sustaining Democracy through Functional

43 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Political Culture in the Nigeria Fourth Republic”, in Trakia Journal of Sciences, vol.9, No.4, pp.75-78, 2011. Onwubiko, K. B. C (1982): School Certificate History of West Africa, AD 1000-1800, Book One, Africana-Fep Publishers Limited, Onitsha, Nigeria. Onwubiko, K. B. C. (1982): School Certificate History of West Africa, AD 1800 to Present, Book Two, Orr, C.W.J (1911): The Making of Northern Nigeria. Faber, London, p.67. Ray Harris (2013): “Northern Nigeria: The jib Canceller and Borgu Mail”, in Cameo, vol. 14, NO. 3, October, pp. 158-160 Remi Anifowose (1962): Violence and politics in Nigeria: The Tiv and Yoruba Experience, Nok Publishers International Ltd Enugu. Rev. Amadi R. J. U (1982): “Formation of Political Parties, Registration, Manifestoes, Campaign Strategies, etc”, in Return to Civil Rule: The Proceedings of the National Conference on Return to Civil Rule… Rushalmm (2013): “How Nigeria Faired During Colonial Era”, in Artsand Humanities, an NTA Programme at 9:48am, June 21. Salawu, B. and Hassan, A.O (2011): “Ethnic Politics and its implications for survival of democracy in Nigeria”, in Journal of Public Administration and Policy Research, vol. 3(2), pp. 28-33, February. Shima Ayati (2006): E.T. Orodi: Tiv Integration and Power Politics in Nigeria, Polygraphic Ventures Limited, Ibadan. Udida A. Undiyaundeye (2012): “Colonialism and nation building problems in Nigeria”, in Colonialism and the Transition to modernity in Africa, edited by Joseph Mangut and Terhemba Wuam. Ukoha Ukaiwo (2005): “On the study of Ethnicity in Nigeria”, in Crise working Paper, No. 12, June, 2005, Department of International Development, University of Oxford, Queen Elizabeth House, University of oxford. Ukoha Ukiwo (2005): “One the study of Enthnicity on Nigeria”, in CRISE working paper 12. UNRISD Report (1995), p.95.

44 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Performance of Technology Incubation Policy and Programme in Nigeria, 2014-2018

Bello Ohiani, PhD, Mohammed Bello Baba Umma, PhD & Musa Zakari Department of Political Science, Nasarawa State University, Keffi. E-mail:[email protected] Abstract For many developing countries, entrepreneurship has been a powerful engine of economic growth and industrialization. It also has several multiplier effects on the economy, spurs innovation, and fosters investment in people, which is a better source of competitive advantage than other natural resources, which can be depleted. Entrepreneurs create new enterprises, new commercial activities, and new economic sectors. They generate jobs for others; they produce goods and services for society; they introduce new technologies and improve or lower cost outputs; and earning. The establishment of Technology Incubation Centres (TICs) has assisted budding entrepreneurs in the development of new technology-based firms both start-up and fledglings by way of effectively linking talent, technology, capital and know-how to leverage entrepreneurial talent in order to accelerate development of new companies and speedy commercialization of R&D and innovation in Nigeria. This paper draws the attention of government and other stakeholders to Technology Incubation Programme to fund and contribute greatly to the technological development of Nigerian by way of promoting technological entrepreneurship, eradicating poverty through wealth creation, enhancing Nigeria's technological capability and ultimately reducing her reliance on mono-Crude oil economy. The paper has also assessed the performance of the programme in Nigeria since its establishment, in addition to proffering some solutions to the problems being faced by the programme. Keywords: Technology Incubation Programme, Technology Incubation Centres, industrialization, economic growth and development, wealth/Job creation Introduction Historically, the first effort by the Nigerian government to industrialize the country was during the First National Development Plan (1962-1968) when the country embraced Import-Substituting Industrialization (ISI) with the objective of mobilizing national economic resources and deploying them on a cost/benefit basis among contending projects as a systematic attempt at industrial development. Even though the main objective of the ISI strategy was to stimulate the start-up and growth of

45 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies industries as well as enhance indigenous participation by altering the ownership structure and management of industries, it was characterized by a high degree of technological dependence on foreign knowhow to the extent that the domestic factor endowments of the country were grossly neglected. The focus on an ISI strategy as the cornerstone of industrial development efforts during the period of the First National Development Plan, therefore, seemed to have neglected many other factors required for managing the emergent industrial sector and, in particular, the management of technologies transferred or acquired. In an attempted to address the limitations associated with Import-Substituting Industrialization (ISI) strategy, the Second National Development Plan (1970-74) placed emphasis on 'the upgrading of local production of intermediate and capital goods for sale to other industries. This was the first systematic effort to create an industrial structure linked to agriculture, transport, mining, and quarrying. It is pertinent to note that, all this effort was not sustained because the implementation of the National Development Plan witnessed a dramatic shift in policy from private to -led industrialization. It was clear at this time that Nigerian entrepreneurs did not have the money or the techno- managerial capacity to establish and manage such enterprises and so the government had to lead the way. On balance, a critical appraisal of the nature of the industrial development challenge of the 1970s reveals that the limitation was not so much that of finance but dearth of human capital including techno-managerial capabilities and skills required for initiating, implementing, and managing industrial projects. With the discovery of crude oil in early 1980s, the nation's oil sector had become vibrant and prosperous, and the gates of the economy had been opened up to all sorts of imports. This had a debilitating effect on real industrial growth. In effect, the period of the Third National Development Plan failed to advance the course of industrial development in Nigeria. The inception of a global economic recession in 1985 sparked declining foreign exchange earnings, balance of payment disequilibrium and unemployment and poverty in Nigerian. The global recession exposed profound weaknesses in Nigeria's industrial structure and planning. As a result, the pressure to seek alternative development paradigms became imperative; this is one of the factors that led to the establishment of first Technology Incubation Centre in Lagos. Subsequently, other Technology Incubation Centres came on board. TIC is Nigeria's agency supporting business development. The purpose of establishing these Centres is to help new companies begin operations in Nigeria by linking management, financial capital, technology, labour and resources to build commerce. The main objective is to develop veritable Institutional Mechanism for commercialization of Research and

46 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Development (R&D) results as well as provide integrated support programme designed to assist budding entrepreneurs in the development of new technology-based firms, both start-up and fledglings, by way of effectively linking talent, technology, capital and know-how to leverage entrepreneurial talent in order to accelerate development of new companies and speedy commercialization of R&D and innovation. In both developed and developing parts of the world, knowledge-based development is recognized as a vehicle for securing stability and dynamic economy. Though technology incubation centres have been in existence since 1993, successive governments have not realized the important of technology incubation centres as vehicles for knowledge creation, commercialization of Research and Development (R&D) through innovation, and the growth of entrepreneurship for self- reliant. It is important to note that, the main agents of economic transformation and industrialization in Nigeria under Technology Incubation Programme (TIP) are the entrepreneurs (incubatees). But it is pertinent that, successive Governments have failed to acknowledge the role of entrepreneurship innovation as a driver for industrialization. Therefore, this paper seeks to examine the role of Technology Incubation Centres on Industrialization of Nigeria.

The Concept of Technology Incubation Programme (TIP) According to Abdullahi (36), Technology Incubation programme is a veritable institutional mechanism for the commercialization of Research and Development results from the academia, specialist research centres and other innovative efforts targeted towards accelerating the economic and technological development of a nation. This is corroborated by Lalkaka and Daniel Shaffer, cited in Mohammed (65), that the objective of an incubator is to help promote venture creation and economic development by providing affordable work space, shared facilities, counseling, training, information and access to professional networks. The aim of the Technology Incubation Programme is to accelerate the industrial development of Nigeria through the creation of new businesses, jobs, wealth with a corresponding reduction in poverty. Lalkaka and Daniel Shaffer, cited in Mohammed (84), also confirm this with reference to a survey undertaken by the National Business Incubators Association – NBIA (1998) in the United States which revealed that, current tenants and graduated enterprises have added to some 19,000 viable enterprises and 245,000 jobs. In Nigeria, the positive impacts in terms of new businesses and jobs creation, amongst others, are being felt: Under the Nigerian Technology Incubation model, the process usually

47 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies begins with the admission of a value added technology-based prospective viable start-up and graduating same as a matured small scale business after a period of 2-4 years. The uniqueness of the programme is that, it provides very high subsidies compared to other known models. Post incubation begins after the graduated entrepreneur has relocated to a synergy based industrial cluster, technology park or any organized set-up were some of the subsidies in respect of facilities and capacity building as earlier enjoyed at the TI program can be extended to facilitate corporate survival (Mohammed (87). Entrepreneur (Incubate) and his driver Entrepreneur is the seeker of imbalances in the economy, alert in identifying profit-making opportunities, acts on these opportunities and, as a consequence, the entrepreneur restores equilibrium to the market and creates order. Mises (290-91) observes that entrepreneurs, “are driven solely by the selfish interest in making profits and in acquiring wealth”, and “the only source from which an entrepreneur's profit stems is his ability to anticipate better than other people the future demand of consumers”.

There is basic distinct element in the conceptualization of entrepreneurial action. The entrepreneurs' desire for wealth drives them to search for profitable exchange opportunities. Entrepreneurship theory ascribes entrepreneurial action to profit motive, “material accomplishment” as Weber termed it (Max Weber in Gerth & Mills, (246), and a significant body of entrepreneurship literature builds on this theme that, “Entrepreneurs operate their business purely with a view to maximizing profit they obtain from a given amount of effort” (Casson, 191). The thesis that the desire for profits motivates entrepreneurs, which, in turn, drives economic growth, is well entrenched in the capitalist philosophy. If entrepreneurs are those who “discover opportunities” the “opportunity”, continues to be defined in terms of profit potential (Harper, Shane & Venketaraman, 98).

Implementation of Technology Incubation Programme The program is structured in three phases – pre-incubation, incubation and post-incubation phases. During the six-month pre-incubation period, if the owner of the invention or business has not registered it, he/she will be encouraged to register it and perfect the product to the point that it will be acceptable to consumers. The centre usually encourages entrepreneurs/incubatees not to have their husband/wife as managing director and the daughter/son as the director so that in case of any eventuality, the business will continue.“The centre encourages them to invite friends, bankers and knowledgeable people that can contribute to the

48 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies business so that if anything happens to the owner, it will continue.

After the six months, the person will prepare a feasibility report and a business plan based on what he/she has developed. The business plan will be evaluated by the Technical Advisory Committee made up of professionals from NAFDAC, SON, Export Promotion Council, etc and approved by the Director-General of National Board for Technology Incubation. The committee will evaluate the business plan and feasibility reports, and if they pass, the pre-Incubatees now have the option of staying with the NBTI for three years as resident Incubatees or as non-resident Incubatees for five years if they have a place outside the centre which is adequate for their production and the product will be certified by NAFDAC or SON.

The NBTI usually selects incubetees for the purpose of helping them to develop their products from the scratch to the point of certification and acceptability. The pre-incubatees receive a lot of guide so that they will not just produce things that will not be acceptable to the consumer. After the three years, if the Board certifies their products as good and acceptable, and the patronage is great, then the Board recommends them to the state government which is a stakeholder (alongside institutions of higher learning, research institutions, non-governmental small business organizations and financial institutions).

“After graduation from the incubation stage, the government, in turn, provides an industrial park for them, built or ready to be built. These graduates now become post-incubatees. It is from the industrial park that they will start to pay tax, electricity bill, water rate, etc. From here, they are open to international trade fairs, exhibitions, seminars, conferences, etc., so that their businesses can survive. The centres also link them up with financial institutions like National Economic Reconstruction Fund where they can benefit. Projects Allowed For Incubation in Nigeria 1. Low technologies * Manufacturing of simple equipment and machineries * Upgrading of traditional Technologies & handicrafts 2. Medium technologies * Manufacturing of Electrical and Electronic components and equipment * Chemical processes, manufacturing of plastic items * Manufacturing of Scientific equipment, etc 49 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

3. High technologies * Biotechnology processes and products * Information and Communication Technology Software and Hardware, Space Technology Software and Hardware * Artificial Intelligence * Robotics 4. Emerging technologies * Advance Material * Nano Technology * Laser Technologies and others Services Provided By Technology Incubation Centre Design and Fabrication of processing equipment Writing of feasibility report and business plan Product publicity Consultancy services Conducting market survey and research Training on Peach tree accounting Management training/workshops Network troubleshooting solutions Web designing and updating Assist in facilitating product registration with NAFDAC, SON etc The Technology Incubation Centre provides the following facilities to its entrepreneurs * Standby generators * Adequate water supply * Adequate conference hall for meetings and lectures * Participation in International and Local fair/ exhibition * Internet Facility * Linkages with Banks, Tertiary institutions, Research institutions, Small & medium Enterprises, Governments, Private Organizations and NGOs’ Procedures for Admission Possession of Commercializable Research and Development (R&D) results or innovations Feasibility study of Projects showing Market potential, economic Benefits, Financial budgets, Business plan and Technological viability Managerial Qualification, experience and Integrity Patented Technology will be given preference Guaranteed environmental pollution free business Completion of approved Application Form (it is free). Review of the role of Technology Incubation Centres in job creation

50 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

An important research carried out by the U.S. Department of Commerce Economic Development Administration (EDA) proves that incubators provide communities with significantly more jobs (as much as 20 times) at far less cost than do any other public works infrastructure projects - including road and bridges, industrial parks, commercial buildings, and sewer and water projects (EDA, 2009). Sarvanan, Gupta and Ghatak (27) further reveal that SMEs and entrepreneurs comprise over 90 per cent of African business operations and contribute towards over 50 per cent of African employment and Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Additionally, they constitute 95 per cent of formal manufacturing activities in Nigeria, while in Morocco, 93 per cent of all industrial firms are SMEs and account for 38 per cent of production, 33 percent of investment, 30 percent of exports and 46 per cent of all jobs. Studies by UNIDO-Nigeria, 2012, show that Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises (MSMEs) has the propensity to drive the Nigerian Economy, and data reveal that there are currently over 17 million MSMEs employing over 31 million Nigerians. MSMEs account for over 80% of enterprises that employ about 75 % of the Nigeria's total workforce. Invariably, therefore formulating and effectively implementing MSMEs friendly policies represents innovative ways MSME adopt in building the capacity to engage in entrepreneurial activities in order to create job opportunities thus, playing a central and significant role in helping Nigeria realize her quantity advantage. The 2012 Global Entrepreneurship Monitor (GEM) has empirically identified Nigeria as one of the most entrepreneurial countries in the world. The study shows that 35 out of every 100 Nigerians (over a third) are engaged in some kind of entrepreneurial activity or the other. It is therefore imperative at this point in time to critically evaluate not just the principles of entrepreneurship but the practice and its crucial role in fostering economic growth and development in a developing economy like Nigeria. The role of Technology Incubation Programme on Industrialization in Nigeria The role of Technology Incubation Programme on Industrialization in Nigeria is to create industrial base through commercialization of Research and Development (R&D) result; upgrading and enhancing the application of indigenous technologies; filled the infrastructural deficits; diversify the nation's economy thereby reducing overdependence on crude oil; reduce import and to economically empower innovative entrepreneurs from various states in Nigeria (Muhammad, Ibrahim, & Musa (22-237)). Technology Incubation Centres also plays the role of localization of firms through provision of critical infrastructural in order to gives firms a competitive edge while offering access to raw materials, skilled labour, local

51 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies technology and other equipment. According to National Policy on Technology Incubation, 2007, the roles of Technology Incubation Programme on Industrialization in Nigeria are; i). Promotes economic development, leads to income, wealth and taxes generation, enhances the creation of entrepreneurial culture and demonstrates Government's commitment to the creation of small businesses. ii). Facilitates access to resources - information technology, mentors loans, grants, raises business credibility, reduces business risks, facilitates products' marketing and synergy between participants, Improve business skills, etc. iii). Promotes knowledge acquisition and global competitiveness of products, creates investment choice, demonstrates commitment to social responsibility, etc. iv). Provides opportunity for research commercialization fosters environment for interaction with industries and leads to additional income to researchers and jobs for graduates, etc Challenges affecting performance of entrepreneurs (incubatees) and Technology Incubation Programme in Nigeria According to entrepreneurs (incubatees) performance indicator report 2014 – 2018 identified the following challenges: i. The entrepreneurs (incubatees) are confronted with poor market patronage as a result of foreign competitors. These make it difficult for most of the entrepreneurs to breakeven and this has seriously affected production in most Technology Incubation Centres. ii. Inadequate source of capital for production and operations. Majority of entrepreneurs (incubatees) find it difficult to access the fund, iii. Cumbersome processes in product certification by NAFDAC, SON, etc. iv. Non utilization of local made products by government agencies v. Lack of support from large firms to further invest in Small scale enterprise Challenges of facing implementation of Technology Incubation Programme according to National Board for Technology Incubation annual report (2014-2018) are: i. Inadequate funds for the commercialization of Research 52 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

and Development (R&D) result from higher and research institution. ii. Poor counterpart funds. Majority of stakeholders in the programme are not fully committed in remitting their counterpart funds for the improvement of the programme. iii. Inadequate investors to commercialize knowledge based invention and innovation emanated from universities, polytechnic, college of education and other research institutes. iv. Inability of the state government to provide facilities in the Technology Incubation Centres. v. Poor capacity building for technical and commercial staff of the Technology Incubation Centres. vi. Non provision of industrial part for successful relocation of post incubation graduate. Performance Indicator Technology Incubation Centres (TICs) are centres established by the Federal Government under the supervision of National Board for Technology Incubation (NBTI) and the Federal Ministry of Science and Technology (FMST). About 33 centres were established in 22 years with about 815 production units and more 1,250 resident and non-resident incubatees, as well as seasoned professionals (National Board for Technology Incubation annual report, 2014-2018). The first centre was established in 1993, while, National Board for Technology Incubation (NBTI) was established in 2005. The regulatory board and the centres have the total of 983 staff strength. It is estimated that, there were about 5-28 Products at each Centre (National Board for Technology Incubation annual report, 2014-2018). According to NBTI Annual Report (2014), for instance, Technology Incubation Centre, Lagos (South-West Nigeria), has twenty three (23) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) and two non-resident incubatees with about 3,000 locally made products in the market with over 10,000 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated 30 resident incubatees. Technology Incubation Centre Kano (North-West Nigeria) has Nine (9) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) and Three (3) non-resident incubatees with about 200 locally made products in the market with over 8,000 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated 15 resident incubatees. Technology Incubation Centre Nnewi (South-East Nigeria) has thirty (30) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) with Ten (10) non-resident incubatees 53 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies with about 50 locally made products in the market with over 1,000 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated Six (6) resident incubatees. Technology Incubation Centre Benin (South-South Nigeria) has eleven (11) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) with one (1) non-resident incubatees with about 63 locally made products in the market and over 500 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated Seven (7) resident incubatees. Technology Incubation Centre Jos (North-Central Nigeria) has Eight (8) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) with four (4) non-resident incubatees with about 45 locally made products in the market and over 700 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated Four (4) resident incubatees. Technology Incubation Centre Jalingo (North-East Nigeria) has Seven (7) resident incubatees (entrepreneurs) with Five (5) non-resident incubatees with about 63 locally made products in the market and over 900 direct and indirect jobs created by the centre. As part of post – incubation progarmme, the centre has successfully graduated Four (8) resident incubatees. (National Board for Technology Incubation Annual Report, 2014-2018) Performance indictor Survey Report 2014 – 2018 shows that, The centres are estimated to have about 850 or more active Entrepreneurs. entrepreneur's products at various centre includes; electroplanting engineering component, nails and metals, plastic bottle molding, grain processing plant, incubator and hatchery, integrated yoghurt processing machine, DC – AC auto control inverter, Diesel sludge extractors, tricycle, clutch lever, battery terminal, cassava processing machine, garri processing machine, milling machine, palm kernel crushing machine, industrial stabilizer, pharmaceutical syrups, soya nutria meal and fat control meals, wood stove, industrial welding machine, solar weed control system, moringa product, herbal scouring powder, multipurpose pounding machine, electric stove, cabinet oven, grinding machine, double and single burner, agro-processing machine, groundnut/soya bean extraction machine, solar inverter, grease/engine oil, wheat, plantain and bean flower, shea-butter cosmetics, anti-mosquito repellant, natural fruit wine, anti-malaria herb drug, power bank, acha processing machine, blood herb tea, leather industrial shoes, animal feed miller, rice thresher, dis-stoning rice machine, automatic switch over inverter, bread mixer, 54 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies paint mixer, crushing machine for agro-related product, motorized stretcher, maize thresher machine, computer and electronic software, post harvest storage powder, bio-pesticides, organic minerals fertilizer, parboling, drying, cutting drilling machine, generator power booster, palm oil processing machine, wax based chalk, mobile fish pond, barite and calcium carbonate. On the overall bases, people who are directly and indirectly engaged in entrepreneur operation in various centres across the country over the last 22 years are estimated to about 1 million. On the issue of wealth creation, on the other hand, the Entrepreneurs' Turnover for the last 22 years of existence is estimated at N5, 344, 525, 400 Billion. Though over the years, there is drop in the rate of turnover due to incessant power failure and external factors (economic recession) which affect production (Centre's Monthly Progress Report) Conclusion and Recommendations Technology incubation program is all about commercialization of technology-based inventions that emanate from universities, research institutions, colleges of education and even individual inventions to engender entrepreneurship culture in Nigerians, create jobs for the youths and wealth for business owners. Technology Incubation Programme is a veritable institutional mechanism for the commercialization of Research and Development results from the academia, specialist research centres and other innovative efforts targeted towards accelerating the economic and technological development of a nation. Therefore, Technology Incubation Program is a scheme that involves the commercialization of Research and Development (R&D) for the purpose of industrialization. To this end, the roles of Technology Incubation Program to the nation are; income/ wealth generation as well promote economic development. SMEs and entrepreneurs comprise over 90 per cent of African business operations and contribute towards over 50 per cent of African employment and Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Based on the challenges facing TI program and its entrepreneurs, the following steps should be taken to advance the fortune of the centres and its entrepreneurs; 1. The government should create an enabling environment for innovation and entrepreneurship. The very nature of innovation means that entrepreneurs will either take advantage of existing gaps or forge into new territories. Either way, creating an enabling environment that lowers the barriers to market entry will certainly spur entrepreneurship. To achieve this objective, entrepreneurship should be integrated into the 55 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

country's economic development efforts by making entrepreneurship part of the explicit mission of the country's economic development efforts; 2. Government and other stakeholders should create support mechanisms for entrepreneurs through the establishment of economic development programs that target entrepreneurs, and using entrepreneurial capital, and research networks to deliver services to entrepreneurs. By integrating entrepreneurship into the country's development efforts, government lends credibility and draws attention to the role of entrepreneurs allowing them to gather the momentum required to enable them actively participate in the transformation of the economy. 3. Government should offer incentives to foster entrepreneurship. Numerous examples indicate that access to reliable and steady sources of funding is essential to entrepreneurial growth and sustainability. By establishing a framework that encourages the funding of new ventures, government can help ensure those solutions that work will sustain and grow their impact. To achieve this objective, government needs not only to invest in diverse sources of risk capital to fund entrepreneurs, but also to provide the fiscal incentives for investors to provide funding by developing a rich base of early-stage capital options to fund entrepreneurs; supporting and incentivizing angel investors; ensuring that risk capital is available to the wider society to broaden and enhance entrepreneurial capacity. 4. There should be encouragement by big firms to support entrepreneurs. Since large firms generally have greater access to finance, they can be encouraged to assist smaller enterprises, particularly their suppliers and access to finance. They can also provide other factors of production or guarantee loans made by financial institutions to the SMEs they work with, given that they already have an established relationship with these firms. The large firms can also assist SMEs to obtain export credits, similar to the experience of Zambia's agro-food industry and in other countries that have developed such arrangements to address concerns. 5. Fostering the development of innovative instruments and risk sharing arrangements, Nigerian entrepreneurs can tap from some African countries that are already experimenting innovative financial instrument. For instance, warehouse-receipt financing is helping to guarantee loans with agricultural stocks in South Africa,

56 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Kenya and Zambia. Other financial instruments, such as leasing, can reduce risk effectively for credit institutions. In addition to innovative financing mechanisms, innovative measures can also be put in place to share risk. Credit associations that reduce risk by sharing it are more common. They help financial institutions choose to whom to lend, by guaranteeing the technical viability of projects, and sometimes providing guarantees.

References Abdullahi, G. L. “National Board for Technology Incubation – Federal Ministry of Science and Technology “Official Phamphlet. 2005: Pp. 1- 7 Aliyu, A. “Technology Incubation Programme in Nigeria – Policy, Functions and Operational Guide lines “Federal Ministry of Science and Technology, Abuja – May. 2005: Pp. 1-32 Alvarez, S.A. & Busenitz, L.W. The entrepreneurship of resource-based theory. Journal of Management, 2001: 27, 755-775. Casson, M. The Entrepreneur. New Jersey: Barnes and Noble Books: 1982. Crant, J. M. The Proactive Personality Scale as a Predictor of Entrepreneurial Intentions. Journal of Small Business Management, 1996:34(3):42. Deely, J. New Beginnings. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1994:24 Drucker, P. F. 1985. Innovation and Entrepreneurship, New York: Harper & Row. Entrepreneurs (incubatees)'s performance indictor report (2014 – 2018) Federal Ministry of Science & Technology, Nigeria: National Science, Technology and Innovation Policy. 2012:pp. 1-53. Gerth, H. H. & Mills, C. W. 1946. Max Weber: Essays in Sociology. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press. Harper, D. Entrepreneurship and the Market Process. New York: Routledge. 1999:23 International Conference on Effective Business Development Services, R io d e J a n e i r o , B r a zi l . M ar c h 2 - 3 . S e e m o r e a t : http://www.vanguardngr.com/2015/03/nbti-engendering- entrepreneurship-culture-creating-jobs/#sthash.IY9UH9x7.dpuf Mohammed J. (2012). Evaluation of the Performance of Selected Entrepreneurs in . European Journal of Business and Management ISSN 2222-1905 (Paper) ISSN 2222-2839 (Online) Vol 4,

57 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

No.20, 2012 Muhammad, A. Ibrahim, I. S. & Musa Z. (2019). Effects of Public Policy on Empowerment of Private Sector Development, Wealth and Job Creation in Technology Incubation Centres-Nigeria. Nasarawa Journal of Political Science, Vol. 7(1&2). National Board for Technology Incubation Annual Report, 2014-2018 National Policy on Technology Incubation, 2007 Kirzner I. M. Competition and Entrepreneurship. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 1973:15 Krueger, N. The Impact of Prior Entrepreneurial Exposure on Perceptions of New Venture Feasibility and Desirability. Entrepreneurship: Theory and Practice: 18 (17): 5 1993. Mises, Ludwig von. Human Action: Treatise on Economics (4 edn.). Irvington-on-Hudson, New York: Foundation for Economic Education. [1949] 1996 Llalkaka, S. and Shaffer, D. Nurturing Entrepreneurs, Creating Enterprises: Technolgy Business Incubation in Brazil – (26 Committee of Donor Agencies for Small enterprise Development). 1999. Saravanan, A., Gupta, P. and Ghatak, S. SME Scenario Around the World. Retrieved June 20, 2012 from http://eindia2007.blogspot.com/2008/07/sme-scenario-around- world.html. Schumpeter, J.A. The theory of economic development. Cambridge: Harvard University Press: 1934. Shane, S.A. & Venkataraman, S. The promise of entrepreneurship as a field of research. Academy of Management Review, 2000: 25, 217-226. Vesper, K. H.. Entrepreneurship and National Policy. Chicago: Heller Institute for Small Business Policy Papers. 1983

58 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Prevalence of PTSD among Women and Children Exposed to Boko Haram Insurgency in the North-East Nigeria

Hadiza I. Dahiru, Akawu Monday & Omaku S. A. Sule Department of Psychology, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nasarawa State Email: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract This study is a survey which evaluates prevalence of posttraumatic stress Disorder and psychological well-being of Women and Children. A total of 96 respondents (55 women and 41 children) were randomly selected from the population of Chibok community in Chibok Local Government Area of . Self-reporting measures consisting of conflict- related trauma inventory and PTSD checklist for civilians were administered to the participants. Data were analysed using chi-square on SPSS with level of significance set at 0.05. Results indicated that there is a significant prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. The study found a PTSD prevalence rate of 70.9% and 41.5% among the women and children respectively. Also, the study found no significant gender difference in PTSD among the children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. Based on the findings, the researchers recommend the setting up of trauma healing centres by both federal/state governments and private individuals across the communities in the states for people traumatized by the insurgency to be cared for. Also, psychologists should be employed in all trauma healing centres due to their training on human behaviour and trauma. Keywords: Prevalence of Post-traumatic Stress Disorder, Boko Haram Insurgence. Introduction The negative impact of insurgency on human life cannot be over emphasized. Universally, citizenry's security and wellbeing are government's primary responsibility. Nations emplace strategies and measures towards mitigating the impacts of disasters and discomforts arising from wars, conflicts or insurgency. These measures include preventive and containment approaches aimed at providing succor to citizens who are victims. However, Africa as a continent is currently plagued and overwhelmed by myriads of threats that challenge the peaceful

59 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies wellbeing of her people. As a result of bad governance in Africa, as well as the increase and wide spread of these challenges, the continent is unable to enjoy the sought tranquility. The major threats are the wide spread terrorism and insurgency incidences that Nigeria is currently embroiled in. Since 2009, the sect known as Jama'atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda'a watiwal Jihad (People Committed to the Propagation of the Prophet's Teachings and Jihad) or commonly called Boko Haram (western education is forbidden) started waging a war in Borno State against the Nigerian government. They also frowned against western culture/modernity and consequently commenced a campaign of terror using suicide bombings, shootings and arson in its early stages. This quickly grew to guerrilla warfare and occupation of territories through violence (Adibe, 2012). Their activities spread quickly to neighbouring states which include Adamawa, Yobe, Bauchi, Gombe as well as countries like Chad, Cameroun and Niger with killings, bombings, displacements, abductions, rapes, forced marriages and conversions. The attacks have increasingly targeted civilians, making women and children the most vulnerable. The group is involved with raiding towns and villages. This has led to the destruction of many homes, schools and religious institutions while primary health care facilities in these areas have been disrupted. As a result, hundreds of individuals have been abducted, thousands have been killed, and more than a million people have been displaced, leaving many children orphaned and homeless. The activities of Boko Haram Terrorist (BHT) in Nigeria have therefore become a great concern, particularly in the North-eastern part of Nigeria where many Nigerians are having the nightmares of their lives as they live in perpetual fear of bombings and kidnappings with many of them suffering from psychological instability (Amusan & Ejoke, 2017). Researchers have revealed that war-related traumatic experiences among civilians are associated with increased prevalence of major depressive episode and post-traumatic stress disorder (Farhood, Dimassi & Lehtinen, 2006; Margoob, Khan & Mushtaq, 2006; Steel, Chey, Silove, Marnane, Bryant & Ommeren, 2009; Neria, Besser, Kiper&Westphal, 2010; Shoib, Mushtaq, Jeelani, AhMad, Dar and Shah, 2014; Fares et al., 2017). Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV (DSM IV TR) defines Post-traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) as a psychiatric disorder, in which there is development of symptoms of arousal, hyper vigilance and avoidance after persons experienced, witnessed or were involved in an event that poses threat to self or others. The patients often respond with fear, horror or helplessness. Individuals who develop this condition display certain symptoms like frequent flashbacks of the traumatic event, avoidance of any trauma reminder, and hyper-arousal in the absence of any impending risk.

60 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The intensity varies, depending on the individual and the type of event. So also is the duration, which could last from several weeks to years (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). PTSD affects 7%–8% of the general population at some point during their lifetime (Olszewski and Varrasse, 2005); however, the prevalence is much higher among certain subgroups, including active-duty military personnel, and civilians exposed to blast injuries and war-related traumas (Shalev, Liberzon and Marmar, 2017). The on-going insurgency war in the North- East region has created untold hardship and psychological problems among the people of Borno state, such that so many have developed cases of mental disorder, and are either roaming the streets as mad men and women or subjects of mental treatment at the Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital, Maiduguri. Records at the hospital officially made available to Daily Trust in 2016 indicated that 1,417 people were suffering from PTSD and Acute Stress Reaction (ASR) caused by the fear of violence such as the violent attacks on communities by insurgents. Amusan & Ejoke maintained that the psychological effects of this insurgency on various stakeholders are unquantifiable because its impacts are still unfolding (Amusan & Ejoke, 2017). Report on mental health services in emergency settings published by the World Health Organization (WHO) estimates that humanitarian emergencies double the chances of people being affected by mental health disorders. A USAID sponsored research carried out by psychologists in the region of Diffa, Niger, shows that half of the persons displaced by insurgency war suffering from mental health problems had developed these as a direct cause of the on-going Boko Haram conflict, (COOPI, 2017). The psychological impact of war related violence is not felt by the civilians alone; other stakeholders of war including the military, humanitarian agencies, journalists and health workers. These, among others, were reported to have also suffered psychological disorder after exposure. The Nigerian military that are currently engaging in the war against terror in Adamawa, Borno, Plateau and Yobe states are more at risk of having PTSD than those who did not participate in any such operation (Ahmad, Saleh, James and Shedrach, 2016). According to a United States Veterans Affairs study of 738 men and women who served in Iraq, Guerrilla tactics such as suicide attacks, land mines and roadside bombs may trigger more posttraumatic stress than conventional warfare. The authors identified three distinct phases of the Iraqi War, based on previous reports. The study found that among the men, about half the overall group, the insurgency-phase veterans were more than twice as likely to have a

61 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies diagnosis of PTSD, compared with those who served in either of the other two phases (Green, Bovin, Erb, Lachowicz, Gorman, Rosen, Keane& Marx 2015). The psychological impact of terrorism and insurgency does not only affect individuals. The impact extends to their families, colleagues, neighbours and the society (Dab, Abenhaim & Salmi, 1991; Vlahov, Galea & Resnick, 2002; Bleich, Gelkopf, Melamed & Solomon, 2002). The main objective of this study is therefore to investigate the relationship between the psychological effects of Boko Haram insurgency and PTSD among women and children that are exposed to the insurgency. Specifically, the study intends to: i. Investigate the prevalence of PTSD among women and children victims of Boko Haram insurgency. ii. Assess the age difference in the effects of exposure to violence and PTSD among women and children victims of the Boko Haram insurgency. This study is significant due to the following: i. Provide baseline information to guide the development of support programmes and speedy strategies towards halting Boko Haram activities. This is important as the psychological wellbeing of the people is instrumental towards meaningful national development and growth; ii. The Provision of useful information to psychological centres, and clinical psychologists who seek to offer therapeutic services to help victims of Boko Haram deal with the traumatic experiences; The following research questions guided the study i. What is the prevalence of PTSD among women and children victims of Boko Haran insurgency? ii. Why age is risk factor in having PTSD after exposure to violence caused by boko haram insurgency? Theoretical Framework A startling increase in PTSD among individuals living in the area exposed to the insurgency was reported by the Federal Neuropsychiatric Hospital in Maiduguri. This is not surprising as several related studies that assessed the psychological impacts of the Boko Haram insurgency yielded similar results (Mishara and Gbaden, 2014; Omeiza&Wakil, 2014; Amusan&Ejoke, 2017; Haruna, 2017). Several newspaper reports have echoed PTSD inducing traumatic events such as witnessing the death of a loved one, loss of means of livelihood, seeing dead bodies, etc., reported by victims of the Boko Haram insurgency. An excerpt from Daily Trust Newspaper reads: “At Konduga Local Government Area of the state, a Secondary School

62 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies student that was said to have witnessed how his parents were slaughtered from his hiding place has not been normal again. He is said to have relocated to Maiduguri where he is now sleeping on the streets. His uncle, Alhaji Ba Modu said, “When he sees any of the relations that he recognizes, he will be shouting and using his hands to demonstrate how the parents were slaughtered sometimes in 2013(Daily Trust, 2016). Several theories have been mentioned as useful in explaining the relationship between exposure to violence and PTSD among victims. For the purpose of this research, emotional processing theory and cognitive conceptualization of PTSD have been used to exposure to trauma impacts PTSD among victims of violence. Cognitive Conceptualization of PTSD Evidence suggests that the way individuals emotionally and cognitively process a traumatic experience contributes to the development and maintenance of PTSD (Clark & Ehlers, 2004; Ehlers & Clark, 2000; Foa &Kozak, 1986; Smucker, 1997). Persistent PTSD occurs when an individual processes a traumatic event in a manner that leads the person to recall the event with the same sense of seriousness and danger felt at the time of the original trauma (Clark & Ehlers, 2004; Ehlers & Clark, 2000). It is the individual's interpretation and appraisal of the trauma and the ensuing memory that contribute to persistent PTSD. Foa and Riggs (1993) and Foa and Rothbaum (1998) suggested that persons with PTSD are characterized by two flawed central beliefs that relate to how these individuals evaluate themselves and the world. The first belief is that the self is incompetent. The second belief, reflecting the individual's worldview, is that the world is a threatening and dangerous place. For these individuals, the traumatic event often serves as confirmation of their beliefs antedating the trauma. This interpretation is supported by Dunmore, Clark, and Ehlers (1999) who studied cognitive factors that contributed to the onset and maintenance of PTSD in 92 assault victims and compared those who developed PTSD with those who did not. They reported that cognitive factors associated with the onset and persistence of PTSD included beliefs relative to devaluation of the personality (e.g., “I am a loser”; “I am disgusting”), one's safety (e.g., “There is no safe place”; “People have bad intentions”), and the world (e.g., “The world is dark”; “There is no justice in this world”). Individuals who possess these beliefs would then tend to feel a more persistent and intense sense of apprehension and uncertainty and would be more likely to interpret traumatic events as being characteristic of a dangerous world. Such interpretation may result in fear and avoidance of what is perceived as a dangerous place. Second, the view of the self as 63 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies incompetent diminishes the person's ability to cope with adversity. An individual who sees the self in this way is less likely to feel capable of coping with the pain of the actual trauma or the unpleasantness of the memory and would instead feel overwhelmed and crushed by the weight of the trauma memory. Emotional-Processing Theory Emotional-processing theory (Foa &Kozak, 1986; Foa & Riggs, 1993; Rachman, 1980) provides an integrated framework to analyse and explain the onset and maintenance of PTSD. This theoretical approach combines insight from learning, cognitive, and behavioural theories of PTSD and builds on the idea that it is not unusual for emotional experiences to continue to affect one's behaviours long after the event originally associated with the emotion has passed. This emotional re-experiencing can engender a pattern of avoidance of the trauma memory and sustain the presence of PTSD (Foa et al., 1989; Foa&Jaycox, 1999). Foa and Kozak suggest that emotions are represented by information structures in memory. In the case of fear, the associated memory includes information specific to the feared stimulus, overt responses (i.e., verbal, physiological, and behavioural) to the stimulus, and the meaning that the individual has attached to that stimulus. The overall function of this information structure is to help the individual escape or avoid the perceived threat or danger (Foa&Kozak, 1986). Therefore, it is the meaning attached to the memory, usually in the form of a feeling of dangerousness or some catastrophic outcome (e.g., “I will die”; “I will lose control”; “I will faint”) that prevents the individual from confronting the traumatic memory and effectively processing the information, emotionally and cognitively, underlying the memory. Thus, the individual reacts to the memory with the same cognitive, affective, and behavioural responses associated with the original trauma. In effect, the individual fear structure is virtually stuck in a moment in time that has now passed but that has not been processed or digested in an effective and healthy manner. Foa and Kozak (1986) define emotional processing as the activation and modification of the memory structure that underly the fear. This process includes, first, creating access to the complete memory of the event to reactivate the fear structure through the process of exposure and, second, helping the individual access new information incompatible with the existing maladaptive information to modify the fear structure to engender a healthier response to the memory. Prevalence of PTSD among persons exposed to violent conflicts The term violent conflict would be used to describe a variety of incidents including wars, occupation, displacements, rioting, terrorist attacks and

64 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies insurgency. Prevalence rates of PTSD associated with such events seem to vary widely across regions and studies. Studies on the prevalence of PTSD among victims of the Boko Haram insurgency are very scarce. Gbaden and Mishara (2013) carried out an empirical study that investigated the prevalence of depression and its correlates among students of the University of Maiduguri. The survey was conducted about six months following the declaration of 'state of emergency' imposed on the three North eastern states of Adamawa, Borno and Yobe in May 2013. The students who remained in the city during and after the crisis were used. Data was collected by way of administering questionnaires to the respondents. Gbaden and Mishara reported a 66.7% prevalence of PTSD among the students. In a similar study, Onyencho, Omeiza &Wakil, (2014) reported a PTSD prevalence rate of 17.8% when they performed a cross-sectional study examining post-traumatic stress disorder and psychological well-being among University of Maiduguri students using a sample of Two hundred and forty-six (246) students with mean age of 22.97 years. Pfeiffer and Elbert assessed the prevalence and severity of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression and anxiety among victims of the Luo Risistance Army insurgency in Uganda. Pfeiffer and Elbert study sample consisted of 72 former abducted adults, 62 of them being former child soldiers. Pfeiffer and Elbert reported that, exposure to traumatic stress increased anxiety and PTSD occurrence among the respondents. 49% of respondents were diagnosed with PTSD, 70% had symptoms of depression, while 59% exhibited symptoms of anxiety (Pfeiffer and Elbert, 2011). Psychological Impact of Boko Haram Insurgency on Women and Children Osita-Njoku and Chikere (2015) identified causes of BH insurgency in Nigeria as: poverty, unemployment, absence of good governance and increasing radicalisation of the jihadist group in the world. BH activities have led to harrowing consequences like abduction of women and girls; arbitrary arrest of women by government security agents, for instance, alleged suspects, sometimes wrongful arrests; use of women as pawns in their activities; inflicting collective terror on women; use of women as wartime labour force, etc. Women and girls in captivity are used for cooking, cleaning and other duties that may be assigned to them by their captors. Many may also be forced to bear children that will grow to further the course of the insurgency (Osita-Njoku and Chikere, 2015). Regardless of the motive(s) behind kidnapping / abduction and other terrorist activities, these crimes have devastating, far-reaching effects on the victims, their families and the society at large.

65 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Boko Haram's rise and insurgency have dramatically changed the lives of thousands of women and girls, often casting them voluntarily or by force into new roles outside the domestic sphere. Some joined to escape their social conditions; others were abducted and enslaved. Seven years of war have caused gender-specific suffering. While men have disproportionally been killed, women and children are an overwhelming majority among the estimated 1.8 million internally displaced persons (IDPs) in the North East (UNHCR, 2018). Human Rights Watch (HRW, 2014) reported that Boko Haram abducts children and recruits them into 'Child soldiering'. Children are forced to be involved in armed hostilities, participate in combats, spying, acting as decoys, and are turned into suicide bombers (HRW, 2014). Such exposure of children affects their mental health, which explains why the UN Security Council condemns and frowns against child soldiering (Machel, 2004). Women and girls are abused physically and psychologically by the wide spread attacks carried out by Boko Haram. According to the study on 30 interviewed abducted individuals, 16 witnesses and 12 escaped students of the Chibok School by HRW (2014) In summary, much has been written about the effect of exposure to violence and traumatic event on the development of PTSD. Several researchers have echoed the increased risk of developing PTSD following exposure to war related traumatic events. Reviewed literature have shown that although all categories of civilians suffer devastating consequences of the activities of the Boko Haram insurgents, women and children are more vulnerable as these categories of persons are constantly being abducted with women becoming victims of rape and the children being forced to become soldiers, further increasing the trauma they are exposed to. Hypotheses In order to achieve the objective of this study, the following hypotheses are formulated: 1. There will be a significant prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. 2. What is the significant age difference in PTSD among women and children Method Design The research design adapted for this study is a cross-sectional observational study. A cross sectional study is a type of observational study that analyses data from a population or a representative subset of a population at a specific point in time (Maninder, 2016). Participants

66 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The sample used for this study was drawn from residents of Chibok Local Government Area of Borno State. It has an area of 1,350km2 and a population of 66,333 in 2016, with a projected population of 93,900 for 2016 (National Bureau of Statistics, 2006). Out of the 66,333 population, 13,766 are children aged between 8 – 18, while 32,381 are women. This brings the total figure to 46,147 for Chibok women and children. This was the research's population of study. Scope of the Study This study coveres mainly areas bedeviled by Boko Haram insurgency, which is Chibok Local Government in Borno state. Borno state is in the north eastern part of Nigeria.

Sample Size for the Study The samples of individuals and groups whose experiences could represent the larger population of study were collected using questionnaires. The sample size was calculated using the Taro Yamane formula; n=N1+N(e2)where n is the sample size, N is the population size and e is the error margin. The required confidence level is 90 per cent, with an error margin of 10 per cent. The sample size obtained for the research was 102. Detailed calculation using the Yamane formula is as shown below. n=N1+Ne2 Where N is total population; 46,147 and e is tolerable error 0.1% n=46,1471+46,147(0.12) n=46,1471+46,147(0.01) N = 99.777 In order to effectively capture the sample size of 100, the research distributed 105 questionnaires to participants. However, 102 were returned and 96 were found to be valid for analysis. Method of Data Analysis and Presentation The research adopted both the qualitative and quantitative methods of data analysis. The quantitative data obtained from questionnaires were also analyzed using descriptive statistics like frequency and percentages as well as SPSS. The data were equally presented descriptively in the forms of tables, figures, charts and graphs as applicable. The instrument used for the collection of data for the study is a self- administered questionnaire consisting of three sections. The first section (Section A) has four items which dealt with socio-demographic data of the respondents. Section B is the Conflict-related trauma inventory which was

67 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies assessed with a shortened version of traumatic events. Only trauma events that were likely to have happened were included and respondents were to indicate “Yes” or “No” answer depending on experience during the conflict. Section C is the PTSD Checklist for civilians (PCL; Weathers, Litz, Herman, Huska and Keane, 1993). The PCL is a 17-item scale measuring each of the DSM-IV symptoms of PTSD. It also includes assessment of exposure to trauma. Respondents rate each of the items on a five-point scale (1=not at all to 5=extremely) based on how much they were bothered by each symptom of PTSD in the past month. The PCL is scored by Adding up all items from each of the 17 items for a total severity score (range = 17-85). A total score of 17 - 29 shows little to no severity, a score of 30 – 44 indicate Moderate to Moderately High severity of PTSD symptoms while a total score of 45-85 indicate high severity of PTSD symptoms. In a study comparing seven self-report measures of PTSD, the PCL had the highest convergent validity, good discriminant validity and a high diagnostic utility measurement. Like all the instruments measured, the PCL has high internal consistency and test-retest reliability. Sampling Techniques and Procedure The research employed the non-probabilistic purposive sampling method to select participants for the study. This is a sampling technique that is based on the characteristics of the population and objective of the study. In order to attain the objective of the study, the research adopted the Homogenous type of purposive sampling. This sampling focuses on selecting samples that share common characteristics or sets of characteristics which in this study are women and children who were directly affected by Boko Haram insurgency activities. Questionnaires were administered after a letter of introduction which was obtained from the department of psychology has been presented to the community head of Chibok. This was to enable him permit the researchers to administer the questionnaire to their subjects. Participants were properly addressed to create good relationship with the researchers and guarantee confidentiality. To ensure correct responses, participants were not allowed to share ideas at the process of answering the questionnaire. The researchers and assistants distributed the questionnaires and also witnessed and supervised the process of answering the questionnaires. Ethical Consideration Respondents were required to give an informed consent before inclusion in the study. All potential subjects were properly informed about the type of study being done, the purpose of the study, and the subject's rights as a participant in the study, including the right to confidentiality and the right to withdraw from the study. Names were not included in any of the

68 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies findings and no financial inducement was given to any respondent. Results Demographic characteristics of the sample Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the participants (N=96)

Variable Frequency Percentage Age

08-18 years 41 42.7 19-35 years 33 34.4 Above 35 years 22 22.9 Gender

Male 13 13.5 Female 83 86.5 Table 1 showes the demographic characteristics of the participants. Specifically, the table showed that participants aged 8-18 years were 41(42.7%), 19-35 years were 33 (34.4%) while participants above the age of 35 years were 22 (22.9%). Regarding sex, 13 (13.5%) were male and 83 (86.5%) were female. Test of Hypotheses Hypothesis 1: The first research hypothesis states that there will be a significant prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. The hypothesis was tested using Chi-square. The results are presented in table 2. Table 2. Crosstab showing the prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency

PTSD Symptom Little High Total Women Count 16 39 55 % within PTSD 29.1% 70.9% 100.0% Children Count 24 17 41 % within PTSD 58.5% 41.5% 100.0% Total Count 40 56 96 % within PTSD 41.7% 58.3% 100.0% 2 ÷ (1) = 8.379, p < 0.05 Table 2 shows the results of Chi-square computed to determine the prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram Insurgency. The table shows specifically that 70.9% (n=39) of the women exposed to the Insurgency have high symptoms of PTSD while 29.1% (n=16) have little symptoms of PTSD. Among the children, 41.5% (n=17) 69 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of them have high symptoms of PTSD, while the remaining 58.5% (n=24) have little symptoms of PTSD. Overall, the prevalence rate of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram Insurgency is 2 statistically significant (÷ (1) = 5.123, p < 0.05). Summary of Findings Below are brief statements based on the analysis of data collected for the research in relation to the hypotheses postulated. There was a significant prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. For age difference, children who are exposed to Boko Haram insurgency appeared to suffer or have more psychological disorders. Discussion This section deals with the discussion of the findings of the study, the conclusions drawn from the findings and the limitations of the study. Implementable recommendations were also made based on the findings of the study and suggestions for further research highlighted. The first research hypothesis stated that there will be a significant prevalence of PTSD among women and children exposed to Boko Haram insurgency. Analysis of the hypothesis performed using Chi-square showed a statistically significant result. High symptoms of PTSD were found among 70.9% of the women and 41.5% of the children. This high PTSD prevalence rate is also recorded in a similar study carried out among students of University of Maiduguri by Gbaden and Mishara (2013). Gbaden and Mishara reported a 66.7% prevalence of PTSD among the students. Across other parts of the country, slightly lesser prevalence rate of PTSD was reported by researchers among victims of violent conflicts; in Kaduna, North Western Nigeria, for example, Taiwo, et al., (2014) reported a PTSD prevalence rate of 42.2% among Muslims who were internally displaced after the April, 2011, post-election violent conflict, while Obilom and Thacher (2008) recorded a PTSD prevalence rate of 46.1% among victims of ethno-religious conflict in Jos. The second research hypothesis stated that children exposed to the Boko Haram insurgency will exhibit more symptoms of PTSD than older ones. Analysis of the hypothesis performed using Chi-square showed that children exposed to the Boko Haram insurgency did not significantly exhibit more symptoms of PTSD than the older people, although there were more female children who had high symptoms compared to male children. The finding disagrees with reports from similar studies by researchers (King'ori, Peter & Oboka, 2014; Saleh, James & Shedrach, 2016). The disorder is more prevalent among children, perhaps, due to the lost of their parents who supply everything they need (Gibbs 1989).

70 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Limitations of the Study The study was carried out among women and children only, the results may therefore not be applicable for generalization inclusive of the male population. The study made use of self-reporting questionnaire. Thus the participants were answering according to their feelings and perceptions. It is therefore possible that there will be bias in response. For example, it is possible that some of the participants gave socially desirable responses and may not want to express private details of traumatic experiences of the past even though they were told by the researchers that their responses were confidential. Conclusion The result of the study has confirmed that not only do victims of the Boko Haram insurgency suffer physical and economic loss; they also suffer significant Psychological consequences. This led to the conclusion that beyond rescuing, and meeting the material needs of victims, there is a need for concerned authorities to pay attention to the psychological needs of victims, especially those who are resident in communities that are close to the activities of the insurgents. Recommendations Based on the findings of the research, the following recommendations are made i. There is the need to the set up trauma healing centres by both Federal/State governments and private individuals across the communities in the states for people traumatized by the insurgency to be cared for. ii. There is also the need for the implementation of screening programmes and psychological interventions in vulnerable populations like Chibok and other communities that have suffered high impact of Boko Haram insurgency. iii. With regard to affected children, therapeutic programmes intended to meet their psychosocial needs should be developed ahead of time and timely by trained clinical psychologists. iv For further study on PTSD in relation to Boko Haram Insurgency and or ethnic/religious violence, future studies should draw sample from all demography of civilians as this was centered on women and children v. Future studies should also examine PTSD among health workers and other emergency responders exposed to violence. Also Military, Police and other security agents that also participate in peace keeping missions should be included in future studies to have better generalized results.

71 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

References Adibe, J. (2012). Ideology of Boko Haram. Journal of Islamic Education,2(2): 31-34. Ahmad, A., Mohamed, H. T., & Ameen, N. M. (1998). A 26-month follow-up of posttraumatic stress symptoms in children after the mass-escape tragedy in Iraqi Kurdistan. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 52, 357-366. Allwood, M.A., Bell-Dolan, D. & Husain SA (2002). Children's trauma and adjustment reactions to violent and nonviolent war experiences. J Am Acad Child Adolesc Psychiatry 41: 450-457. American Psychiatric Association. (1994). Diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders: DSM-IV. Washington, DC: American Psychiatric Association Amusan, A; Ejoke.(2017). Long-term psychological effects of Boko haram insurgency experiences on children's depression in Borno State, the Northern part of Nigeria. IDOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, Atwoli, L., Stein, D. King, A., Petukhova, M. Aguilar-Gaxiola, S. et al,. (2017). Posttraumatic stress disorder associated with unexpected death of a loved one: Cross-national findings from the world mental health surveys. Depression and Anxiety, 34 (4): 315–326 Bleich, A., Gelkopf, M., Melamed, Y. & Solomon, Z. (2005). Emotional impact of exposure to terrorism among young-old and old-old Israeli citizens. American Journal of Geriatric Psychiatry. Bremner, J.D, Southwick, S.M, Johnson, D.R & Yehuda, R. (1993) Childhood physical abuse and combat-related posttraumatic stress disorder in Vietnam veterans. The American journal of psychiatry 150: 235–239. Brewin, C.R., Andrews, B. & Valentine, J.D. (2000). Meta-analysis of risk factors for posttraumatic stress disorder in trauma-exposed adults. J Consult Clin Psychol, 68:748–66. Brown, A.L., Testa, M. & Messman-Moore, T.L. (2009). Psychological consequences of sexual victimization resulting from force, incapacitation, or verbal coercion. Violence Against Women, 15(8): 898–919. Burgess, A., W. & Holmström, L.L. (1974). Rape Trauma Syndrome. Am J Psychiatry, 131 (9): 981–986. Cankaya, B., Chapman, B.P, Talbot, N.L., Moynihan, J. & Duberstein, P.R. (2009). History of sudden unexpected loss is associated with elevated interleukin-6 and decreased insulin-like growth factor-1 in women in an urban primary care setting. Psychosomatic medicine, 71(9):914–919. COOPI (2017). Boko haram and mental health among displaced people. Retrieved on 2nd February, 2018 from http://www.coopi.org/en/boko- haram-and-mental-health-among-displaced-people/ Dab, W., Abenhaim, L. & Salmi, L.R. (1991). Epidemiology of post- 72 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies traumatic stress disorder in victims of attacks and political compensation. Public Health Journal. Davidson, J.R, Hughes, D., Blazer, D.G. & George, L.K (1991). Post- traumatic stress disorder in the community: an epidemiological study. Psychological medicine 21: 713–721. Dyregrov, A., Gjestad, R., Raundalen, M. (2002). Children exposed to warfare: a longitudinal study. J Trauma Stress 15: 59-68. Elbedour, S., Onwuegbuzie, A. J., Ghannam, J., Whitcome, J. A., & Heine, F. A. (2007). Post-traumatic stress disorder, depression, and anxiety among Gaza Strip adolescents in the wake of the second Uprising (Intifada). Child Abuse and Neglect, 31, 719-729. Fares, J., Gebeily, S., Saad, M., et al. (2017). Post-traumatic stress disorder in adult victims of cluster munitions in Lebanon: a 10-year longitudinal study. BMJ Open,7:e017214. doi:10.1136/ bmjopen-2017-017214 Farhood, L., Dimassi, H., & Lehtinen, T. (2006). Exposure to war-related traumatic events, prevalence of PTSD, and general psychiatric morbidity in a civilian population from Southern Lebanon. Journal of Transcultural Nursing, 17, 333-340. Feinstein, A., Owen, J., Blair, N. (2002). A Hazardous Profession: War, Journalists and Psychopathology. The American Journal of Psychiatry, 159(9), Freh, F.M, Chung, M.C. & Dallos, R. (2013). In the shadow of terror: Posttraumatic stress and psychiatric co-morbidity following bombing in Iraq: The role of shattered world assumptions and altered self-capacities. Journal of Psychiatric Research 47: 215-225 Freh, F.M. (2015). Psychological Effects of War and Violence on Children. J Psychol Abnorm. Foa, A; Riggs, R (1993). Psychological Effects of War and Violence on Children. J Psychol Abnorm. Ghaffer, O., Feinstein, A. (2005). Reporting under fire: Understanding psychopathology of war journalists. Psychiatric Time, 22(4): 245-267. Green, J.D., Bovin, M.J., Erb, S.E., Lachowicz, M., Kaitlyn R. & Marx, B.P (2015). The effect of enemy combat tactics on PTSD prevalence rates: A comparison of operation Iraqi freedom deployment phases in a sample of male and female veterans. Psychological Trauma: Theory, Research, Practice, and Policy, doi: 10.1037/tra0000086 Groome, D. & Soureti, A. (2004). Posttraumatic stress disorders and anxiety symptoms in children exposed to the 1999 Greek Earthquake. British Journal of Psychology, 95:387-397. Hobfoll, S. E., Canetti-Nisim, D., Johnson, R. J., Palmieri, P. A., Varley, J. D., & Galea, S. (2008). The association of exposure, risk, and resiliency

73 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies factors with PTSD among Jews and Arabs exposed to repeated acts of terrorism in Israel. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 21, 9-21 Hoven, C., Duarte, C., Mandell, D. (2003). Children's Mental Health After disasters. The impact of the World Trade Centre attack. Current Psychological Report. Imasuen, E. (2015). Insurgency and humanitarian crises in Northern Nigeria: The case of Boko Haram. Afr. J. Pol. Sci. Int. Relat, 284-296. Kessler, R.C., Aguilar-Gaxiola, S., Alonso, J., Benjet, C., Bromet, E., et al. (2017). Trauma and PTSD in the WHO World Mental Health Surveys. European Journal of Psychotraumatology 8(5):1353383. Keyes, K.M., Pratt, B.A., Galea, S. McLaughlin, K.A. & Shear, K.M. (2014). The Burden of Loss: Unexpected death of a loved one and psychiatric disorders across the life course in a national study. Am J Psychiatry, 171(8): 864–871. Khamis, V. (1993). Posttraumatic stress disorder among the injured of the Intifada. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 6, 555-559 Maninder, S. S. (2016). Methodology series module 3: Cross-Sectional study. Indian J Dermatol, 61(3): 261 – 264 Margoob, M.A, Khan, A.Y. & Mushtaq, H (2006). PTSD symptoms among children and adolescents as a result of mass trauma in south Asian region: experience from Kashmir. JK-Practitioner, 13:S45-48. Mason, F. & Lodrick, Z. (2013). Psychological consequences of sexual assault. Best Practice & Research. Clinical Obstetrics & Gynaecology, 27 (1): 27–37. Meiser-Stedman, R. (2002). Towards a cognitive-behavioural model of PTSD in children and adolescents. Clinical child and family psychology review 5: 217–232. Mgbenkemdi, E.H. & Eze, S. G. (2017). Long-term psychological effects of Boko haram insurgency experiences on children's depression in Borno State, the Northern part of Nigeria. IDOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 2(1): 85-105. Mintz, S. (2007). The War's Costs. Digital History. Retrieved from http://www.digitalhistory.uh.edu/database/article_display.cfm?HHID=51 3 on February 23rd 2018. Mishara, W. L. & Gbaden, E. A. (2014). The Prevalence of depression among the youths as an aftermath of the internal insurgency attacks in Maiduguri, Nigeria. IOSR-JHSS,19(10):32-35. Neria, Y., Besser, A., Kiper, D., & Westphal, M. (2010). A longitudinal study of posttraumatic stress disorder, depression, and generalized anxiety disorder in Israeli civilians exposed to war trauma. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 23, 322-330. 74 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Olszewski, T.M. & Varrasse, J.F. (2005). The neurobiology of PTSD: implications for nurses. Journal of Psychosocial Nursing and Mental Health Services. 43 (6): 40–7. Omeiza, B., Wakil, M. A. & Onyencho, V. C. (2014). Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder and Psychological Well-Being among University of Maiduguri Students. Ife Psychologia, 22(1). Osita-Njoku, A. & Chikere, P. (2015). Consequences of Boko Haram Terrorism on Women in Northern Nigeria. Applied Research Journal, 1(3):101-107. Pat-Horenczyk, R., Qasrawi, R., Lesack, R., Haj-Yahia, M., Peled, O., Shaheen, M., et al. (2009). Posttraumatic symptoms, functional impairment, and coping among adolescents on both sides of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict: A cross-cultural approach. Applied Psychology, 58, 688-708. Pfefferbaum, B., Vinekar, S. & Trautman, R. (2002). The effect of loss and trauma on substance use behaviour in individuals seeking support services after the 1995 Oklahoma City bombing. American Clinical Psychiatry. Pyevich, C. M. (2001). The relationship among cognitive schemata, job-related traumatic exposure, and PTSD in journalists. Unpublished Ph.D., The University of Tulsa, United States -- Oklahoma. Razokhi, A.H,. Taha, I.K, Taib, N.I, Sadik, S. & Gasseer, N. (2006). Mental health of Iraqi children. Lancet, 368: 838-839. Roberts, B., Ocaka, K.F, Browne, J., Oyok, T. & Sondorp, E. (2008). Factors associated with post-traumatic stress disorder and depression amongst internally displaced persons in Northern Uganda. BMC Psychiatry. Shahar, G., Cohen, G., Grogan, K.E., Barile, J.P. & Henrich, C.C. (2009). Terrorism- related perceived stress, adolescent depression, and social support from friends. Pediatrics, 124: 235-240. Shalev, A., Liberzon, I. & Marmar, C. (2017). Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. The New England Journal of Medicine, 376 (25): 2459–2469. Shalev, A.Y., Tuval, R., Frenkiel-Fishman, S., Hadar, H., & Eth, S. (2006). Psychological responses to continuous terror: A study of two communities in Israel. American Journal of Psychiatry, 163, 667-673. Sheikh, T.L, Mohammed, A., Agunbiade, S., Ike J. & Ebiti, W.N. (2014). Psycho-trauma, psychosocial adjustment, and symptomatic post-traumatic stress disorder among internally displaced persons in Kaduna, Northwestern Nigeria. Front Psychiatry,5:127. Shoib, S., Mushtaq, R., Jeelani, S., Ahmad, J., Dar, M.M. & Shah, T; James (2014) Recent trends in the sociodemographic, clinical profile and psychiatric comorbidity associated with Posttraumatic Stress Disorder: A study from Kashmir, India. Journal of Clinical and Diagnostic Research, 8(4):01-5.

75 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Simpson, R., & Boggs, J. (1999). An exploratory study of traumatic stress among newspaper journalists. Journalism & Communication Monographs, 1(1), 26. Steel, Z., Chey, T., Silove, D., Marnane, C., Bryant, R.A. & Ommeren, M. (2009). Association of torture and other potentially traumatic events with mental health outcomes among populations exposed to mass conflict and displacement: a systematic review and meta-analysis. JAMA, 302: 537–49. Thabet, A. A., & Vostanis, P. (2000). Post-traumatic stress disorder reactions in children of war: A longitudinal study. Child Abuse and Neglect, 24, 291- 298. Verger, P., Dab, W., Lamping, D.L., Loze, J. & Rouillon, F (2004). The psychological impact of terrorism: An epidemiologic study of posttraumatic stress disorder and associated factors in victims of the 1995–1996 bombings in France. Am J Psychiatry, 161:8. Vlahov, D., Galea, M. & Resnick, M. (2002).. Increased use of cigarettes, alcohol, and marijuana among Manhattan and New York residents after the September 11th terrorist attacks. American Journal of Epidemiology. Weathers, F., Litz, B., Herman, D., Huska, J., & Keane, T. (1993). The PTSD Checklist (PCL): Reliability, validity, and diagnostic utility. International Society for Traumatic Stress Studies. Weine, S., Becker, D., McGlashan, T., Laub, D., Lazrove, S., Vojvoda, D. (1995). Clinical assessments and trauma testimonies of newly resettled Bosnian refugees. Am.J.Psychiatry, 152,536–542.

76 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

National Development and Institutional Capacity: An Assessment of Development Strides in Nigeria

Abimiku John PhD Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Administration Nasarawa State University, Keffi. Email: [email protected] Tel: 07067494127, 08189381410, Atte John No 5, Onterio Crescent, Son City, Abuja Email: [email protected] Tel: 08033436822 & Bawa Basil Department of Public Administration, Faculty of Administration Nasarawa state university, keffi. Email: [email protected] Tel: 07032179621

Abstract Generally, this paper is designed to assess the issues and challenges facing the Nigerian economy. The method adopted for this study is essentially the content analysis which relies on secondary data from various textbooks, journals, pamphlets, government documents, internet and newspapers which form the bulk of the materials for this article. The study shows that Nigeria has many problems which are but not limited to: poor communication between government and the citizens, corruption, high rate of unemployment, poor educational system, socio-economic inequalities and poor institutions for democracy and development, among others. Based on the followings, we suggest that government should redouble its effort towards increasing the number of well-trained EFCC, ICPC, Police and other security officials and provide them with modern technical equipments such as helicopters, effective communication devices, surveillance cameras, sophisticated arms and ammunitions, trained dogs, adequate patrol vehicles, etc. This will burst their morale in combating corruption, armed robbers, bandits and terrorism more effectively. In addition from up forward review of personnel salaries and allowances will also motivate them to combat corruption and crime assertively and improve their performance. Also, government should periodically organize seminars and workshops for governmental institutions such as lecturers and administrators, as well as captain of industries to enrich their knowledge and learn new ideas on the

77 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

m o d e r n t e c h n i q u e o f c o m b a t i n g i s s u e s w i t h i n t h e i r organization/institutions. Finally, since development is not one side affair, the Nigerian citizens should volunteer information that could lead to arrest of suspected, corrupt leaders, kidnappers and armed robbers. When this is achieved the country will be a place for all, as unity, peace and stability and economic growth will return. Keywords: Development, economic development, administration, institutions and planning. Introduction The pride of any government is the attainment of higher value level of development in such a way that its citizens would derive natural attachment to governance. How-ever, for a nation to be in a phase of development there must be some pre-requisites, which include socio-political and economic stability. The attain socio-economic and political development, successive regimes have projected robust development plans for the economic advancement of the country. These plans include the 1960-1963 plans, the post-civil war plans with focus on the three Rs (Reconciliation, Rehabilitation and Reconstruction), the NEEDs document of the Obasanjo era, Vision 2020, the Economic Recovery and Growth Plan (ERGP), etc. Despite the sweet content of these plans, and the claim that Nigeria is the fastest growing economy in Africa, the country has not met the citizens expectation. Similarly, the country is not considered a developed economy by the international community. Indeed, the country is not reckoned with globally, and the accounts for the ineligibility to be grouped along with the new economic giants of the globe-commonly known as BRIICS countries made up of Brazil, Russia, India, Indonesia, China and South Africa. We are also rated as the 148th position among the 180 countries assessed by the Anti- Corruption Watch dog Transparency International on the 2017 Perception of corruption index. Nigeria scored a lowly 28 out of 100, which is lower than average in the sub Sahara region. Very worrisomely, Nigeria seem to have stagnated despite our vast available land, huge resources from oil, massive youth population, vast market, etc. Things look gloomy as we are now described as the poverty headquarters of the world, overtaking India. It is against this backdrop that this paper is embarked upon, to achieve the following objectives (see the objectives on page 3) i. to identify the Nigerian developmental challenges. ii. to identify the factors responsible for these challenges. iii. to profer ways institutions can be enhanced to address these challenges.

78 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Conceptual Clarification Concept of Development Adamolekun (2007) sees development in terms of the total living condition of people. He highlights some indicators of development, which include; a higher quality of life, higher income, better education, higher standards of health and nutrition, less poverty in society, a cleaner environment, more equal opportunities, greater individual freedom and richer cultural life amongst citizens of a given state. Based on this promise, Todaro, cited by Bello .K (2003), defines development as a multi-dimensional process which involves re-organizational and re-orientation of the entire social and economic systems, changes in structures, attitudes, institutions of acceleration of economic growth, reduction of in-equality, eradication of abject poverty and radical changes in administration structure. From the foregoing considerations about constitute development, and it really is, Dudley Seers (1969), cited by Bello K. (2003). posts that the following three questions have to be asked about what constitutes development in any country: i. What has been happening to poverty? ii. What has been happening to in-equality? iii. What has been happening to unemployment? If all of these have declined from high to low levels, then beyond doubt there has been development for that period they decline from high to low. But if these problems have been growing worst, then there is no development, even if there is an increase in GNP and GDP. Similarly, increase per-capital income without necessarily having a positive impact on poverty, unemployment and social justice, does not translate to development because development should be human centered. Gboyega (2003) captures development as an idea that embodies all attempts to improve the conditions of human existence in all ramifications. It implies improvement in material well being of all citizens, not the most powerful and rich alone, in a sustainable way such that today's consumption does not imperil the future, it also demands that poverty and inequality of access to the good things of life be removed or drastically reduced. Naomi (1995) believes that development is usually taken to involve not only economic growth, but also some notion of equitable distribution, provision of health care, education, housing and other essential services all with a view to improving the individual and collective quality of life. Chrisman (1984) views development as a process of societal advancement, where improvement in the well being of people are generated through strong partnerships between all sectors, corporate bodies and other groups

79 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in the society. It is reasonable to know that development is not only an economic exercise, but also involves both socio-economic and political issues and pervades all aspects of societal life. Concept of National Development National, according to Longman dictionary of contemporary English, refers to a phenomenon that embraces a whole nation. National development therefore can be described as the overall development or a collective socio- economic, political as well as religious advancement of a country or nation. This is best achieved through development planning, which can be described as the country's collection of strategies mapped out by the government. Concept of Development Administration The term “development administration” came into use in the 1950s to represent those aspects of public administration and those changes in public administration, which are needed to carry out policies, projects, and programmes to improve social and economic conditions. Consequently, development administration involves all those actions (policies) calculated to make public administration in the third world more efficient. For an appreciation of what constitutes administrative development, it is necessary to refer to Katz's definition or understanding of the concept (Shafritz,Hyde and Parkes,2004:206). Administrative development involves improving and enhancing administrative capabilities for achieving developmental goals. Administrative development concerns with the development of organization, that is, government departments, public enterprises, regulatory agencies, boards and commissions, public corporations, cooperative institutions. In the context of the third world environment, this aspect of administrative development was particularly noticeable after the attainment of political independence. Concept of Economic Development Economic development is the process by which a nation improves the economic, political, and social well-being of its people. The term has been used frequently by economists, politicians, and others in the 20th and 21st centuries. The concept, however, has been in existence in the West for centuries. Modernization, Westernization, and, especially Industrialization, are other terms people have used while discussing economic development. Economic development has a direct relationship with the environment and environmental issues. Economic development is often portrayed simply as increase in GNP or income. To be precise, economic development consists of the following processes: A marked increase in production capacity which is a function of technological improvement and increased capacity of production that 80 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies become sustained and irreversible. Furthermore, we should note that increased production capacity is a function of increased savings (Jhingan, 2007:31). Concept of Administration The concept of administration tends to connote several things at the same time. For our purpose however, we are interested in that connotation that concerns “cooperative rational action for the attainment of declared objective” (Waldo in Shafritz, Hyde and Parkes, 2004:151). The above understanding of administration could be described as general and that specific understanding of administration would require our utilization of the prefix “public”. In that event, therefore, the word or term “public administration” enables us to differentiate. Moreover, this distinction enables us to further distinguish between publicly defined objectives as against private goals. In the quest to understand the concept of administration, we shall inevitably come across another concept which is management. Ordinarily, management is used to describe those sets of actions undertaken by leaders of organization in their effort to use men and materials for the achievement of organizational goals. In this respect, therefore, it becomes clear why the words management and administration are sometimes used interchangeably. Concept of Planning Planning is based on the theory of “thinking before acting”. Planning is an integral part of our life. We make plans in each and every step of life whether it be to go to school or to buy household goods during shopping. We make plans according to the limitations of our budget and resources to get maximum satisfaction and to fulfill goals from out activities. In the words of Koontz and O'Donnell (1972), “planning is deciding in advance what to do, how to do it, when to do it, and who is to do it. Planning bridges the gap from where we are to where we want to go.” Planning means looking ahead. It is deciding in advance what is to be done. Planning includes forecasting. According to Henry Fayol (1958), "purveyance, which is an essential element of planning, covers not merely looking into the future but making provisions for it. Concept of Institution The meaning of the concept of 'institution' is a hot topic in various disciplines. Generally speaking, institutions refer to man-made rules that govern human behavior (Keizer, 2007b). An increasing number of economists agree that “institutions matter” when explaining economic performance. In sociology, the concept of 'institution' has always been at the centre of analysis. When comparing the concept as used in different

81 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies disciplines, we notice that their meaning differs significantly. When searching for the meaning of a concept we first have to develop an appropriate analysis of the situation in which the phenomenon that must be analysed plays a role. It means that we must develop an effective instrument that explains human behaviour in this respect. Nigeria's Developmental Challenges Nigeria with a population of about two hundred (200) million people is the largest country in Africa, and has the greatest concentration of blacks in the world. It is multi-ethnic, multi-religious and therefore multi-cultural. If properly harnessed, these diversities would have served as a propelling agent for compositeness and positive growth. The negative symptoms are among the lot of the country's problems. Nigeria today is thus plagued by a horde of anti-developmental tendencies. The followings are identified, among others, via: a. Poor Communication between government and the citizens. b. Corruption. c. High Rate of Unemployment. d. Poor Educational System. e. The Challenge of Socio-Economic Inequalities. f. Poor Institutions for Democracy and Development. Way forwards to the various Challenges of Nigeria's Development Stride a. Communication between government and the citizens Poor communication between government and the citizens has slowed down a lot of developmental process in the country. Let look at the case between that American government and Nigerian, government during the sale of Aircrafts, during which the president withdrew from the Federal Government Account to make those payments, without informing Nigerians. On hearing this, the citizens became angry, questioning the president about the step he took without properly informing the citizens. Thus, we can see how poor communication can affect not only the relationship between the leadership and citizens, but can also, at times, result in abuse of power and colossal waste of national resources. To create an enabling environment for socio-economic and political growth in Nigeria, it would require involvement of all stakeholders in the process. The government would need to communicate with its citizens to be able to manage its economic, political and social affairs. This would mean fostering understandable interaction between it, the private sector and state civil society. Therefore, the government should include processes and mechanisms for citizens and group to articulate their interest, to mediate their differences and work together.

82 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

b. Corruption Truthfully, corruption is in every country, but in our country Nigeria, it appears it has eaten up into the every fiber of our existence. It has even been identified as a culture. It is really appalling to say the least. As a parent, would you be proud enough to say that the culture you are handing over to your future generation is corruption? That is what our country is doing right now. Corruption heralded the erosion of role based behaviour and has weakened social cooperation thereby locking the society in a kind of gigantic prisoner's dilemma (O'Donnell, 1989). From this point of view, we feel the best way to address this problem is to discourage the spoils systems practices in the Nigerian government which allow the politicization of recruitment into the public sector by the party in government which has become the order of the day. It is a naked fact that it has become characteristic in Nigeria for the party in government to remove political opponents from and replace them with political associates. This has resulted in corruption and inefficiency in the civil service. The best solution is the in recruitment in the civil service so as to instill decency in the civil service. In the words of Naim (1993), supported by Zamora, Walecki and Carison (2009), the obsession with corruption can be politically destructive as corruption itself. This is so because turning corruption into a political lightning rod can become a way of acquitting dysfunctional institutional frameworks and certain conceptions of the State's role that nurture the problem. Therefore, corruption is not so much a problem in its own right as it is an indicator of the weaknesses and failing of political system and other social institutions. Rather than addressing the abuses, it is the functionality of these institutions that should be addressed by means of a wide ranging reform agenda that will go beyond the mere punishment of abuses (Walecki, 2004). c. High Rate of Unemployment Unemployment is a hot issue in Nigeria, and many people are frustrated with widespread joblessness. Unemployment seems to be on two sides of the coin in our economic issue. It is both a cause and effect of the poor economic situation. There is an increased rate of joblessness due to the economic recession, and at the same time the unemployment state of the country is negatively affecting the economy. For instance, in March 2014, sixteen people were killed in a stampede that occurred when 500,000 desperate job-seekers were struggling to apply for about 5,000 vacancies in Nigeria's Immigration Service. Unemployment is undeniably one of the most damaging problems in 83 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Nigeria, as many people get disappointed due to a widespread of joblessness. It is the leading cause of crime rate among young Nigerian people. d. Poor Educational System The Nigeria's educational system is noubt in shambles. The quality of educational materials used in most of our institutions are decades old and not in consonance with modern standards. Hence most lectures are mostly more or less theoretically based with little practicals. Consequently, our poorly baked graduates cannot compete or perform adequately in the job market. Corruption and bribe is also a growing culture in the educational system. From the top academics to the lowest, and from the top non-academic management cadre, corruption has become the leading way to passing exams or success in school. e. The Challenge of Socio-Economic Inequalities An important aspect of nation-building is the building of a common citizenship. But how can we have a common citizenship when the person in Ilorin has a radically different quality of life from the person in Yenagoa? Or when the woman in Gusau is more likely to die in childbirth than the woman in Ibadan? Through the development of the economy and equal opportunities for all, or through the development of social welfare safety nets, mature nations try to establish a base-line of social and economic rights which all members of the national community must enjoy. Not to enjoy these socio-economic rights means that the people involved are marginalized from national life. That is why in many Western European countries, contemporary nation- building is about preventing 'social exclusion' or the exclusion of significant segments of the population from enjoying basic social and economic rights (Ibrahim A. 2008). In Nigeria, however, not only are many of our citizens denied basic rights such as the right to education and health, there is also serious variation in the enjoyment of these rights across the country. As a consequence, a citizen is not motivated to support the state and society, because he or she does not feel that the society is adequately concerned about their welfare. Secondly, socio-economic inequalities across the country fuels fears and suspicion, which keep our people divided. Theforeging inequalities pose two related challenges to nation-building. Firstly, high levels of socio-economic inequalities mean that different Nigerians live different lives in different parts of the country. Your chances of surviving child-birth, of surviving childhood, of receiving education and skills, all vary across the country. The disparity is such that if different

84 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies parts of Nigeria were separate countries, some parts will be middle income countries, while others will be poorer than the poorest countries in the world! A common nationhood cannot be achieved while citizens are living such parallel lives. Inequalities are a threat to a common citizenship. Secondly, even in those parts of the country that are relatively better off, the level of socio-economic inequalities and protection is still low by world standards (Ibrahim A. 2008). Poverty and nation-building are strange bedfellows, whether the poor are 20percent or 85percent of the population. A largely marginalized citizenry, increasingly crippled by poverty and the lack of basic needs, can hardly be expected to play its proper role in the development of the nation. Nations are built by healthy and skilled citizens. On grounds of both equity and efficiency, we need to promote the access of the bulk of the Nigerian population to basic education, health, and housing. Nigeria needs a social contract with its citizens as a basis for demanding their loyalty and support (Ibrahim A. 2008). f. Poor Institutions for Democracy and Development One of the greatest challenges of nation building is the challenge of institution building. Whether nations are able to manage their political and social disputes peacefully, without lapsing into conflict, or sustain economic growth without creating huge inequalities, critically depend on the quality of the relevant national institutions. There are three important components to institution building: setting the rules; hiring persons with the technical expertise and moral competence to interpret the rules or implement the goals of the organisations; and ensuring that the institutions inspire public confidence by being transparent, fair and consistent. These are also the standards by which the performance of any organisation, in particular, public sector organisations should be measured. This shows that the act of creating the organisation itself is not as important as its proper functioning and overall effectiveness. In this regard, Nigeria needs to create or strengthen institutions that would help achieve the national goals of democratic governance and sustainable development. How institutions can be enhanced to address the challenges i. Institutions for fostering public integrity When we refer to the courts or the ICPC or Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) as institutions that fight corruption; we imply that these organisations do not only operate or enforce a set of rules, but also aim to create a system of values that rejects the abusive use of public position for private gains. Today, there are three institutions that are dedicated to fostering integrity

85 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in the public sector: the Code of Conduct Bureau [CCB], the ICPC and EFCC. Together, the ICPC's mandate include reviewing public sector systems and procedures with a view to eliminating pitfalls for corruption, public enlightenment and mobilization against corruption and enforcing the law in these areas. By contrast, EFCC has the mandate to combat 419 crimes, money laundering, and terrorist financing and fraud in the financial sector. Yet, there is also growing sense among the public that there is an overlap in functions between the ICPC and EFCC. However, those knowledgeable with the statues creating the ICPC and EFCC argue that the main area of overlap is in the definition of economic crime as including corruption. The anti-corruption bodies have met the criteria of inspiring public confidence in their work. That public confidence will be raised much higher if the functions are delineated in a way that can easily be grasped by the public. ii. Institutions for delivery The civil service is the main instrument and institution of public service delivery. Traditionally, the civil service performs three functions: supporting the policy making function of government at the federal, state and local government; facilitating or regulating the private sector; and providing managerial leadership for operating pubic sector enterprises. The capacity of the Nigerian civil service to perform its statutory functions is critically dependent on its ability to attract and retain competent and highly skilled persons in the professional category; the willingness to offer attractive pay and benefits package; and the modernisation of the office infrastructure. The reforms of the federal civil service has rightly focused on improving the pay package, increasing the number of staff in the professional category and improving service to the public through the Service Compact with Nigerians (Servcom). Nonetheless, much remains to be done both in improving the office infrastructure in the civil service and in bringing public servants' attitude to the standards of many emerging economies. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the new pay scale has done much to improve overall conditions of the civil servants. While high pay may not offer a guarantee against fraud and corruption, it is a major incentive to work harder and show commitment to public service. iii. The Judicial Institutions The Judiciary is an important institution in any democracy. It does not only arbitrate disputes between the various levels of government, between government and citizens, and among citizens, but also among private

86 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies sector agents. Given its pivotal role in national stability and economic prosperity, some of the major features of good institutions noted earlier are particularly relevant. These are that judicial institutions should have persons with the technical expertise and moral competence to interpret the rules or implement the goals of the organisations; and ensure that the institutions inspire public confidence. In recent times, the Supreme Court, the apex court in the country, has inspired much public confidence and respect because of the quality of its judgment, especially in some politically sensitive cases. In some ways, the gradual maturity of the democratic process in Nigeria, where politicians now prefer legal recourse rather than to local rampage with their supporters and loyalists, is directly linked to the growing public confidence in the courts. Election-related disputes should be addressed in the courts –be they electoral courts or ultimately in judicial courts –and not through violence. There are multiplying instances of election-related violence tearing apart the social fabric in several African countries. Nigerians have also needlessly shared much blood in the past. If Nigerians are beginning to realise the futility of shedding blood in elections disputes, this owes much to our judiciary, which has provided reasoned judgment on several cases. Nonetheless, the responsibility for conducting free and fair elections and accepting results should not be left to the judiciary alone. Democracy cannot be built solely on court orders or judgment of electoral tribunals. iv. Institutions for Economic Governance The functioning and effectiveness of a market-based economy such as Nigeria relies on several institutions. It requires an institution to regulate the supply and flow of money and the financial system (Central Bank); to allocate capital to firms and individuals (Banks and Stock Exchange); to insure against commercial risks (insurance firms); to insure individual bank depositors against loss of up to certain amount (deposit insurance); to enforce contractual obligations (courts); and to collect revenue for the government (fiscal authorities). The performance of our national institutions of economic governance is a mixed one. However, the reform of the financial sector has strengthened public confidence in the banks especially, and opened opportunities for our banks to extend their reach to other parts of the region. How to spread the benefits of growth and development to all, in other words, to achieve equitable growth is a major public policy challenge. In Nigeria, little effort has been made in that direction. The key instruments for sharing include unemployment insurance, access to affordable housing, and access to health. 87 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Empirical Review Benyin (2016) argues that development is said to be a predictor that determines whether a country is progressing or not. A critical assessment of Nigeria's development despite her abundance in human, natural and material resources, reveals that the country is yet to achieve the desired expectations as clamored by her citizens. The findings reveal that despite the country's attempt to advance development, several challenges have posed a great threat to her progress. These setbacks range from imposition of policies on her citizens, lack of adequate human resources or capital to implement development plans/policies, corruption and lack of credible leadership, among others. The paper concludes that once the identified setbacks are tackled, then, development will be realized in the country. Tolu Lawal and Abe Oluwatoyin (2011) stae that development is critical and essential to the sustenance and growth of any nation. A country is classified as developed when it is able to provide qualitative life for her citizenry. Nigeria in the last fifty years has been battling with the problems of development in spite of huge human, material and natural resources in her possession. This paper discusses the problems affecting national development as well as strategies for achieving sustainable development in Nigeria. The paper concludes that faithful implementation of development plan, commitment on the part of the leaders and absence of corruption are required for the achievement of sustainable development in Nigeria. Olayiwola (2010), in his work on challenges in economic growth and development planning in Nigeria, observes that global trend shows that increased growth rates have failed to answer questions like: what is happening to employment/ unemployment? What is happening to the quality of education? What is happening to the provision of health services? What is happening to housing /shelter? What is the quality of governance, particularly, the participation of the citizens in how they are governed”… “Growth without Development in Nigeria” is nothing. He also states out that economic development refers to a sustainable increase in living standard. It implies higher per capital income, better education and health and environmental protection. He therefore suggests that public policy must generally aim at continuous national and sustained economic growth and expansion of the nation's economy so that “developing countries” become “developed”. He argues that economic development process involves the adjustment of national institutions to give incentives for innovation and investment so as to develop an efficient production and distribution system of goods and services. From the foregoing few empirical studies, one can see that developmental challenges have affected the growth of the Nigerian economy, which has

88 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies made the country to be underdeveloped, thus, effort should be made towards strengthening institutions to help undertake the developmental process towards making the country a safe place for everyone to live. Institutional capacity can be enhanced to address the challenges of development in the country. Conclusion and Recommendations This paper has attempted an overview of conceptual issues in development challenges. That the pride of any government is the attainment of higher value level of development in such a way that its citizens would derive natural attachment to governance. However, for a nation to be in a phase of development, there must be some pre-requisites, which include socio- political and economic stability. Although Nigeria has many problems which are but not limited to: Poor Communication between government and the citizens, corruption, high rate of unemployment, poor educational system, socio-economic inequalities and poor institutions for democracy and development among others. There is an urgent need for the Nigerian government to take a decisive step to tackle the problem of development across the country. This could be attained through the implementation of the following recommendations. i. Long term planning backed up by proper legislative framework will make for consistency in policy formulation and implementation – continuity will make way for incremental progress. ii. Government should devise best ways of strengthening institutions rather than personalities. Requisite work tools and relevant modern investigation and combat trainings be given to law Enforcement Officers in the ICPC, the EFCC, the DSS, etc. This will enhance their capacity and knowledge and they will be more equipped to tackle the issues of corruption with systematic and professional touch. iii. There is urgent need to dust up the reports on Educational Reforms, harmonize them for implementation. Learning and research should be encouraged in tertiary institutions. iv. The National Orientation Agency (NOA) should liaise with relevant stakeholders to make every Nigerian to be proud of his/her country. v. Government should intensify all efforts to diversify our economy from oil to manufacturing and agricultural sectors. The present speed on Nigeria Development Strides can best be described as that of the moving snail. This is why we are not part of the BRIICS group neither are we called a respected nation when 89 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

the G8 group meets. We need to take the challenge.

References Adamolekun, L. (2007). Governance Context and Re-orientation of Government. In: Adamolekun, L. (ed) Public Administration in Africa: Main Issues and Selected Country Studies. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited, pp.3-16. Benyin, (2016). Development and Its Challenges in Nigeria: A Theoretical Discourse. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences ISSN 2039-9340 Fayol, H. (1958). General and Industrial Management. (trans. C Storrs). London: Pitman. Gboyega A (2003). Democracy and Development: The Imperative of Local Governance. An Inaugural Lecture, University of Ibadan, pp 6- 7. Ibrahim A. (2008) The Challenges of Nations Building: The case of Nigeria. First Year Anniversary Lecture Mustapha Akanbi Foundation. Sheraton Hotel Abuja, Nigeria Jhinga, M. L. (2007). The Economics of Development and Planning. Delhi: Vrinda Publications (P) Ltd Koontz & O'Donnell, (1972). Principles of Management: An analysis of managerial functions, 5th ed (New York: McGraw-Hill) Naim, Moses (1993): Paper Tigers and Minotaurs, Washington, D.C, Carnegie Endowment for International peace. Naomi O (1995). Towards an Integrated View of Human Rights. Hunger Teach Net, 6(3): 6-7. O'Donnell, G (1989): Privatisation of Public Enterprises in Brasil, Nueva Sociedad, No 104 (November - December) Olayiwola (2010), Challenges in economic growth and development planning in Nigeria: International Monthly Refereed Journal of Research In Management & Technology. Volume II, January'13 Punch Newspaper, (2018). Sunday Punch, September 16, 2018 vol. 22, No 2015, P. 47 Saharareporters.com (2018). Saharareporters.com/..transparency internal ranks Nigeria. New York. Seers, D. (1979). The Meaning of Development, with a postscript. In D. Lehmann (ed). Development Theory: Four critical studies. New York: Routledge.

90 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Sen, A. K. (1973). “On the Development of Basic Income Indicators to Supplement GNP Measures”, Economic Bulletin for Asia and Far East, United Nations, 24. Shafritz, J. M; Hyde, A. C. Parkes, S. J. (2004). Classics of Public Administration (Fifth Edition).USA: Wadsworth/Thomson Learning. Todaro, M. P. (1979). Economics for Developing Nations. London: Longman Group Limited. Todaro, Michael P., Stephen C. Smith (2006) Economic Development. Harlow: Pearson Education Limited. Tolu Lawal and Abe Oluwatoyin (2011), National development in Nigeria: Issues, challenges and prospects. Journal of Public Administration and Policy Research Vol. 3(9), pp. 237-241, November Walecki, Marcin (2004): Political money and corruption, Transparency International, Global Corruption Report, Special focus: Political Corruption; London, Pluto Press.

91 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Kuteb-Chamba Relations in Former Takum District, Wukari Division, 1810-1939 Abdulsalami M. Deji, PhD, Ibrahim Joseph Tende Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo, Taraba State E-mail: [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract Societies and groups in Africa were mutually inter-dependent and coexisted harmoniously in the pre-colonial era. This is contrary to Eurocentric views which regarded African societies as “tribes” which were isolated and antagonistic to each other. The Chamba and Kuteb had hitherto enjoyed varied degrees of relations from cordial to hostile phases, especially in the pre-colonial period. The slave raiding activities by some Chamba groups and the incident of colonialism in the area further added new dimensions to the relationship between Kuteb and Chamba in former Takum District. This paper traces the origin and migration of the Kuteb and Chamba to what became former Takum District. The paper equally discusses the pre-colonial Kuteb-Chamba relations in the area, and throws light on how colonialism contributed immensely in aggravating the seed of discord between the Kuteb and Chamba in the area. A multi-dimensional approach was adopted for data collection and analysis. Key Word: Pre-Colonial, Colonial, Origin, Migration. Introduction: Former Takum District which was occupied by the Kuteb and other groups was one of the oldest administrative units in the former Wukari Division. This District can be described as a melting pot of peoples: received streams of migrations. In essence, it served as a reservoir of immigrants. This region was, and is still, inhabited by the Kuteb and other groups, among which, included the Jukun, Ichen, Kpanzo, Hausa, Chamba, and Tiv. The early people who migrated into the area settled in clusters loosely demarcated from each other. 1While the Kuteb are found both in Takum town and its environs, the Kpanzo and the Chamba settle mainly within the town, however, a majority of the latter are mainly found in the south-western portion of the area. The Hausa are concentrated only within the town. While the Tiv are found in the western and north-western parts, and the Ichen are found both on the northern and north-eastern parts of the area.

92 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Climate The climate of the study area has the usual features of the Middle Belt of Nigeria with a rainy season of 200 to 220 days per year. The rainfall varies from 1250mm in the North to 2500mm in the south. Mean annual temperature ranges between 26.700c and 27.800c with somewhat lower temperatures in the south. The Vegetation The vegetation of the study area is basically classified into two zones within the southern savannah area. The first is to the North of about 70 15'N and is located in the South of the first zone and is dominated by Isoberlinia doka, and Savannah wood land 10-16 meter high.2

Origin and Migration of the Kuteb and Chamba, In Former Takum District The Kuteb The Kuteb [Kutep] people are an ethno-linguistic group who speak the Kutep language. Like most ethnic groups in the Middle-Belt region, the origin of the Kuteb is not quite known. However, none of the groups that is found in the area today, including the two under study, claims to have evolved from within the locality. A version of the Kuteb traditions has it the people descended from one man called Kuteb and his wife, Kubab, who were said to have lived in Hill.3The tradition goes further to state that when Kuteb became very old and about to die, he decided to hand over the leadership of the household to the eldest son, Akente [Likam], and with time, according to the tradition, the descendants of Kuteb multiplied greatly. This situation was said to have made Akente to call for a meeting of the clan. And it was agreed unanimously that they should migrate from their settlement on Ussa hill north-wards to seek more land for both farming/hunting and settlement. This dispersal brought them to their present habitat, which was said to have been un- occupied by human beings.4 The Kuteb are divided into two sub-groups, Likam and Ayigiben.Likam consist of the following clans: [1] Likam, [2] Akente [3] Lumbu [4] Aribur [5] Bika [6Atswen [7] Atutawa [8] Aswe. Ayigiben are said to be huntsmen who wandered away from Likam in search of game and later settled at Achillo hills. The Ayigiben Sub-clan seemed to have mixed with other elements for they claim to have cross the Donga River connected with some certain Kentu and Mashi and two other tribes across the Cameroun boarder known as Mbese and Mbefe respectively. For administrative purpose, the clans were disintegrated into two units. [1] Achillo and its

93 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies subordinate hamlet of family group s [2] The Bete-FeteLufu-Kapya group.5 The disintegration of the Ayigiben clans seemed to have resulted from two main causes, both connected with the mountainous nature of the country they inhabit. The first was the difficulty in obtaining sufficient farm lands and the attack from some Chamba groups.6The whole clan acknowledged the final religious authority of Achillo, in the same way as the Kuteb Sub-tribe acknowledges the superiority of the senior clan whose seniority was not denied even by Achillo. The Ayigiben clan never considered any sub-clan as superior. Rather, it adopted some form of democratic arrangement whereby the subgroups usually met essentially as equals for the purpose of settling dispute among them.7 The whole tribe possessed certain cohesion, the main tie being religion. In this sphere, the seat of the final authority was Likam, the senior kindred, who simply acted as the head of the council consisting of various clan heads. The original tribal cult was kept at the hill top of Mbarikam hill. The cult was known as Lukwe, which were caves in the hill. The chief priest was the Kukwen; each clan had its own Lukwe, the possession of which, indeed, was the mark of independence. The same arrangement is obtainable among the Kuteb up to date.8 Composition and Arrival of the Chamba In Former Takum District The Chamba of Nigeria does not constitute a single ethnic unit. They are found living in scattered groups over a large area. They migrated from the Fombina area, having entered the Faro and Deo river system in the eighteenth century to their present habitats which embrace part of Takum, Suntai and Donga Districts. The Fulani Jihad in Adamawa coincided with the distribution of Chamba in the Central Area. After being driven from their original habitat by the Fulani, they formed themselves into war bands under personal leaders who determined to compensate themselves by conquest for the lands which they had been forced to evacuate. The Chamba speak two distant but related dialects: Chamba Daka to the west Nnakenyare in the southern Shebshi Mountains, and the to the east of the Alantika Mountain.9Originally, the Chamba Daka lived around the Shebshi Mountains while the Chamba Leko lived in the East with concentrations around the confluence of the Faro and Deo rivers, the boundary between the two peoples was marked by the Alantika Mountains. A Chamba tradition reveals that they came into Takum in 1810, in three different migrant groups at different times and under different independent personal leaders. Succession was hereditary in the family of the migrating band. The first group was led by Loya Garbosa who came around 1810. They left Dindi moving south, camping near Koncha at Tipcchen and later 94 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies moved south west and made a crossing of River Gazadu, where its leader, Loya Garbosa, was drowned. Members of the alliance or group apparently found difficulty in maintaining unity, and defection occurred, which accounted for the foundation of Kunga, Gangkwe, Nukpo, Gamie, Gauma, Rafin-Kada, Akate, Garvyon and Bason in the first half of nineteenth century.10 Another Chamba group was led by Gyando, whose descendants are found in the Takum area. It is argued that he and his retinue had earlier been involved in the movement of Chamba contingent into Bamenda Grass field. Then a third group was the Pere (Peli) led by Mudi, which is known as Modi in Benue traditions and Muti in Bali traditions. Their descendants are found in Bali Chamba Chiefdom, and are said to have introduced Chamba-led people into the Kashimbila area of Nigeria. Finally there was another Chamba group, the Ba'ni of Gawolbe, whose descendants founded the five Bali Chamba Chiefdoms of the Northwest Region of Cameroon. The Gawolbe group moved south-westward raiding and amalgamating followers from the Kufad, Tikali, Nabuli, Babele, Sungneba, Buti, Kontcha and Ti.It should be noted that in as much as the Modi and Gawolbe groups were separate and independent, they were said to have raided together unto the Bamenda Grassfield.11 Early Kuteb-Chamba Relations 1810-1912 Overtime, Takum communities had interacted with one another in diverse forms for mutual and complementary benefits. The interactions between Kuteb and Chamba covered areas of trade and commerce, marriage, culture and occasionally conflicts as discussed below: Economic Relations The early relationship was very cordial from the beginning. This led to the Chamba acquiring skills in hunting and brewing of local beer, 'shin'. The Kuteb, on the other hand, learned the skill of cloth weaving [Kyaa], which they sold locally. There was exchange of goods and services such as salt, grains and cloths. This was evident in their first contact when the Chamba presented some lumps of salt to Ukwe Ganza [Yakuba], 1815-55, the then Kuteb Chief, which J.M Fremantle referred to as Yakuba Sarkin Markam.12 Trade and Commerce Economically, Kuteb and Chamba had trade relations in varying capacities of comparative advantage. As subsistence farmers, the Kuteb and Chamba exchanged farm products, on the basic of comparative advantage. They both complemented each other in this sense, Trades goods like salt, horses, slaves, European cloths [when colonial rule was introduced]; metal implements were exchanged by the groups in Takum. The popular Rufu market was attended by Chamba and other ethnic 95 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies groups in Takum. Precious stones and items like necklace [Suwakwa], horse [Nkinsu]. Cowries [Wari], waist bead [Bwita] were some of the items traded in Takum by the Kuteb and Chamba.LenyolGana confirmed this when he observed that, his father who died in 1939 usually travelled to Ussa and Takum area to sell and buy goods. Similarly, Kuteb traders used to travel to as far as Suntai and Tissa where they bought items such as melon seed, and Kyraa [all kind of native cloth] from the Chamba.13 Horses were some of the items of trade between the Kuteb and Chamba. Horses were used for various ceremonies, including the festival of Iri and burial. The horses were brought to Takum from Wukari and Igala land for exchange for land and grains. In most of the Chamba settlements, the ownership of horses represented wealth and prestige, and also served as high point of the burial rite and ceremonies of the elite. The brave long distance Kuteb traders also travelled to Wukari in Jukun land to purchase horse. Other Chamba settlement like Donga, Nukpo and Chan-Chanji were also involved. The distribution of horses was dominated by the Jukun and Chamba. Although horses were generally expensive, there were still lucrative markets for them in Takum and Kashimbila areas.14 Another trade item of note was salt. Salt served dual purpose: it was generally used for seasoning food and as legal tender. Processed local salt came from Arufu, where there are brine lakes. The salt came in two forms: either as a condensed brine or evaporated brine. With time, Chamba traders also travelled to Wukari to buy salt which they supplied to their neighbors. By the 19 century, some Kuteb traders would travel to Arufu and Wukari to buy the salt themselves.15 Unfortunately, the friendly relation that existed between these groups in their early contact was altered by the activities of some Chamba groups who took to waylaying the neighboring Likam and Akente kindred's. Slaves were procured in a variety of ways. The major source of slave acquisition usually came from prisoners of war captured during confrontation from both side. Others sold were criminals and those who breached taboos. However, a substantial fraction was made up of victims of violence who were either kidnapped or captured in wars16. From several accounts, kidnapping was frequent, but could not however supply as many slaves as outright wars. In general, slave trade in pre-colonial Takum was done on a house-to-house basis. This could have been the reason why there was no slave market in Takum. The reason for adopting this method instead of an open market was to avoid a possible location of victim by parent or relation. These slaves would be under guard at the camp of Chamba until late in the night when they would be brought to Gangwe from where they were marched to Akati and later sold. There were normally three destinations for slave which left Takum. The first 96 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies and probably the oldest were Donga and the other two destinations were Igala land and Bauchi.17 Initially, the slaves were procured from warfare. The mode of procurement only changed at the height of the slave trade when Chamba hegemony was established and commercial tentacles traversed the whole area. One can also conclude that slaves, agricultural products and salt constituted major items of trade that facilitated exchange of goods between the Kuteb and Chamba during pre-colonial period Socio-Cultural Relation Although many observers tend to harp on the Kuteb- Chamba wars to the total neglect of the strong ties between the groups through marriage, festivals and development. Culturally, the influence of the Chamba over the Kuteb was minimal. In Dewar's intelligence report, he clearly stated that: Zompere social organization does not appear to have been greatly affected by external influence. Jukun cults on the other hand have undoubtedly had considerable influence on the religious life of the Zompere. But it seems that such influence has never gone very deep and never really touched the underlying “orthodox Zompere belief .18 Notwithstanding the history or rivalry between the Kuteb and the Chamba, Kuteb-Chamba relation was not solely a record of wars and enslavement. Tradition also speaks of the two groups coming together during traditional festivals. The Kuteb festival of Iki used to draw Chamba participation as in the case with the Chamba 'Lera dance', and the Ndadiban' festival cult which was attended by Kuteb participants.19 Inter-group marriages were also important aspect of Chamba-Kuteb relations and this date back to the time of the first group of migrants under Garpon. This relation was further strengthened when the Chamba got settled, inter-marrying mostly with the Akente kindred's. Kuteb-Chamba Military Relation It is said that initially the Kuteb and the Chamba had maintained cordial and friendly relation until the followers of Mudi and Kumboshi started attacking Lissam with the aim of capturing the Zumper women folks and children. The Zompere [a derogatory name] in their turn used to waylay and recapture their women folks from the Chamba camp and held them safe at Lissam.20 The warring Chamba elements constantly moving from one place to another comprised mostly men and only an insignificant proportion of women. As a result, the women folks of their host communities have often become their target of attack. As far as their raid on the Kuteb settlements were concerned, apart from food, slaves, and merchandise, one major factor was their desire for Kuteb women. As a result, it is extremely difficult to talk about a pure Chamba man or woman or a wholly Chamba community in Takum because 97 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of the series of inter-marriages that have being going on since the time of the first contact.21 The unfriendly relation that had been set in motion by Kumboshi's activities continued unabated. Dewer state categorically that: Shortly after Garkie's arrival Kumboshi's and Garkie attacked Lissam with the object of re-capturing for his Chamba followers the Zompere wives who had been hidden from them there.22 They besieged Lissam unsuccessful for two years at the end of which news came to them of the arrival of Mudi at Kashimbila of another band who also came to the assistance of Kumboshi. But in spite of the combined force the Chamba suffered a heavy defect with Zobdi, the younger brother of Kumboshi among the dead. After the foregoing ill-fated event, Kumboshi and Mudi returned to their camp. Not long after, Kumboshi had a fight with Garkie and drove him from Jenuwa by threatening him with an evil charm, Garkie left Jenuwa with many of Garpon followers; Garkie moved toward Wukari and founded the town of Donga. This action made Kumboshi lord over Takum.23 The defect of Garkie at Jenuwa frightens every Kuteb clan, many of whom fled, some to Lissam, the majority to Lumbu. Kumboshi followed them and, diplomatically, convinced them back to live in Takum plain bringing about a political change of power in Takum. He laid siege at Lupwe, one of the remaining Kuteb settlements during the course of which he died. Kumboshi was replaced by Gboshi, who succeeded him and unsuccessfully besieged Fikyu. Later he moved the Chamba headquarters to Lupwe, about four miles south of Takum. He was succeeded by Yakuba and, with growing number of Zumper at the plain; he became nervous and allowed Lumbu, Bika, Lissam and Jenuwa to return to their hills, leaving Likam and Akente at Takum. He made further attack at Arufu and Kunabe but lost the battle. He eventually returned to Lupwe where he died. The next Chamba chief was Galumje, who finally dismissed Likam and Akente to their hill. After the reign of Galumje, the succession was disputed between Yakubu Tigee and Kachalla. Yakubu won the throne with the aid of the Chief of Donga, Garbany. Yakubu is said to have rewarded the Chief of Donga with the Kwetsa family group of Akente the descendants of the 8th Ukwe of kuteb.24probably, this accounts for the huge number of Kuteb in Donga. Kachalla in is part went into Tiv land, carrying along with him also the Kuteb family group of Ganza also from the Akente group. Yakubu Tigge continued to witness a series of rebellion. One of such rebellion came from Yamusa. After suppressing Kachalla uprising, Yamusa began to lay claim to the Chamba leadership, he was later joined by Kachalla at Jenuwa and also aided by Ihar Tor of Masev kindred of the Shitire south 98 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Tiv. Yakubu had to seek the support of Dankaro, Hausa war machinery whose name is notorious all over the Benue Valley. It was Mr. Hewby of the Royal Niger Company and his constabulary who came to the assistance of the Chief of Takum. Yamusa was captured and deported to Rafin Soja at Wukari Division. Later on, he was restored to his position as District Head of Takum, only to be dismissed for slave raiding.25Meanwhile, Kachalla retreated to Tiv land where he eventually met his death in a fight with Mr. Hewby' troops. Zumper who followed him from Jenuwa suffered heavy losses at the hand of Yakubu and Dankaro In Dewer intelligence report, he described the Chamba as an exceptionally intelligent and virile tribe….. They possess something of the faculty for administration of the Fulani's a tribe with whom they were for a long time associated.26 The Chamba military strategy of coming into Takum in different groups with each with its own leaders and followers and their superior warfare experience and combined together enabled them to inflict the slightest numbers of casualties and control over the Kuteb group with a vague temporary authority. It was only the Achillo and Acha groups that were not besieged by the Chamba. They took refuge in Lissam, Sambo, Kpambo, Puri, and Jenuwa clans.27 With the conquest of most of Kuteb clans a Chamba dynasty was established. The Likam's [as they were then called] were subdued for about eighty years after some hard fighting with the Tikari, who then established an effective administration over the conquered clans of Kuteb. The Ukwe of Lissam was kept prisoner in Takum till he died. The Tikari practice every kind of extortion on the Likam who they renamed Zompere [cannibalism].28 Kuteb-Chamba Relations, 1912-1939. This period covered the era of colonial rule in the area. The colonial period opened up with the activities of European commercial firms on the rivers Benue, -Ala and Ibi. Trade relations between the European firms was characterized by hostility, rivalry and cut throat competition. Eventually, however, Sir Tubman Goldie bought over all the competing firms and amalgamated them into the United African Company. However, in 1900, the control of the Southern and Northern Nigeria Protectorates was passed from the Company to the Crown. It is said that: On 17th October, 1884, Bula and the head man of Ibi signed a treaty with National Africa Company conceding their land to the Company. The treaty was signed before Mr. H Hewett, the British Consul for the Bight of Benin and Biafra. Mr W Wallace and Mr Macintosh signing on behalf of the Company.29 From 1886-1899, Ibi was the administrative headquarter of the Royal Niger Company along the Benue river. The Ibi station served as the

99 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies collecting center of the produce from the hinterland. Middleman from Ibi bought the goods from the interior, which they resold to the Company's agent. The expansion of trade with the establishment of Ibi station led to the development of trade routes which trove the area. In order to ensure regular supply of commodities to the coast, the agent of the Royal Company endeavored to see that peace and tranquility was maintained on the trade routes. Takum District was the main area from where most of the products brought to the Ibi station came from. The Company was therefore determined to make the region 'trouble free' to enable successful flow of trade. Thus, when in 1895 there was a revolt in Takum District against the ruling chief, the Company did not hesitate to send its Constabulary to deal with the situation. The intervention was motivated mainly by the commercial activities in the area and was not so much aimed at helping Yakuba Tigge, the ruling chief, to retain his power. The crisis posed a threat to the Company's trade because it led to the stoppage of trade along the vital Takum-Kashimbila route from whence came cash crops in its abundance.30This formed the basis for the remark by Fremantle that: Kachella, a stout hearted renegade of Takum ruling family, in 1894, had become a danger to the caravans on the route south of Ibi, and was even threatening Takum itself from Jenuwa and his stockade retreat among the Tiv in the bush some forty miles west of Takum. A onstabulary force from Ibi under Lieutenant Arnold in August 1895 attacked Kachella Camp but failed to take it. In July 1896, a force left Ibi under lieutenant Festing, Lieutenant Parker and Dr. Cargill for Kachella which was taken by assault and destroyed and Kachella himself killed.31 As early as 1890, the Anglo-German boundary settlement split the Takum District into two parts, with the southern region falling under German administration. With the defeat of Germany during the Second World War, it was amalgamated to the northern Takum District, and it became part of British administration.32 Before the amalgamation, there was the fear that the southern people might move into Obudu Province if they were made to understand that they had to pay tax to be incorporated into Northern Nigeria. However, this problem did not alter the transition probably because of the oppressive rule to which the German had subjugated them. They enthusiastically welcome their merger with the other groups under British rule. In January, 1913, the southern portion of the Zompere tribe which was un-administered District in the Obudu District of southern Nigeria was then included into the Zompere District of the Muri Province.33 Initially, Takum District was administered directly from the 100 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Divisional headquarters at Ibi. But by 1916, Takum became a self- governing native authority. It had a custom station where tariff on rubber, ivory, and kola nut from Bamenda and southern Takum were levied. It also had its treasury, police force and prison yard. Until 1925, for administrative convenience, the District was merged with Donga, Wukari, and under the name of Wukari Federation. But what is of interest to us here is the fact that where in many places the imposition of British rule was greeted with sporadic revolts or resistance, in Takum no such uprising took place. This was the result of the politics in the area before the coming of the British. It has been noted that the Chamba hegemony was characterized with extensive slave raiding, which made the imposition of British rule a welcome idea.34 Conclusion This paper has attempted to throw some light on who the Kuteb and Chamba peoples are, their origin and migration as well as their intergroup relationship in Takum Area. The work has also examined the climate and vegetation of former Takum District. The paper equally reveals that, even though colonialism undoubtedly provided a new platform that deepened contacts and interactions between the Chamba and Kuteb, it also created conditions that increasingly made intergroup relations essentially antagonistic. This feature of interaction became even more prominent during the terminal phase of colonial rule in the Takum area.

References 1. Hassan E.L: The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba Peoples of Takum: A Study in the history of Inter-Ethnic Relation from 1900-1993 2. Araen, S. A (2017): Impact of Boundary and Chieftaincy Disputes on Kuteb People of Takum and Ussa LGAS; www.academia.edu 3. R.B. Ukwen: 1983.“The Kuteb and their Neighbors; A Case of Conflict and Cooperation”. B.A ]His] Project, submitted to the Dept. of History, University of Ibadan, also cited in M.I Gambo in M.A Dissertation, “Kuteb-Jukun Relations in Takum Area of Gongola State from the 19th century to 1960”, . 4. Rev. DR. Sadiq U. Mgbe. [1989] Kuteb People and their neighbors. Printed by Wisdom Life Productions Donga road opposite Civic Center 5. Mgbe S, 1976, Know the story of the Kuteb……….

101 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

6. Hassan E.L: The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba people of Takum: A Study in the history of Inter-Ethnic Relation from 1900-1 7. Dewer K. NAK: SNP17/21837/1935; Benue Province, Wukari District, Intelligence Report on 8. Dewer K. NAK: SNP17/21837/1935; Benue Province, Wukari District, Intelligence Report on 9. Fadon R. 1983. Chronology of Pre-Colonial Chamba History Paideumg: MitterlungenZurKutturkunde Bd. 10. Fadon, R .1983. Chronology of Pre-Colonial Chamba………… 11. Fadon, R .1983. Chronology of Pre-Colonial Chamba………… 12. J.M Fremantle 1913: “Extract from Niger Company” Muri Province Southern Zompere District 13. Interview, LenyolGana, farmer 90 Years, Takum, September, 2017. 14. Interview, TitaRikwen, farmer 101 Years, Takum, September, 2017. 15. Interview Rimande Ibrahim Traditional Musician 97, September, 2017 16. Hassan E.L: The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba people of Takum: A Study in the history of Inter-Ethnic Relation from 1900-1993 17. Interview, TitaRikwen, farmer 90, Takum, September, 2017.

18. Dewer K. NAK: SNP17/21837/1935; Intelligence Report on………. 19. Interview, Nugamia Basho, farmer 90 Years, Takum, November, 2016. 20. 92. Hassan E.L: The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba people of Takum: A Study in the history of Inter-Ethnic Relation from 1900- 1 21. 93. R.B. Ukwen: 1983.“The Kuteb and their Neighbor; A case of Conflict and Cooperation”………… 22. 94. Dewer intelligence Repot……….. H. Hamilton 1913: Assessment Report, Muri Province, 23. 95. Ahmed Musa Ibrahim 2001: “The Takum Crises and Miniature” ……….. 24. 96. K, Dewer intelligence Repot……….. H. Hamilton 1913: Assessment Report, Muri Province, 25. 97. J.M Fremantle, 1919: Gazetteer Muri Province…… 26. 98. Dewer K. NAK: SNP17/21837/1935; Benue Province, Wukari District, Intelligence Report on

102 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

27. 99. Gambo, M.I., Kuteb Migrations and Inter-group Relations: BA Thesis University of Jos 28. 100. Dewer K. 1935; Benue Province, Wukari District, Intelligence Report on……. 29. . J.M Fremantle 1913: “Extract from Niger Company” Muri Province Southern Zompere District 30. Hassan E.L: The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba Peoples of Takum: A Study…………… 31. J . M F r e m a n t l e 1 9 1 3 : “ E x t r a c t f r o m N i g e r Company”…………….. 32. Gambo, M.I., Kuteb Migrations and Inter-group Relations; B.A. Thesis, University of Jos, 1979 33. Hassan E.L: “The Kuteb, Kpanzo, and Chamba people''……. 34. F, H, Ruxton NAK/SNP/10/1728/1913: Assessment Report Muri Province Southern Zompere District.

103 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

An Analysis of Policy Strategies and Implementations of Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria

Sheriff Garba, PhD Department of History Faculty of Arts and Education Yobe State University, Damaturu, Nigeria. Email: [email protected] [email protected] Phone No: +123 -8032104918 & +7014697755

Abstract Despite their contributions to the national economy, the nomads, particularly the nomadic pastoral Fulani, are among the most neglected of Nigeria's ethnic groups. Untouched by modernity, the nomadic pastoral Fulani wander ceaselessly with their animals in treacherous weather conditions, especially in the tropical rain, heat, and extreme cool. Often these migrant Fulani come across life-threatening obstacles such as droughts, diseases, enemies, and cattle thieves. Concerned about the plight of the pastoral Fulani, the Nigerian government has ventured into a policy of educating and improving the well-being of the nomadic pastoralists, particularly that of their children. The government of Nigeria believes that learning is the primary means of upgrading the socio-economic condition of the nomads in order to reduce their suffering. This study argues that the policies that were formulated and implemented were based on a development model and assumptions. The successes or failures of this model and these assumptions are debatable. This is because the nomadic educational program is constrained by sectarian and cultural issues. In addition, it is characterized with poor policy formulation and implementation. The study further argues that nomadic education is yet to lift the literacy and standard of living of the nomadic pastoral Fulani. On this strength, the study attempts to preview the historical evolution and policy formulation as well as implementation strategies of the program. By so doing, it discusses some of the major reasons why the program failed to achieve the desire objectives of educating the Nigerian nomads in general. Some recommendations are provided in order to correct some of the mistakes, done where possible, and not to repeating in order to prevent them in future programs. Keywords: Policy; Strategies; Implementations; Pastoralists; Fulani; Nomadic; Education; Government; failure.

Introduction The eradication of illiteracy has been one of the most important concerns

104 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of all tiers of gopvernments and there is a national commitment to that effect. To achieve this aim, special attention was geared towards making basic education more accessible to educationally disadvantaged groups such as the nomads. The pastoralist nomads are made up of the Fulani (5.3m), the Shuwa (1.01m), the Koyam (32,000), the Badawi (20,000), the Buduma (10,000), and the Dark Buzzu (15,000). The Fulani are found in 31 out of 36 states of the Federation, while the other pastoralists are mainly found in the Borno plains and shores of Lake Chad (Ezeomah, C .et al. 1988). To this effect, the National Commission for Nomadic Education (NCNE) in Nigeria and the Millennium Development Goals' (MDGs) office in the Presidency made giant strides in developing an education method to enlighten and educate the children of Transhumant Pastoralists in the country. The major development model being used to this objective that of modernization that seeks to change traditional pastoral life-style. For instance, the issues of settling the pastoral Fulani and educating their youth are issues that have direct human development aspects than resource management. However, the failure of the program has been associated with so many shortcomings that serve as major hindrances for achieving the desired objectives. While some of shortcomings were because of weak Governments' policy formulation, implementation, and commitments, some have to do with the Nomadic Fulani's unwillingness to send their children to the schools because the policy strategies are not in agreement with traditional pastoral ways of life. In addition, the predominantly Muslim Fulani reject the nomadic schools, fearing that their children will become Christianized. Conclusively, the assessment of the governments' Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria, however, shows that the model has not worked, especially among the nomadic pastoral Fulani where foreign and government interventions have failed miserably. This paper is therefore an attempt to access the success or otherwise of the program as well as to proffer some solutions to the challenges impeding the success of the program. Historical Evolution of Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria The desire to provide education to the nomads dates back to the early 1970s when the various state governments in northern Nigeria viz: the defunct Gongola, Borno, Bauchi, Kano, Kaduna and Plateau states initiated different kinds of educational experiments for the nomads in their

105 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies respective states. Some of these experiments included the one-teacher mobile scheme in Borno State, integration of nomadic education with education of sedentary population in Kano State, establishment of a nomadic education division in the Ministry of Education in Plateau State, etc. (Ezeomah C. 1982). Unfortunately, these experiments, despite the good intentions of the various state governments, failed to achieve the desired results. Some of the constraints of these first attempts included lack of work force and expert knowledge to tackle the problems; lack of a clear government policy to guide the development of nomadic education; lack of effective administration and coordination; lack of relevant curriculum; inadequate research findings to guide educational planning; unsuitable delivery mechanisms; and the use of teachers with little or no understanding of the nomads' ways of life. The 1979 Nigerian Constitution demands that the government ensures fair learning opportunities for its citizens based on the understanding that education serves as the springboard for social and economic change. This constitutional provision is a reaffirmation of Article 26 of the United Nation's 1984 Universal Declaration on Human Rights, that "everyone has the right to education." Hence, the government of Nigeria has committed itself to literacy enhancement of the Fulani. The national policy on education stresses that "...education is the birth right of every child, and education should be brought close to the environment of the child, which is why all who have mediated on the art of governing humankind have been convinced that the fate of any society depends on the education of the youth (Federal Republic of Nigeria 2000). Consequently, Professor Jibrin Aminu, former minister of education declares: “...wandering clans of Nigerian cattle breeders are as much a part of Nigeria as any major tribe. Therefore, it is only right that they also partake of the same rights and privileges as the rest of us.” (Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999). The nomadic education program started officially in November 1986, after the Yola National Workshop on Nomadic Education which resolved as follows: “...the nomads needed a fair deal through the

106 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

provision of education and other social amenities to reciprocate their contribution to national building...” (Gongola State 1986). Prior to 1986, the problem of educating minority populations in Nigeria was practically unheard of, except in some university circles. A few attempts were made by states or local governments to register nomadic children for attendance at school, and some Fulani ardo'en (chiefs) were urged to encourage their subjects to enroll and attend nomadic schools. A few local governments attempted to erect schools for nomads, which were not supported by the intended recipients. Efforts to force them to attend school were met with emigration. It was therefore concluded that mobile schools, which suit to the nomads' lifestyle and aim at providing functional literacy to them, should be instituted at the state level. It was also argued that 'the nomads must have a role in planning their own lives and those of their children, on the understanding that imposed programs are doomed to failure.' Consequent upon the foregoing challenges, a proposal for a large- scale nomadic education program was then drafted. In 1984, the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) for nomadic education programs in Bauchi, Gongola, and Jos States made a very significant contribution to the official introduction of Nomadic education Program in 1986. The United Nations Development Program contribution was to be matched by Nigerian government counterpart funds. (Federal Republic of Nigeria 1993) It was during 1986 that a more open concern for nomads' education emerged. After the 1986 conference, the first major official attempt to study the feasibility of effective implementation of the Nomadic Education Program was made by educationists from the University of Jos. Supported by the Minister of Education, they began to draft a national plan for nomadic education because state and local governments were incapable of implementing large-scale programs, of soliciting international development funds, and of dealing with nomads who move across state boundaries. The team from University of Jos (UNIJOS) was then commissioned to expand its research into ten northern states, focusing on plan implementation. Shortly thereafter, they informed United Nations Development Program that the program, to which it had contributed, had not begun on schedule and was to commence in 1988 (Federal Ministry of Education 1987). It is important to state that, after the Yola conference, similar conferences continued to be held on nomadic education. The debate in such 107 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies conferences and in the academic circles centered on the following three issues: i. Should the nomads be settled first before they are educated? ii. Should schools be designed explicitly for nomads, even if it is at the expense of other people's education? iii. Are mobile schools the best and most feasible way of preserving and enhancing the nomadic livelihood while providing nomads with functional literacy? An assessment of Settlement Scheme for Nomadic Pastoralists The issue of settling nomadic cattle breeders is one, which, for many years now, has generated considerable discussion in Nigeria's government circles. There are several obvious reasons for this official interest in settling Nigeria's livestock owners. It is estimated that pastoral Fulani livestock owners control over 90% of the total national herd but have no right to land: the movement of herds limits their access to social facilities such as health issues and education. The debate on settlement scheme of nomadic pastoralists has attracted the interest of economists, geographers, demographers, and anthropologists more than any other issue in pastoral nomadism. Different scholars of different fields that are concerned with human development have also written so much on the subject. The discussions have generated two opposite views on Fulani resettlement. One view points to the lack of benefit in stopping the movement of the Fulani. The other view shows the advantages, if not the necessity, to settle the Fulani in order to improve their living condition. The proponents of settlement usually base their arguments on four considerations. First, movement is difficult and taxing to the Fulani and their livestock. Second, movement brings conflicts between farming and grazing communities. Third, the government finds it difficult to reach the nomadic Fulani and to provide essential amenities to them. Fourth, uncontrolled movement of the Fulani across national boundaries threatens national security (Frantz C. 1980). The antagonists of settlement of the pastoralists observe that almost universally, the government's resettlement policies are adverse. The opponents express four concerns: First, raising livestock under sessile conditions leads to a waste of marginal land resources. Second, pastoralists experience more veterinary health problems after settling down. Third, the 108 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies adjustment to a sedentary lifestyle is traumatic for the pastoralists, costly, and burdensome on the government. Fourth, the quality of life of nomadic pastoralists drops after the being settled. According to them settlement devastates rather than promotes the socio-economic status of the nomads, (Aronson D. 1980). The Objectives of Decree 41, 1999, on Nomadic Education In consonance with the provisions of the National Policy on Education, which urges governments to provide equal educational opportunities to all Nigerians, and in order to ensure that nomads have an unfettered access to basic education, the Federal Government promulgated Decree 41 of 1989, which established the National Commission for Nomadic Education (NCNE). The program has three broad goals: to raise the living standard of the rural nomadic community; to harness the potentials of the nomadic Fulani; and to bridge the literacy gap between the nomadic Fulani and the rest of the society. Consequently, by September 1988, all northern states, and even a few southern states, launched nomadic education programs, each receiving approximately half a million naira to support their activities according to their needs. The formal launching of the nomadic education program signaled the beginning of a nationwide campaign. This made available substantial Federal funds to the states' education ministries so that they could develop and implement their own programs. Right from the beginning, four university-based Nomadic Education Centers were established to provide academic support services to the program. The Centers, which are statutorily assigned specific functions, include: i. University of Jos for Research and Evaluation; ii. Usmanu Danfodiyo University Sokoto, for Curriculum and Materials Development; iii. University of Maiduguri for Teacher Training and Outreach; and iv. University of Port-Harcourt for Research, Training, and Curriculum (Ezeomah C. 1988). The National Commission for Nomadic Education charged with the responsibility of implementing the Nomadic Education Program focuses two broad goals as follows: i. to provide the nomads with a relevant and functional basic 109 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

education; and ii. to improve the survival skills of the nomads by providing them with knowledge and skills that will enable them raise their productivity and levels of income and participate effectively in the nation's socio-economic and political affairs, (Federal Republic of Nigeria 1993). In order to attain the goals of the program, the National Commission for Nomadic Education has focused on three key activities viz: i. the provision of primary education to children of nomadic pastoralists and migrant fishing communities; ii. the provision of extension education to adults in nomadic pastoralists' communities; and iii. the establishment of linkages with state and local governments, national and international Non- Governmental Organizations (NGOs) and donor agencies, for collaboration and partnership in the implementation of the Nomadic Education program. The nomadic education program has a multifaceted schooling arrangement to suit the diverse transhumant habits of the nomadic Fulani. Different agencies are involved in the educational process. These agencies include the Ministry of Education, Schools Management Board, and the National Commission for Nomadic Education, the Agency for Mass Literacy, and the Scholarship Board. They work together to offer a mobile school system where the schools and the teachers move with the nomadic Fulani children. The National Commission for Nomadic Education (N.C.N.E.) began functioning in January 1990 with 206 schools, 1,500 students, and 499 teachers. The schools taught modified curricula in English, arithmetic, social studies, and primary science, developed by the Usmanu Danfodiyo University, Sokoto. To adapt to the work rhythms, nomadic schools run morning and afternoon shifts, and children rotate between herding and schooling, (Muhammad N. D. 2000). By mid-1988, information about the utility of education had rapidly spread among the pastoralists, emanating from the state's nomadic education unit through the ardo'en (chiefs) and through the Mi-Yetti Allah (Cattle Breeder's Association). At this time, the nomads were enjoying the

110 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies national attention accorded them. Policy Strategies and Implementation of Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria The generation of data for planning and curriculum development is an important landmark in the implementation of the Nomadic Education Program. As a result, the four (4) designated Universities that were burdened with the task of providing suitable and efficient strategies for successful implementation of the Nomadic Education Program in Nigeria provided the following policy strategies. Research The planning of education for any group of people cannot be successful in the absence of an accurate base line data. It is in recognition of this that several studies aimed at determining the population, lifestyles, occupational roles, locations, duration of stay in the locations, prevailing migratory and camping practices, availability of educational provisions and their related successes and problems were conducted on the various groups of nomads by the Centre at the University of Jos. The studies were conducted at different times through the financial and technical support provided by the Federal Government of Nigeria and some international agencies, viz United Nations Development Project (UNDP), United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO), and the World Bank, in the case of the first study conducted in 1988. However, when the National Commission of Nomadic Education was established in 1990, financial and technical support provided by government to the Center came through the Commission. These studies served as a major precursor to the design of an appropriate educational program. Curriculum Development and the Development of Pupils Texts The findings of the studies mentioned earlier led to the development of a specific educational program for the nomads based on an adapted national curriculum. In pursuance of the objective of providing relevant education to the nomads, a University-based Centre devoted exclusively to the development of curriculum and texts was established. The Centre, which is located in Usmanu Dan Fodiyo University, Sokoto, commenced the development/adaptation of curricula materials in eight subjects viz: English, Mathematics, Social Studies, Islamic Religious Knowledge, Primary Science, Fulfulde, Handicraft, and Health Education in 1990. The exercise was completed and approved in 1994 by the National

111 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Council on Education, the highest educational policy-making body in the country. Similarly, the Centre completed the development of pupils' texts in eight subjects, for the children of nomadic pastoralists. (Junaid M. I. 1987) By January 1991, the Nation Commission for Nomadic Education had spent N72, 930 to produce textbooks in the four curricula areas. The first prototype of a collapsible, mobile classroom, manufactured by the Federal Science Equipment Manufacturing Center, Enugu, was tested on April 23, 1991, (Muhammad, N. D., and Ardo A. A. 2003). Teacher Training Program The success in the implementation of the Curriculum depends on the classroom teacher. The Nomadic Education Curriculum makes enormous demands on the teacher. In realization of this, the Commission considers teacher training on the implementation of the curriculum as very fundamental. This is done annually by the Nomadic Education Centre, University of Maiduguri for serving teachers in the nomadic schools in the various zones. About 2,575 teachers have been trained out of the total number of 4,218 teachers in 1,350 Nomadic schools in the country during the period under study (National Commission for Nomadic Education 1999). However, some state governments with the support of United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) have also conducted training workshops for the teachers in their schools. In addition, to the training workshops, and in recognition of the need to address the problem of inadequate teachers both in quantity and quality, the National Commission for Nomadic Education collaborates with the Federal College of Education, Yola, in the pre-service and in-service training of teachers at Nigeria Certificate in Education (NCE). The Nigeria Certificate in Education is the nationally prescribed minimum qualification for teachers in Nigeria. At the primary levels, they are taught Primary Education Studies on Nomadic ways of life and Fulfulde. Furthermore, in recognition of the problem of recruiting teachers who are willing to live and work for long with the nomads, the Department for International Development (DFID) of the British Government sponsored an innovative teacher education project at the Federal College of Education Yola. It recruited young people aged between twelve and eighteen from the nomadic communities and trained them as teachers. It is intended that they will remain in their communities and provide continuous service even when their families move. It is on record that sixty students drawn from Taraba and Adamawa States underwent the training (National Commission for 112 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Nomadic Education 1999). Development and Installation of Suitable Delivery Systems Whenever possible, arrangements will be made for such children to assist their parents in the morning and go to school in the evening. To conform to the work rhythm of the children and their migratory patterns, suitable delivery strategies have been adopted for program implementation. Flexible time tables and shift system are being used in the operation of the school system. This has become necessary in the light of the central role child labor plays in the nomadic pastoralists production system. These strategies have engendered increased enrolment and effective teaching and learning in the schools. To ensure an unbroken learning process due to the frequent migrations of the nomads, mobile collapsible classrooms and motorized purpose-built boat schools for the pastoral nomads and migrant anglers in the northern and southern parts of the country, respectively, have been developed. The mobile collapsible classrooms are made up of canvass and light aluminum props. They can be dismantled, carried on animal backs, and assembled by the nomads themselves. Some of the classrooms are equipped with audio-visual teaching aids, (National Commission for Nomadic Education 1999). The collapsible mobile classrooms, though were not enough to cover many centers, yet demonstrations were made in some centers to test their efficiencies and effectiveness. Those without permanent buildings were complled to use any alternatives such as sitting under a tree or locally made shades. Adult parents also attend the pupils' class in most cases under the trees attending to the same teacher. The adult attendances in the pupils' classes were intended in order for them to begin the appreciation of the nomadic education program by the government. The images of some of the schools and classes have for long been a symbol of the beginning of the nomadic education program among the Pastoral Fulani groups in Nigeria. Figure 1. Classes under Shade of Trees.

Source: Fieldwork 1996 113 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Distance Learning Scheme To improve literacy, especially in the rural areas, the government introduces radio and television educational programs. The government supplies the hardware such as radios, televisions, and electric generators. It also builds viewing rooms for public use. This interactive distance learning system involves an integrated use of radio broadcasts, print and other audiovisual media. The aim is to use cost effective approaches for making basic education more accessible to the nomadic pastoralists and improving the quality of tuition in nomadic schools. A pastoral Fulani is a captive audience for radio and television programs. Most Fulani have radios, which they carry along during herding. The literate world can reach the nomadic Fulani without disrupting their herding, (Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999). Monitoring Unit This goes beyond the routine supervision and inspection of schools, in that it is more systematic and is broader in scope. It involves; the development of performance indicators; drawing up annual plans for the conduct of the monitoring exercise; and the involvement of other bodies in the monitoring exercise, notably the Inspectorate Services Department of the Federal Ministry of Education. It has branches in all states of the Federation, which were the Nomadic Education Units in the states and leaders of the nomadic communities, (National Commission for Nomadic Education, 2002). Collaboration and Partnership The rationale is to broaden the National Commission for Nomadic Education's revenue base, obtain assistance from various national and international donor agencies, and promote inter-agency and international cooperation in the implementation of Nomadic Education. Collaboration and partnerships in program delivery were hitherto restricted to some few United Nations agencies such as United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization and United Nations Children's Fund. Shortcomings of the Policy Strategies and Implementations Weak policy strategies and implementation characterized the nomadic education program right from its onset. Firstly, a top-to-bottom planning, where the nomadic Fulani are the recipients rather than the planners of their education, dominates the nomadic education policies. For instance, during the first national workshop on nomadic education, only a few nomadic Fulani were invited to attend. Ironically, it is at this 114 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies workshop that far-reaching decisions that will affect the lives of the nomadic Fulani are taken. Because of the non-participation of the nomadic Fulani in decision-making, a simplistic approach to educational planning is adopted, (Tahir G. 1998). Secondly, the curricula make it difficult for the students to re-enter the pastoral life after graduation. For example, the first seven recipients of nomadic education in Nigeria have studied medicine, accounting, pharmacy, or education. None of the students has returned to nomadic life or pastoralism, (Tahir G. (Ed.) 1992). Thirdly, advices on nomadic education are sometimes emotional, forwarded with ill intention. Planners fail to take account of the government's inability to provide specialized services. For example, just to impress the public, the government has rushed into policy pronouncements for mobile school system without considering the difficulties in getting teachers, monitoring students, and developing suitable curricula. The nomadic education curricula are unsuitable, if not an impediment, to learning. For example, the use of English for instruction at the elementary school level is inappropriate. Learning in the English language is difficult for the nomadic Fulani children who have yet to master their own language. The problem is that due to cost the government cannot develop Fulfulde language to replace English as a medium of instruction in schools. Furthermore, the curricular, according to the Miyetti-Allah Cattle Breeders Association of Nigeria (M.A.C.B.A.N.), focus on teaching irrelevant topics such as cockroach breeding, how to play basketball? In addition, how to climb mountings, among others. These things that look down upon their cultures and lifestyles do not interest the nomadic Fulani. Tahir G. (1996) adds: The formal schools provide the literacy needed in modern times, but their content is too foreign to the pastoralists. They teach the value of sitting in offices behind desks, rather than the value of the land, (Tahir G. 1996). Instead of teaching pastoral procedures, formal schools spend too much time on teaching history and cultures of societies the pastoralists least know or want to know about. In another angle, shortage of funds also limits government efforts to provide formal education in Nigeria. The funds released to the Commission

115 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies are very inadequate vis-à-vis the range of tasks it is expected to accomplish. States that have started nomadic schools are burdened by the costs. The state governments are finding it hard to pay the teachers, supply furniture, or repair the furniture. Some states are closing down the schools or ordering them to go on extended vacations because the classrooms are inhabitable. Insufficiency in funds has led to inadequacy in education among the rural dwellers, (Nkinyangi J. 1981). The under-funding of nomadic education is partly blamed on inaccurate demographic data. The lack of reliable statistics on the nomads leads to planning based on guessing. There was much confusion as to the actual number of the nomadic schools, types of school facilities and number of teachers in various locations. Lack of authentic data in these areas made planning for nomadic education very difficult, (Tahir G. 1998). In line with the shortage of funds, there is a general lack of adequate instructional materials, particularly pupils' texts in the nomadic school system. Although the Commission has completed the development of pupil's texts for all levels of primary schooling, it lacks the funds for the production of the texts, (Ezeomah C. 1982) Likewise, the uncertainties of the movement of the nomadic Fulani make educational planning and student monitoring difficult. Unscheduled out-migration due to environmental failures or conflicts between the farmers and the pastoral Fulani disrupts school operations and classroom composition. Report from the National Commission for Nomadic Education's Monitoring Reports and State Coordinators' Reports in 1995 indicated that about half of the pupils who have attended the school in the previous season have moved. Many nomadic Fulani ascribe erratic attendance and low enrolment in school to habitual movement. In fact, shifting settlements prevent the children from improving their literacy. Because of the movement, the teachers face the extra task of adjusting their teaching to fit the dynamics of the transient population, (NCNE Monitoring Reports and State Coordinators' Reports 1990-1995). Nevertheless, the number of teachers in nomadic schools is grossly inadequate. This inadequacy is most glaring if viewed in the context of the poor quality of the teachers, that is, up to 53.4% of teachers in nomadic schools lacked the nationally prescribed minimum teaching qualification as at 1994. Added to this is the indiscriminate transfer of teachers from nomadic to conventional schools without replacement by Local Education Authorities and the difficulty of retaining teachers posted to facilitate their work and nomadic schools. Some teachers cannot endure the rigorous movement of

116 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the Fulani. The initial zeal among unmarried teachers--and most teachers are unmarried--in nomadic schools fades soon after such teachers marry. Teaching then becomes a second or a third career choice for these teachers. In spite of the obvious problems of educating the mobile population, the government cannot make settling a precondition for establishing schools in the rural areas, (Ezeomah C. 1987). The nomadic schools are stationed inappropriately: few in densely populated areas, and many in sparsely populated areas. On the one hand, having many schools in the pastoral areas attracts non-Fulani children and accentuates competition for other resources. On the other hand, having few schools discourages the nomadic Fulani from participating in education. Considering the routine grazing treks, some schools that seem close enough to the homestead may actually be beyond the walking distance of the children. The nomadic Fulani usually complained that the schools are far from their campsites. The extra walk to school is taxing to the health of the herding children. If they manage the extra trek, the children arrive in school too fatigued to learn. The major hindrances to school attendance are the daily grazing movement and the lack of labor substitutes. Unlike farmers who use child labor marginally, the nomadic Fulani rely heavily and continuously on children for labor. A nomadic Fulani man will not send his child to school even if an adult is available to tend the animals because the child needs to learn the herding skills. The reliance on juveniles for shepherding task, not ignorance, or conservatism, therefore, explains the poor participation of the pastoralists in formal education. The nomadic Fulani cannot engage their children who make up sixty-eight percent of the herding labor-force in educational pursuits. Time-sharing between routine grazing trips and school attendance is a nomadic Fulani dilemma. The persistence of the foregoing problems is causing the roaming Fulani to remain educationally backward. Problems that plague the delivery of education to pastoral Fulani also retard their socio-economic growth. These problems fall within three broad areas: the goals, curricula, and the effects of formal education in Africa, (Ezeomah C. 1982). Responses of the Nomadic Pastoralists to the Program It was certain that since late 1987, some nomads had heard of the education program but largely were opposed to it. It was obvious, since the nomadic educational program is constrained by sectarian and cultural issues. The predominantly Muslim Fulani reject the nomadic schools,

117 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies fearing that their children will become Christianized. This fear is unfounded, when one glances at the history of western education in Nigeria. First, the nomadic Fulani are drawing from previous experience when the missionaries, who brought Western education to Nigeria, mixed education with Christian evangelism. Second, accusations are made against teachers who preach Christianity in some nomadic schools, (Fafunwa A. B. 1974). Many nomads see little benefit in sending their children to school while their herds are left unattended. Their reluctance to become sedentary persists. Some even argue that they are certain the government simply intends to exploit or to trick them into forfeiting their livelihood. For instance, when asked about the program, one Fulani ardo (chief) exclaimed: Huwatta! (It will not work!) Many other things must be done before we can think about educating our children. First, the government must provide us with necessary facilities, such as vaccines, grazing reserves, and cattle routes. However, even if they do all of this, they will not find teachers with the necessary culture and endurance to follow us through the bush. (An interview with Ardo Suleh Tukur (67 years), cattle breeder, Maiduguri Cattle Market, Jere Local Government Area, 15th June 1997) This is what one of the leading pastoral Fulani that owned about two hundred (200) heads of cattle and a semi-settled Fulbe around the Lake Chad waterway of the Borno Drainage had to say about the program: Some people came here and asked us questions. They wanted to know if we would send our children to school. We told them yes, that if they build a school for our children, at least some of our children would attend, even if they have to trek for 20 kms. Nevertheless, they will have to be sure that our cattle are not affected, because our life depends on them. The people who came here only asked about education and not about our problems. We want to settle, but there is no land for us. We have difficulty in taking our cows from here to dry season pasture, and

118 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

farmers make us pay just to graze the stubble from their corn stalks. We have difficulty in obtaining necessary vaccinations for our cattle. The people who came here were not interested in our problems, they only asked us if we want education and we never saw them again. (An interview with Modibbo Usman Ahmadu (70 years), cattle herder, New Marte satellite village, 20th September 1995). Furthermore, the conventional school system creates a taste and an appreciation for Western goods and lifestyle. The nomadic Fulani worry about what will become of their children when they finish school. In other words, the pastoral Fulani are concerned about the attitude of their children who go to school and graduate with ideas that are at odds with traditional pastoral practices. Nkinyangi (1980, 51) quotes a Fulani leader's comment in a meeting on curriculum development: We are not opposed to the idea of getting our children to schools, but we fear that at the end of their schooling they will only be good at eating up cattle instead of tending and caring for them, (Nkinyangi J. 1981). Accepted as a force in changing values, Western education, pastoralists say, adulterates the traditional values. Older nomads worry, that education will breed a generation that is susceptible to the thoughts of settled society. Nomads allege that education softens the youngsters, especially girls, and weakens their commitment to traditional values. Therefore, the success of nomadic education program depends largely on vigorous and continuous outreach programs in the rural areas. Consequently, government has embarked on village-level campaigns using radios, village announcers, and rural cinematography. However, because the nomads lack centralized authorities, these campaigns run into difficulties in reaching individuals in isolated areas. The nomadic educational drive is limited to a few people in village precincts, which may not be within the territories of the wandering Fulani. Conclusion Although the government has spent millions of naira in nomadic education program, the measure of educational attainment among the pastoral Fulani remains low. The quality of education among them is mediocre at best. The program is affected by defective policy, inadequate

119 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies finance, and faulty school placement, incessant migration of students, unreliable and obsolete data, and cultural and religious taboos. Experts attribute the root of pastoral problems to lack of anthropological advice. Decisions are made without feasibility studies and impact analyses of the target beneficiaries. As a result, the pastoral Fulani reject the recommendations of the planners. Despite obvious failures in the past, mistakes still recur. As Hjort (1980, 50) explains, “It is as if the planners are not learning any lessons” (Hjort A. 1980): Actually, things began to go wrong because policymaking and implementation of the programs were left in the hands of foreign experts with the scrappiest data and understanding of how the pastoral Fulani operate. As cited in many of my previous literatures, “since Nigeria's independence, foreign specialists guide the preparation of the country's Development Plans, (Konczacki Z. 1978). This study is of the view, and argues, that it could have been easy to recommend resettling the nomads as a workable solution to the apparent intractable problem of educating them. In that case, it would be better, first, get them settled, and then introduce the conventional school system. Settling down, in such a situation, becomes a prerequisite for education, or it could be better that education for the nomads' goes alongside with the process of settling them. Not yet acceptable, because settlement processes and running the program of educating them at the same time will be too expensive, complicated, and will take a long time. It is argued that if not for improper or faulty approach, educating nomadic children do not have to wait that long, (National Commission for Nomadic Education. Annual report 1990; pp. 21-23). Largely, this micro study strongly calls on both national and international education research scholars and centers to formulate suitable and virile policy strategies that the government will conveniently implement in educating the Nigerian nomads. Otherwise, their human rights for obtaining basic education alongside with other ethnic groups in the nation are denied and abused. References Aronson D. (1980): 'Must Nomads Settle? Some notes towards policy on the future of pastoralism.” Ezeomah, C. (1987): The Settlement Patterns of Nomadic Fulbe in Nigeria: Implications for Educational Development. Cheshire: Dean House Limited. Ezeomah, C. et al. (1988): “Statistical Survey of Nomads in Ten Northern 120 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

States”, Jos: Nomadic Education Unit. Ezeomah C. (1982): “Movements and Demography of Fulani Nomads and their Implications for Education Development” In, Proceedings of the 1st Annual Conference on the Education of Nomads in Nigeria Jos, Nigeria: University of Jos. Fafunwa A. B. (1974): History of Education in Nigeria, George Allen & Unwin Boston Sydney London. Federal Ministry of Education (1987): “Blue-print on Nomadic Education,” Lagos: Government Printers. Federal Republic of Nigeria (2000): “Implementation Guidelines for the Universal Basic Education (UBE) Program,” Federal Ministry of Education, Abuja, Nigeria. Federal Republic of Nigeria (1999): “Ensuring Access and Equity in Basic Education for Nomads in Nigeria.” A presentation to the Association for the Development of Education in Africa, ADEA. Federal Republic of Nigeria (1993): “National Policy on Education.” Lagos: Nigeria Government Printer. Frantz C. (1980): “The Open Niche, Pastoralism, and Sedentarization in the Mambila Grasslands of Nigeria.' In, P Salzman (ed), When Nomads Settle”: Processes of Sedentarization as Adaptation and Response New York: Praeger 22. Gongola State (1986): “Report on Nomadic Education in Gongola” Second National Workshop on Nomadic Education Yola, Nigeria, Nov 4-7 Gongola State, Ministry of Education. Hjort A. (1980): "Herds, Trade, and Grain: Pastoralism in a Regional Perspective." In The Future of Pastoral People: Proceedings of a Conference Held in Nairobi, August 4-8, 1980, by the Institute of Development Studies. Nairobi: Institute of Development Studies. Junaid M. I. (1987): “Education and Cultural Integrity: An Ethnographic Study of the Problems of Formal Education and Pastoral Fulani in , Nigeria”. Ph.D. Thesis (Department of Education, University of York, 1987). Konczacki Z. (1978): The Economics of Pastoralism: A Case Study of Sub-Saharan Africa. London: Frank Cass. Muhammad N. D (2000): “Language use in Primary Education: A Case Study of Fulfulde Nomadic Schools in and Taraba State”. A Ph.D. Thesis, Faculty of Education, A.B.U. Zaria. Muhammad, N. D., and Ardo A. A. (2003): “Provision of Adult Education and Literacy Amongst Pastoral Nomads in Nigeria,” paper

121 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

presented at a National Workshop on the Development of an Action Plan for the Eradication of Illiteracy in Nigeria. Confluence Beach Hotel, Lokoja, 27th – 30th April 2003. National Commission for Nomadic Education. Annual report (1990); pp. 21- 23 National Commission for Nomadic Education (1999): “Federal Government Intervention in the Education of Nomads in Nigeria, 1996-1999.” National Commission for Nomadic Education (2002): Monitoring Report 2002. NCNE Monitoring Reports and State Coordinators' Reports (1990-1995) Nkinyangi J. (1981): Education for Nomadic Pastoralists Premier press Lagos, Nigeria. Tahir G. (1998): “Nomadic Education in Nigeria: Issues, Problems, and Prospects.” Journal of Nomadic Studies, Volume I No.1 1998. Tahir G. (Ed.) (1992): Education and Pastoralism in Nigeria, Zaria: A.B.U. Press. Tahir G. (1996): “Vision and Mission of Nomadic Education in Nigeria”: Paper delivered during the NCCE National Conference on Vision and Mission of Nigerian Education; 22-25 July 1996 at the NTI Conference Center, Kaduna.

122 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

A Historical Analysis of the Causes and Effects of Herders - Farmers Conflicts in Taraba State

Iorkile Sewuese Rachael Department of History, Faculty of Arts Benue State University, Makurdi Nigeria & Nwagu Evelyn Eziamaka Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University

Abstract Since the Fourth Nigerian Republic in 1999, farmers-herders violence has killed thousands of people and displaced tens of thousands more. The trend enveloped almost throughout much of the western Sahel due to an expansion of the population of the agricultural communities associated with the encroachment on cattle routes on one hand and the deteriorating environment conditions, desertification and soil degradation; breakdown in traditional conflict resolution mechanism, struggle over land and water resources, proliferation of small arms and crime in rural areas, on the other hand. This paper, therefore, attempts to examine or assess how these factors contribute in one way or the other in the ongoing farmers-herders conflict in Taraba state. Both primary and secondary sources contributed enormously in the supply of information used in this study. The paper has also proffered some of the recommendation as the panacea for taming the tides farmers-herders conflicts in the state. Key Words: farmers, herders, conflicts

Introduction Over the last decade, clashes between indigenous farming communities and nomadic herdsmen have increased in several parts of Central Nigeria, including the country's eastern flank (IDMC 2008). For instance, on 4/3/2003, herdsmen from neighbouring Chad attacked the rural town of Dumne in Borno state killing 40 people. [1] In the same year, Udawa cattle herders attacked and burned 34 farming villages in Adamawa and Gombe states in Feb and March, 2003, resulting in 63 deaths, 563 injured and 23,700 displaced [2] (International Federation of the Red Cross-IFRC 2003, cited in IDMC 2008). Such conflicts have spread to other parts of west Africa including Nigeria (Igna 2011)[3] Tonah in his studies as cited in Ufuoku and Isife (2006) confirmed that conflicts between farmers and nomadic cattle herders have become a common feature of economic livelihood in West Africa [4]

123 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Back home in Taraba State in 2002, similar conflicts occurred on the Mambila plateau, which, resulted in dozens of deaths and forced more than 25,000 Fulani herdsmen to flee across the border to Cameron [5] in recent time, farmers-herders conflicts have escalated in Taraba State. The attacks, particularly on the farming communities, have resulted in loss of lives and properties as well as displacement of native farmers cutting across all the 16 Local Government Areas of the state. The magnitude of the disaster is, indeed, very horrific in nature. This development is clear departure from the relatively peaceful or harmonious relationship that existed between the farmers and herders in time past. This calls for serious concern as the negative effects of this crisis-ridden relationship on the socio- political and economy of the indigenes of Taraba and their neighbors cannot be overemphasized. In the light of the foregoing, this paper has tried to examine the historical perspectives of the relationship between the farmers and herders in Taraba state prior to the emergence of the negative trend. The paper has tried to identify the immediate and remote causes of the farmers-herders conflicts in Taraba state. Efforts have also been made to examine the role played by government and other groups over the herders-farmers conflicts in the state

Historical Perspectives of the Relationship between Herdsmens and Farmers in Taraba State Just as how the Tiv people of Benue state use to live a peacefully among there settlers the herdsmen before crisis set in, so it is with the Mambila ethnic group, the Kona, the Kunini, Mumuye and tribes in Taraba state. There has been series of conflicts between the Mambilla and herdsmen. It is imperative to note that the phenomenology of herders-farmers conflicts was never the feature of the early contacts between the two groups in what became Taraba state. Initially, the two groups enjoyed harmonious relationship with one another. In all what became the three geo-political zones of Taraba state, the two groups established a symbiotic form of relationship characterized by mutual trust and cooperation. Generally, no group in what became Taraba State was involved in any form of hostility with the herders and vice versa. [6] Unfortunately, in the 1980s, the tide changed. This development was the first noticed on the Mambilla plateau, particularly from January to March, 1980. this series of crisis worst affected the Fulani communities in Warwar ,Mbamnga,Tamnya,Titong, Kakara, Kumu, etc [7] Apart from many cows killed and many badly matcheted, the magnitude of the crises attracted 124 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the attention of both the state and the Federal Governments. In other part of Taraba State, there existed minor skirmishes between herders and farmers particularly over cases of trespass. However, such skirmishes were usually between individuals' farmers and herders, which were usually amicably resolved [8] Unfortunately, the phenomenon of violent herders-farmers conflicts has become unprecedented in recent time. Two major factors account for this negative trend. First and foremost, the free -range cattle rearing practice among the herders usually result in trespass thereby causing conflicts, at times. Secondary, climate change resulting in desertification has pushed herders not only from the northern part of Nigeria, but from other countries into the Central Nigerian area. The emergency of these foreign herders, and their use, allegedly by mostly wealthy cattle owners have contributed in no small measure in escalating herders-farmers conflicts, particularly in the Benue Valley, which is their major target. The violent or aggressive armed nature of these category of herders equally has remained the major causes of the growing hostility between herders and farmers.[9] The growing awareness and organized nature of the herders equally served as one the major factors for the growing hostility between them and farmers. In some places, particularly on the Mambilla Plateau, for instance, some herders bought land from the indigenes. By this singular action, the herdsmen claim grazing rights and consider any one who attempts to prevent them grazing right on the area as infringing on their rights, which they are prepared to do anything to protect their called grazing rights.[10] Moreover, the herders are aware that the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, Sections 41 and 42, has conferred the right to freedom to movement and right to freedom from discrimination respectively. Their effort to exercise these rights, even where it infringes on the rights of others, has remained one of the sources of herders-farmers hostility in some places.[11] To worsen the situations, some traditional rulers either sell some parcels of land to the herders or allow them to graze on community land without duly informing members of the immediate communities or the joint owners. More worrisomely, some traditional rulers even allegedly collect stipends from the herders secretly to allow them to graze on people's farm lands or community land. Similarly, some dubious members of some communities use to secretly sell parcels of land belonging to others to herders. All these factors, combined, have caused herders-farmers conflicts in some places. Some crises have even erupted, like on the Mambilla plateau, where members of the community wanted to seize from the 125 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies herders parcels of land they had sold to them. This was one of the major causes of thee 2002 herder-farmers violent crises on the Mambilla. The herders resisted the attempt, in some cases, to seize from them the parcels of land they officially purchased and received certificates of ownership. The herders resisted the attempts because they considered themselves being exploited, having paid for grazing rights only to be harassed by the ''so called land owners.'' [12] Immediate and remote causes of herder-farmers conflicts in Nigeria. Expansion of agricultural activities vis-à-vis increase in herd sizes and climate change. Conflicts between herdsmen and farmers have intensified since the beginning of increase agricultural and pastoral activities viz-a-vis environmental factor like soil degradation and increase desertification occasioned by climate change. For example, increase in the herd sizes, due to improved conditions of the cattle, compelled the herdsmen to seek for more pasture beyond their limited range. Climate change has also constituted a great threat by putting great pressures on the land and thus provoking conflicts between the two occupational groups. General geometric increase in population vis-à-vis static landmass, Improvement in human health and population have enhanced greater pressure on land. Since the 1980s, there has been a geometric increase in human population which has resulted in increase pressure on land for agricultural and pastoral activities. This development has made farmers and herdsmen to begin to engage in fierce struggles for access to land, land which, more often than not, result in increased conflicts and violence. These conflicts have constituted serious threats to the means of survival for both the farmers and herdsmen. The consequence has remained provocative claims over grazing and farmlands as well as encroachment on cattle routes. Unfortunately, this has become ubiquitous and seems to have defied solutions [13] (Abbas, 2012; Abubakar, 2012 and Bello 2013) Another major contributory factors for the ongoing violent conflicts between herders and farmers are trespass and recent cases of forceful invasion and occupation of farm lands by armed herders, mostly suspected to be hired militants from neighboring countries like Niger and Chad. [14] In Nigeria, the most frequent causes of conflicts between herdsmen and sedentary farmers are trespass on farms and destruction of crops by cattle. Of recent, the phenomenon has assumed very alarming dimension in our society today.[15] This has assumed an unprecedented dimension since herders now intentionally graze on farmers farms destroying crops at will. Most of such herders carry dangerous weapons, mostly AK47, rifles, to intimidate farmers as they graze on their crops at will.

126 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Increasing incident of cattle rustling in the society of recent. This is the opinion of Abass (2009) 28 who associates increase in herders-farmers conflicts with increase in the rate of cattle theft. Among the factors associated with this development are climate change and general crime rate which have dislocated many people from their legitimate sources of livelihood. Some among such people have resorted to cattle theft as a means of survival. [16] From the foregoing highlights, the key underlying causes of farmers- herdsmen conflicts could be summed up as follows: i. Changing resource access rights, whereby traditional access rights to communal grazing and water resources are being obstructed by the individual tenureship of arable farmers. This is particularly severe on the traditional trek routes, which become favorite cropping sites because of their better soil fertility resulting from the concentration of animal manure from the trekking herds in these areas. Tonah is of the opinion that the causes of farmers' herders' conflicts include the southward movement of pastoral herds into the humid and sub humid zone, promoted by the successful control of the menace posed by disease, the widespread and availability of veterinary medicine and the expansion of farming activities into areas that hitherto served as pasture land. As a result, the herdsmen destroy crops of the farmers on their farmland [17]. Within the fadama areas, this is exacerbated by the fragmented nature of the crop plots, which makes prevention of animals straying in the crop plots difficult. ii. Inadequacy of grazing resources, as increasing crop cultivation (and increasing commercialization of the crop-residues) and poor management of the existing grazing reserves have resulted in a significant reduction in available livestock feed resource, in particular in the northern states. Moreover, the high yielding and valuable value crops introduced by National Fadama Development Program NFDP (Tomatoes and Onions) produce almost no-crop-residues for livestock feeding. iii. Availability of grazing resources, including pasture and water, in different places at different time of the year, hence the need for constant mobility among herdsmen for opportunistic resources use. This brings them into contact with the farmers, thereby causing competition and conflicts.[18] iv. Land tenure system or ownership of land equally accounted for the conflicts in most societies in Nigeria. Farmers are regarded as those that own the land, and therefore determine how landless groups, like herders, could use and settle on land [19] The seeming rejection of the 127 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies posture has therefore being bringing the two groups into conflicts, since the latter also believe they have the constitutional right over land especially to graze and settle in areas of their choice. Hoffmann et al., (2008) have argues that, relationship between farmers and herdsmen started degenerating in the north when the Hausa farmers began to raise animals, including cattle. Consequently the farmers who used to allow the herders to feed their cattle on crop residues began to take crop residues to their animals, and as a consequence forage became scarce for herders in dry season. Invariably, the growing diversification of the farmers' agricultural practices soon began to throw the in conflict with the herders over pasture aggravated by eventual squeeze of crop residues by farmers [20]. Blench (2010) summarizes some of the general issues regarding the causes of herders-farmers conflicts. As follows; i. Widespread availability of modern automatic weapons into illegal hands and improved communication devices being used by armed bandit in their nefarious activities.[21] ii. Alarming rate of widespread religio-political bigotry. This conflicts are being increasingly interpreted as religious and political even though the main or underlying driver may be conflicts over access to resources. iii. Unprecedented spirit of ethnicity across the country. iv. Failure of Government to effectively implement reports or recommendations of judicial or other commissions of inquiry on past and prevailing conflicts in the society. v. Failure of dispute resolution mechanisms to proffer workable framework for resolving conflicts. vi. Introduction of democratic apparatuses for resolving conflicts vis- à-vis the seeming partnership of both security agencies and successive Governments. Abbas (2009), however, has concluded in his paper on conflicts between the Fulani cattle herders and farmers in Northern Nigeria, which Taraba is inclusive that, “Recurring scramble for scarce ecosystem resources has degenerated into violent conflicts in Northern Nigeria between Fulbe cattle herders and farmers. These conflicts have become more intense, widespread and destructive. Since most of the Fulbe cattle herders do not own or possess the right to land, they, therefore, depend absolutely on open land

128 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

to feed their cattle, culminating in intense pressure on land and frequency of conflicts. Ecological climate change and, of course, government policies on agriculture especially all year fadama farming, are threats to pastoralist access to pasture'' [22]. Causes of herders-farmers conflicts on Taraba State In many places, in Taraba State, herders have clashed with farmers and their host communities over cases of trespass, cattle destruction of crops, farmers' encroachment on grazing reserves and in discriminate bush burning by nomads, which normally leads to loss of crops. The seeming boldness of the perpetrators and mystery surrounding the unprecented nature of the conflicts have continued to attract mixed perceptions. While many perceive this development disputes over grazing lands trespass as mere farming, grazing land and water resources,, others see the conflicts as reprisals in defense of livestock from banditry in farming communities. In recent time, there have been prevalent cases of herders- farmers' clashes in Taraba state. Note that in Lau, Mambilla, Wukari, Bali, Takum, Ussa, Donga,, , etc. many people have being killed and thousands displaced and rendered homeless in clashes between herders and farmers.[23] Based on the oral information gotten from a farmer Simon Ijir (2018), one of the causes of herders-farmers conflict in Taraba state is Trespass on farmlands. It is alleged that nomadic herdsmen have of recent adopted the habit of allowing their animals to graze freely on farm lands. There are also widespread cases of nomadic herdsmen deliberately allowing their animals to feed on farm produce kept on the farm. In some glaring cases, they even open yam barns, remove yams and roast for their feeding and allow their animals to feed on the rest. Allegations are also widespread about some of the alleged hired militants removing food items and other valuables away for their use [24]. Moreover, in another interview conducted with Julapai Yohanna (farmer), (2018) deliberate contamination of drinking water sources by the cattle is also one of the cause of herder-farmers conflicts. There are widespread allegations by farmers of nomadic herdsmen deliberately allowing animals to drink, walk and excrete inside water ponds which are the only sources of drinking water for the communities. They do the same even on earths dams which are constructed through communal efforts. Conflicts have also occurred between herders and farmers over these unwarranted conduct. In some cases, members of the affected communities either catch some cows or out of annoyance kill some thereby resulting into open hostility between the two groups [25]. 129 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Synoptically, John Yani (a farmer), (2018) opined that the provocative claims of right over grazing land has been another cause of herders-farmers conflicts. In some cases their claim of right to land has blindfolded them to the extent that they behave as if their right to land has dispossessed other people of both the land and their crops. This behavior has resulted in violent conflicts between the two groups in some places. In some places, the development has led to a situation of cat and dog relationship, which is akin to the proverbial saying of sitting on gun powder which could explode at any time at the slightest provocation.[26] According to Samson Yavini (a farmer), (2018), Sexual assault and other criminal acts by herdsmen have equally resulted in conflicts. Cases of sexual assault, in particular, have been reported in some communities prominent among this was the case in Kurumi Local Government Area where a married woman was raped and eventually murdered by suspected herdsmen. This heinous incident instigated reaction from members of the community which resulted in to loss of lives and destruction of properties worth millions of naira. Similar cases have been reported in other parts the state like Wukari, Takum, Ussa, and Ibi Local Government Areas. It is argued that these criminal conduct by the heavily armed herdsmen is also not only to intimidate the communities in order to create fear unto the communities but also to arrogate to themselves the freedom to graze on farm land and, even, crops unmolested. Unfortunately, their agenda has succeeded in some part of Taraba State [27]. Socio-economic effects of herders-farmers conflicts in Taraba State Clashes between herdsmen and farmers have been a major cause of increasing violence and general insecurity in Taraba State in particular and Nigeria at large. There has been increasing adverse economic effects and social or relational implications such as; 1. First and foremost, the conflicts have resulted in the loss of lives and properties. In most encounters, lives and properties are mostly lost. According to a report by Tonah, for instance, on the 10th and 11th of April, 2016, clashes between herders and farmers in Taraba State claimed seven lives, while 73 lives were reportedly lost on the 5th July,2017. The account further stated that 43 people were killed in Lau following herders' onslaught on communities on the 12th July, 2018. The Vanguard Newspaper reported the killing of 3 police men and many members of the community in an onslaught on the Busum settlement in Lau Local Government1 Area on the 6th September, 2018. It generally argued that Taraba State has recorded more than 2000 deaths, and over 350 communities have been displaced and are now living in IDP camps.[28] 2. Displacement of communities and destruction of crops and 130 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies properties worth millions of naira. This has not only created an impediment to the survival of the host communities but has forced many farmers to abandon farming for lesser occupations like (commercial cycling) and other artisan works. Very worrisomely, many of the displaced young people who have been dislocated from their legitimate sources of livelihood have taken to criminal activities and prostitution, as source of livelihood. Generally, this has, no doubt, endangered the victims of the conflicts.[29] 3. Rampant cases of reprisal attacks in some parts of the state and the country in general. This is largely the consequence of the inability of the security agencies to control the excesses of the rampaging herdsmen as well as the most aggrieved members of the farming communities. Generally, the phenomenon has thrown the society into the atmosphere of unprecedented insecurity, hatred, distrust and lack of confidence between the herders and the farming communities. 4. Emergence of a vicious cycle of poverty. The unprecedented conflicts have not only ushered in a prolonged phenomenon of poverty among the farming communities, but also among the indigenous herders, many of whom have been displaced or compelled to relocate to new unfriendly areas. While great chunks of the farming communities are dislocated from their sources of livelihood, many herders have had their cows either killed or subjected to activities of cattle rustlers. Generally, members of both groups can no longer be fully engaged in their economic activities as hitherto thereby reducing their income and savings and general out put both in terms of crops and livestock. 5. It has been observed that the violent disposition of the Fulani herdsmen has given rise to anti-Fulani sentiment in some parts of the country, and has also continued to instill hatred against them. Some persons have cited a Fulani expansionist agenda as being behind these attacks. There are allegations by MAFO Movement against Fulani Occupation of possible collusion between wealthy indigenous cattle owners and the armed herders, many of whom are believed to be hired terrorists from neighboring countries like Niger, Chad and Libya. 6. Stagnation of academic activities in the affected areas. While many schools, in the worst affected areas have been closed down, even in those areas not close down, parents fear to send their children and wards to schools for the fear of sudden attacks. Similarly, some schools are being used as internally displaced people's camp (IDPs) thereby halting educational activities in such schools. This has both short and long term effects on the children and the society in general 7. Discouragement of investors from coming into Taraba state and to other affected areas for investment. It is obvious that no investor will

131 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies want to invest where his or her investment will be at risk. 8. Forceful occupation of ancestral lands belonging to the farming communities by the herders. This has created psychological torture to the communities. However, even invading herders are scared to graze freely due to fear of being attacked. Similarly, they no longer come in company of their wives and children thereby resulting in the partial dislocation of their family life.[30] This has denied them of the free services the used to enjoy from their wives, children, wards and other individuals. Recommendations 1. Government should establish grazing fields and outlaw-open grazing of cattle. This should be done through due consultation, dialogue or appeals to some aggrieved regions of the country which may oppose or resist the move. 2. Nomadic education should be intensified to properly position nomadic cattle herders to see the need for peaceful co-existence with their host communities. 3. Herdsmen should be properly educated or re-oriented on the sanctity of human lives, and taught how to use better channels of communication and negotiation to convey their grievances than resorting to conflicts or violence. 4. Proactive measures should be taken not only to settle the Fulani nomads and also have the programs sustained, it is also necessary to provide farmers with other farming tools and incentives to uplift them from the traditional subsistence farming to modern mechanized farming practice in order to reduce environmental degradation. This is necessary, in the case of the farmers, due to the degraded nature of the soil and the low yielding crops being used. This will enhance high output even in relatively smaller pieces of land. 5. There is also the need to develop and strengthen institutions engaged in preventing and resolving conflicts and assisting those displaced by conflicts to avoid the fire brigade approach to conflict prevention and resolution as it has been the case in Taraba State and Nigeria at large. Conclusion The recurrent clashes between herdsmen and sedentary farmers in Nigeria has portrayed a conflict of interest over resource acquisition or control. This is exacerbated by the climatic change that has continued to force the herdsmen out of their northern abode to the southern region in search of pasture and fresh water. Reactions and counter –reactions arising from this phenomenon have been responsible for the prevalent and persistent conflicts between farmers and herders. Needless to even say that 132 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the crises have claimed thousands of lives with properties worth billions of naira either destroyed or looted, in addition to the displacement of thousands of farming communities from their ancestral farm lands. Some herders have also been killed and with many losing their cattle as well as displaced. Considering the impact of the incessant crises between farmers and herdsmen on the lives of the two groups, and the inability of the current measures to check the crises, there is need to enact a law prohibiting pastoral nomadism and providing for privately owned cattle ranches, where basic facilities for raising cattle will be provided. Under this arrangement, herdsmen will negotiate for and acquire land privately just as it is the case with any other occupational group, instead of using government machineries to acquire grazing reserves where by Fulani herdsmen will be seemingly given undue advantage over other occupational groups. This, it is hoped, will permanently put an end of the incessant crises arising from conflicting demands for croplands by farmers and traditional pasture for livestock grazing by herdsmen.

References 1. M o n i t o r i n g c e n t e r , N o r w e g i a n r e f u g e e . www.internaldisplacement.org. retrieved on 03/09/2018 2. M o n i t o r i n g c e n t e r , N o r w e g i a n r e f u g e e . www.internaldisplacement.org. retrieved on 03/09/2018 3. Igna, I. G (2011) Liability for Damages caused by Domestic A n i m a l s i n R u r a l A r e a s o f N i g e r i a . http//dspace.unijosedu.ng/bitstream/10485/632/1.Retrived on 3/9/2018. 4. Internal Displacement monitoring centre (2008) unresolved conflicts cause ongoing Displacement situations, 12 Dec 2008 internal Displacement. 5. Ofuoku, A.U. and Isife, B.I 2010: causes, effects and Resolution of farmer—Nomadic cattle Herders conflict in , Nigeria. Agricultural Tropica E.T Subtropica Vol 43(1)2010 6. Patrick Iukase, Sylvester I. Ugbegili, Tyoshin in historical perspective Volume 1 7. Tropical is issues in the study of early history of some Ethnic group and the Mambilla Plateau in Taraba state. 8. Patrick Iukase, Sylvester I. Ugbegili, Tyoshin in historical perspective Volume 1 9. Patrick .I. Ukase, Syvester.I. Ugbegili Tyoshin in historical

133 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies perspective Volume 1 10. Ardo Husaine Oral interview 24/09/2018 11. constitution of federal Republic of Nigeria section 41 and 42 12. The guardian Nigerian newspaper Saturday Magazine by Chares Akpesi Jalingo. 16/4/2016 5:56am. Retrieved on the 26/9/2018. 13. Abbass, I.M (2012) No retreat No surrender: conflict for survival between Fulani pastoralist and farmers in Northern Nigeria. European scientific Journal Vol.8 No. 1, pp 331-346. 14. Leadership newspaper May 17 2011 retrieved 29/9/2018 15. Blench, R. (2004) Natural Resource conflicts North-central Nigeria: A hand book and case studies CLE St. Lves pp 1: 164. 16. Abass, I.M. (2009) No Retreat No surrender conflict for survival between Fulani cattle herders and farmers in Northern Nigeria, in European scientific Journal, 8(1), 17. Tonah, S. (2006) Managing farmer-Herder conflicts in Ghana and Volta Basin, Ibadan Journal of social sciences 4 (1) 33-45. 18. Abubakar, M.B (2012) sociological Assesment of Nomadic pastoralist and sedentary farmers conflicts in Katsina state. An unpublished M.SC thesis submitted to sociology Department Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria 19. Abass, I.M. (2009) No Retreat No surrender conflict for survival between Fulani cattle herders and farmers in Northern Nigeria, in European scientific Journal, 8(1), 20. Hoffman, I., Umar, B.F and Turkur, H.M (2008) crisis and cooperation over control and management of Zamfara Reserve, Nigeria. In Gefu, J.O. Clement, B.I.A and Maidamari, B. (Eds) the Future of transhumance pastoralism in West and Central Africa. Strategies, dynamics, conflicts and interventions. Shika- Zaira. http:/w.w.w.katsinastate.gov.org. 21. Centre for peace, Diplomatic and Development studies (CPDDS), unimaid (2012) Nigeria stability and Reconciliation programme “watching us Die on CNN”. Report on the study of community level conflict management mechanisms in the Niger Delta, middle Belt and North East Zones of Nigeria: Analytical report Abuja Vol.1 pp 69-84 http//w.w.w.nsrp- nigeria.org/wpcontend/upload2013/11/ccmm-Vol-1 Reports 6.12.12 pdf. 22. Ijir S. (2018) interviewed November, 2018. A Farmer Aged (58) from Sardauna Local Government Area of Taraba State

134 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

(unpublished). 23. Yohanna J. (2018). Interviewed October, 2018. A Farmer Aged (75) from Lau Local Government Area of Taraba State (unpublished). 24. Yani J., (2018) interviewed December, 2018. A Farmer Aged (60) from Ardo-Kola Local Government Area of Taraba State (unpublished). 25. Yavini S. (2018) interviewed October, 2018. A Farmer Aged (55) from Wukari Local Government Area of Taraba State (unpublished). 26. Ofuoku, A.U. and Isife, B.I. (2009) causes, Effects and Resolution of farmers-Nomadic cattle Herders conflicts in Delta state, Nigeria: in international Journal of sociology and Anthropoly 1 (2): 49 27. Patrick .I. Ukase, Sylvester.I. Ugbegili: Tyoshin in historical perspective volume 1 pg 78 28. Tonah, S. (2006) managing farmer-Herder conflict in Ghana and Volta Basin. Ibadan Journal of social sciences 4 (1). http:w.w.w.pdf 29. Allyui AS (2015) causes and resolution of conflict between cattle herders and crop farmers in Kastina school. A published M.SC Dissertation by the school of post graduate studies, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaira pp 24 30. Patrick I. Ukase, Sylvester.I. Ugbegili: Tysohin in historical perspective Vol (1)

135 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Key Components of Post-Conflict Reconstruction/Peace-Building Process

Umar, Garpiya Department of Political Science Federal College of Education, Zaria [email protected] 07036287777 & Iliya Ibrahim Gimba Department of History and Diplomatic Studies Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo [email protected] 08164751652

Abstract This paper seeks to give us a foundational approach to the understanding of conflict and peace building process. Conflict are further examined with practical examples. Since conflict among humans is inevitable, peace building process becomes imperative. The paper, therefore, expounds the concept of peace building and Peace Building Processes which include the need to provide security and public order; establish the political and institutional framework of long-term peace; and to generate justice and rule of law. Looking at the overall effects of conflict and the difficulty of achieving effective and lasting peace building, the paper thus recommends that conflict should be managed at its early stages of development using various conflict management techniques such as mediation, negotiation, arbitration, conciliation, etc., before it degenerates into intractable conflict.

Introduction The surge in intra-state conflicts in many African countries, especially after the cold war, has led to wanton loss of lives and destruction of the sparsely available critical infrastructure required to engender socio- economic and political growth and development in the affected countries. This has attendant consequences of increased poverty levels, political instability, insecurity, refugee crisis and multitudes of internally displaced persons, etc., hence creating a need for concerted peace-building efforts in the affected countries. Building peace in countries emerging from conflict is no doubt a huge, complex undertaking; involving a myriad of different players starting with

136 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the citizens of the countries themselves, the government of the affected countries, local and international relief organizations, etc. Thus, peace- building is neither a purely political, security nor developmental process, but one that must bring together security, political, economic, social and human rights elements in a coherent and integrated manner. Conceptualizing Conflict Conflict refers to some form of friction, disagreement, or discord arising within or between groups when the beliefs or actions of one or more members of the group are either resisted by or unacceptable to one or more members of another group. According to Dokun Oyeshola (2005), conflict can be said to occur when there is a sharp disagreement or clash, for instance, between divergent ideas, interests or people and nations. In other words, conflict connotes a disagreement through which the parties involved perceive a threat to their needs, interests or concerns. Hence, conflict can occur between individuals, groups, organizations or even states, as the case may be, and it could be either violent or non-violent. It is thus safe to argue that conflict is a fundamental human and social trait which can hardly be avoided in human social interaction. The best that we can do is to efficiently manage conflicts at the earliest stages of its development before its gets to the “crisis” or intractable phase. That way, we will be able to harness the positive and beneficial aspects of social conflicts such as the understanding, appreciation and respect for diverse and opposing views, perspective and interests of the people we relate with; and at the same time, guard against unwarranted confrontation, mutual suspicion and distrust which may eventually lead to communication gap and gradually degenerate into violent conflicts. Stages of Conflict It is argued that most conflicts do not suddenly erupt, be they inter-personal, intra-group, inter group, intra-national or even international. Rather, they unfold through a series of stages in what may be regarded as 'conflict cycle'. According to Dokun Oyeshola (2005), conflict cycle involves five stages which most conflicts pass through. These are: i. Emerging stage: This is the first stage in the conflict cycle where signs and signals of disagreement and discord begin to manifest. For example, frequent visitations by friends are reduced considerably and emotional expressions of warmth and familiarity slowly will be replaced by coldness and some elements of indifference. ii. Escalating stage: At this stage, all the parties to the conflict are quite aware that something is fundamentally wrong with the relationship. Hence, if nothing is done to check the situation, it may

137 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

degenerate to the third stage. iii. Severe stage: This is the point where extreme violence is used by both parties in driving their cause. At this stage, nothing more is sacred thus everything may be destroyed – including lives and property of the conflicting parties and even those who are not part of the conflict may be affected. iv. De-escalation stage: This stage usually comes after the conflict has become most severe and the conflicting parties are beginning to get tired of the conflict or when there is an external intervention to stem the tide of the on-going conflict. This stage is usually characterized by cessation of hostilities or declaration of ceasefire agreements which may eventually lead to the fifth stage. v. Rebuilding and Reconciliation stage: This stage may also be referred to as 'post-conflict peace building' stage involving implementation of series of political, economic, social, cultural and institutional measures consciously designed to address the root causes of the conflict and to bring about lasting peace. In other words, the fifth stage is focused on healing the wounds and ensuring genuine reconciliation in an atmosphere of trust and mutual cooperation. Thus, if the root causes of the conflict are not resolved at this stage, there can be a relapse into a new wave of conflict, again, beginning with erosion of mutual trust, resumption of mild hostilities and severance of communication channels. What is Peace Building? Peace-building is generically defined as initiatives that are designed to prevent the eruption or return of armed conflict. It consists of actions undertaken by national actors, with the support of international actors, "to institutionalize peace, understood as the absence of armed conflict and a modicum of participatory politics. Post-conflict peace-building is the sub- set of such actions undertaken after the termination of armed hostilities” (Call and Cousens, 2007). Goodhand and Hulme (1999), cited in Lamle (2014), stressed the need for making a clear distinction among peace building. To them, while peacemaking is concerned with political, diplomatic and, sometimes, military intervention directed at bringing warring parties to agreement, peace building focuses on the promotion of institutions and socio-economic measures that address the context and underlying causes of conflict. Peace-building refers to a process that relies heavily on the commitment and efforts by local actors/insiders to break away from conflict and create a state and society in which peace can be sustained. Outsiders support them by p r o v i d i n g f i n a n c i a l , t e c h n i c a l a n d h u m a n r e s o u r c e s 138 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

(www.peacebuildinginitiative.org). The first important element in this definition is that most actors now largely consider that peace-building does not apply only to post-conflict situations, although those may attract a greater level of attention. In post-conflict cases, the main goal is generally defined as preventing a relapse into conflict and creating a sustainable peace. Despite some disagreement regarding the rate of war recurrence, a general consensus holds that between one-third and one-half of all terminated conflicts tend to relapse into armed violence within five years (Call and Cousens, 2007). In other words, there is an empirical basis to the current emphasis on preventing a relapse into armed conflict. That said, many point out that short-term prevention should not be the end goal of peace-building, but rather a stage within the broader peace-building project of establishing sustainable, long-term peace. "The main issue is to gradually create conditions which will ensure that there is no reason to resort to destructive means again, and thus peace-building is a long-term activity beyond the immediate imperative of stopping the armed conflict" (Jeong,2005). Essential Features of Peace Building The success or otherwise of peace-building efforts, according to the United Nations (2010), generally depend on a number of factors some of which include: i. National Ownership: Peace-Building is primarily a national challenge and responsibility. It is the citizens of the countries where Peace-building is underway, with support from their governments, who assume the responsibility for laying the foundations of lasting peace. National ownership is essential to success. ii. National Capacity: National capacity development must be central to all international peace-building efforts from the very start, as part of the entry strategy, not the exit. Indeed, a core objective for peace-building is to reach as soon as possible the point when external assistance is no longer required, by ensuring that all initiatives support the development of national peace- building capacities. This is a challenge, especially in the early days when peace is fragile and national capacity is often displaced and severely limited. Nevertheless, peace-building must focus proactively on (re)building national capacity; otherwise peace will not be sustainable. To support this effort, a collective assessment of existing capacities should be conducted early enough. iii. Common Strategy: Inclusive peace-building involves many actors. The key to effective peace-building lies in an agreed 139 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

common strategy, nationally owned, with clear priorities against which the UN, the international community and national partners can allocate resources. The common strategies should be: Nationally owned, derived from an inclusive planning process, with many and diverse stakeholders consulted as the strategy is developed; and Based on an assessment of the country's situation (e.g. through a Post-Conflict Needs Assessment or Strategic Assessment), including analysis of conflict drivers and risk.

Peace Building Processes The prevailing approach to peace-building has been to conceptualize it along sectorial categories. Most, if not all, analytical and operational frameworks organize peace-building activities according to four or five pillars (www.peacebuildinginitiative.org). "While various actors define these pillars differently, there is consensus that peace-building has political, social, economic, security and legal dimensions, each of which requires attention. Distinguishing it from conventional development, Peace-Building is understood to be a highly political project involving the creation of a legitimate political authority that can avoid the resurgence of violence" ( Ts c h i r g i , 2 0 0 4 ) . P e a c e - B u i l d i n g p r o c e s s e s i n c l u d e (www.peacebuildinginitiative.org): i. To provide security and public order; ii. To establish the political and institutional framework of long-term peace; iii. To generate justice and rule of law; iv. To support the psycho-social recovery and the healing of the wounds of war; v. To establish the socio-economic foundations of long-term peace. However, Peace-Building processes may also be conceived as constituting six phases as posited by the United States Institute of Peace; these are: i. Security: after a conflict, a state needs to ensure its citizens' safety from internal and external threats. There must be a level of security sufficient to allow the recovery of the economy and society. The state must re-establish the rule of law, provide an effective police force, protect its borders, carry out disarmament, safeguard the infrastructure, dismantle repressive government institutions, respond to emergencies, and suppress internal conflicts and armed rogue groups. ii. Humanitarian Relief: A state needs to provide its citizens the basics needed for survival. Immediately after a conflict, thousands 140 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

of people may be injured, refugees, or otherwise unable to provide themselves and their families with food, water, medical treatment, shelter, and other living requirements. Also, the destruction of the infrastructure means that even people who are healthy and have remained in their homes may no longer have water, electricity, etc. Therefore, international relief organizations must be allowed to assist in resolving humanitarian and refugee crises until the government can re-establish basic services to its people. iii. Good Governance: A democratic system of governance must be created to provide security and provide responsive and responsible governance in an atmosphere of transparency and accountability. iv. Infrastructural Provision: Armed conflict destroys or disrupts the elements of a modern society, such as transportation systems (roads, bridges, railroads, airports, etc.), power supplies, water and waste water treatment, telecommunications, and basic sanitation. v. Economic Revival: Economic reconstruction is necessary to ensure that people have jobs and are able to provide for their families. A government must address the consequences of illegal or underground economic activities (black markets) as it re-establishes banks and other financial institutions. vi. Social and Cultural Revival: Schools, arts, medical, and religious organizations need to be re-established after a conflict. The social groups most affected by the conflict need help to re-establish their social and cultural institutions, and the means of bringing about reconciliation among competing groups will be important to achieving a lasting peace (www.usip.org). vii. Reintegration and Regeneration: The state and other conflict management and prevention agencies must institute sustainable mechanism that will bring about overall regional reintegration to a common national project. The American experience was quite demanding though, but has also remained highly rewarding. Reintegration must radiate and generate confidence for all Nigerians to have a sense of belonging in every national project with a spirit of statesmanship (Nwachukwu, 2009). The Role of Media in Post-Conflict Situations

The media is an important instrument in post-conflict situations. Experiences in Central America and some African countries show that the most powerful economic and political domestic and foreign actors are also aware of its importance. As wars or conflicts come to an end, these actors create newspapers, weekly

141 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies magazines, TV and radio stations; they absorb or destroy the independent critical media (if it ever existed) and take advantage of or manipulate the democratic media while social groups, NGOs, intellectuals and progressive sectors discuss reconstruction projects and fund raising processes. In the name of free media and the right of free information, the market and private actors with selfish and monopolistic interests gain the informative ground. In a short period of time, the media world belongs to them. Politics turns into a form of entertainment; social life events; anecdotes; and the needs of the people are replaced by demagogic TV programs. In a post-conflict situation, the media can then play a positive or an improper role, promoting peace and reconciliation or perhaps hatred and further disintegration. Nevertheless, there is a need for democratic social actors to have access to the media and to establish strategic communications projects that are intimately linked to the civil society. The media sector has an important role to play in reconstruction processes. Media outlets, according to Farr, V.A (2003), are the instruments that can or cannot: i. Provide information about the society and economic and political structures to a fragmented society; ii. Create social cohesion and social human capital; iii. Show the links and connections among different social actors; iv. Help to identify particular crucial actors and their roles, e.g. women; v. Explain the connections of the country and its economy to the international economic and political system; vi. Provide information about other experiences of post- conflict, reconciliation e.g. examples of Central America; vii. Help to create a common identity under a plural democratic system and how to integrate its vision of the country into the international context; viii.Help the social actors of the civil society to express their needs, perceptions, fears and expectations; and ix. Facilitate the reintegration of hundreds of thousands combatants and refugees. The significance of the media is obvious: a reliable news media enables well-informed citizen decision-making that, when freely exercised, contributes to the democratization process. In societies emerging from conflict, an independent media can also play an important role in conflict

142 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies resolution and reconciliation. Reliability refers to journalism that is accurate, impartial and socially responsible. However, particular post-conflict situations such as state- controlled ownership, lack of appropriate equipment and (self) censorship have often hampered the development of local institutional capacity in the field of communications. Where the diversity of media does exist, it has proven to be a minefield of highly 'partisanized' outlets producing unreliable journalism, which may in turn destabilize the fragile democratic process. The establishment of a well-functioning media sector, therefore, requires a long-term commitment from the international community and more attention devoted to the economic viability of independent media as a factor in their sustainability (Howard, R. 2003). Limitations of Peace Building The peace manager's insincerity to distribution of relief materials is something that cannot be underestimated in peace building process. A Peace building that does not address the root causes of the conflict, despite several peace efforts, it re-escalates with time. A good example of it can be s e e n i n t h e c o n f l i c t i n J o s , P l a t e a u S t a t e a n d t h e administrative/bureaucratic bottlenecks on the part of government to promptly mitigate the conflict and meet the needs of the conflicting communities. Recommendation/Conclusion In the final analysis, it is worth reiterating that conflicts are inevitable in human social relations. However, conflict can be managed at its early stage of development using various conflict management techniques such as mediation, negotiation, arbitration, conciliation, etc., before it degenerates into intractable conflict. But in the case of violent communal conflicts, the first step is to bring about secession of hostilities; this should be followed by planning and implementation of broad and far reaching peace-building processes with a view to address the root causes of the conflict and to avert a possible relapse into another round of violent conflicts.

143 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

References Call, C. T. And Cousens, E. M. "Ending Wars and Building Peace," Coping with Crisis (Working Paper Series, International Peace Academy, March 2007) Farr. V. A. “Demobilising women and girls”, The Courier ACP-EU, May- June 2003, pp. 42- 43.

Howard, R. “International Media Assistance. A Review of Donor Activities and Lessons Learned”,Working Paper 19, Netherlands Institute of International Relations “Clingendael”, The Hague, June 2003. Also see Mariano Aguirre and Francisco Ferrándiz, The Emotion and the Truth: Studies in Mass Communication in Conflict, University of Deusto, Bilbao, 2002.

Jeong, H. Peacebuilding in Post Conflict Societies: Strategy and Process. Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers (2005). Lamle, E. N. “Here and There” An introduction: Issues in Conflict and Peace Studies. Jos: Jos University press 2014. Nwachukwu, C. B. Conflict Prevention Strategies in M. Ikejiani-Clark (ed) Peace Studies and Conflict Resolution in Nigeria: A Reader. Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited 2009. Oyeshola, D. “Conflict and Context of Conflict Resolution”. Ile-Ife: ObafemiAwolowo University Press (2005). Tschirgi, N. “Post-Conflict Peacebuilding Revisited: Achievements, Limitations, and Challenges”, (WSP International/IPA Policy Report: 2004). www.peacebuildinginitiative.org. Accessed on the 3/4/2019. www.usip.org Accessed on the 4/4/2017.

144 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Role of History As A Beacon For Peaceful Co-Existence in the Society

Ngah, Louis Njodzeven Wirnkar (MHSN) Department of History, College of Education Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria. Email [email protected] Phone No: +234-8037131250, 08024029661 Audu, Garba Tanko (MHSN) Department of History, College of Education Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria Email: [email protected]/[email protected] Phone No: +234-8033667107, 08027980493

Abstract History is all about the past for the present and future. For Today and Tomorrow to exist, Yesterday should be periscoped in great strides, for the Past is the canopy that always shapes the beauty of the Future based objective historical information. While the core nerve of History is anchored on the truth, bridging the past events with the present based on the accurate interpretation of evidence or facts available to the historian for a historical reconstruction, other disciplines tap from History. This paper exhumes the role of Historical information in achieving peaceful co-existence in the society. Apart from highlighting the benefits of the study of History in building and sustaining peaceful co-existence in society, the paper also identifies some major impediments in this enterprise. Finally it proffers some suggestions for the way forward. A multi-dimensional approach has been adopted for data collection. Key Words: History, Information, Peaceful, Co-existence and Society

Introduction The cardinal focus of this paper is an attempt to bridge the past with the contemporary ethno-cultural, socio-economic and politico- religious realities bedeviling Nigeria as a nation. This is geared towards elucidating the role of History as a beacon for peaceful co-existence. Historical evidence have succinctly indicated that the pre-colonial Nigerian societies were more accommodative, peaceful, honest, sincere, humane, tolerant, integrative and sympathetic compared to post-colonial Nigerian societies. In societies just recovering from violent conflict, the question of how to deal with the past is sensitive, especially taking cognizance the memories of widespread victimization, death and destruction. In most of these upheavals, political leaders, and others,

145 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies always seemed to prefer social amnesia instead of the study of their History as they tried to move forward and promote stability Therefore, the question arises as to whether History could aid transitional societies become more democratic, and whether it can contribute to the development of empathy for, or even social cohesion among former foes in societies in which some groups were marginalized or were deprived of certain rights. Going further, can History reinforce other transitional justice processes, such as truth telling and legal accountability for crimes that had been committed in the past? Can accurate reporting and documentation of Historical information promote belief in the rule of law, resistance to a culture of impunity, and greater trust in public institutions? It is obvious that History is an indispensable tool to any society, whether under a democratic dispensation or a military dictatorship. Fafunwa had asserted that: A people with no knowledge of their past would suffer from collective amnesia, groping blindly into the future without guide…post of precedence to shape their course. Only a thorough awareness of their heritage allows them to make public decisions as they make their private ones..1 A society which, therefore, turns a blind eye to its History cannot expect to survive for long, especially, under a democratic dispensation being witnessed in Nigeria Public decisions and resolutions anchored on past human experiences are necessary, and vital ingredients for the continued existence and survival of the Nigerian nations because no nation that is unaware of its past can hope to plot its future course successfully. This is anchored on the acknowledged values inherent in History as a course, subject and discipline. The survival of any race or nation hangs, to a large extent, on the people's orientation about the concepts of love and respect for social the order as transmitted formally or informally. This singular act inculcate in the mind set of the citizens to be more conscious of their civic responsibilities, their common loyalty and commitment to the social, political and economic survival, growth and development of their state, through the appreciation of History. Consequently, through History, the people may learn to understand, appreciate and tolerate the backgrounds and antecedents, the good and the ugly, similarities and dissimilarities in institutions, languages, rituals, and social customs and traditions of others. Thus, History is a par excellence channel for effective nation building since it provides all these essential variables or ingredients for nation building. It is in the light of the foregoing that O. O. Okpeh once argues that,

146 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

“Every person has a History, the more and the better we understand all these histories the better we shall all be”.2 He posits that peace, harmony, unity, progress, nation building and co-existence can best be attained under the canopy of historical awareness, which deals with the conscious of the events that occur around. It is also in this consideration that this paper asserts that a better understanding and the use of the historical treatises is one of the avenues for peaceful co-existence. In a heterogeneous society like Nigeria, the role of History as a beacon for peaceful co-existence is inevitable. Concerted efforts are needed through this process to harmonize together the different ethnic, regional and religious groups into one strong and united nation orchestrated by peace and tolerance. It is against this background that this paper seeks to remark that if Nigerian History could be objectively reconstructed, studied and appreciated, the country will not achieve peaceful co-existence of her diverse ethno-regional and religious groups, but also attain socio-economic and political growth. The Conceptualization of History and Historiography According to Lowenthal David, the word History is derived from the Ancient Greek word inoropia, (Historia), connoting inquiry or knowledge from inquiry or judge. He attested that it was in that sense that Aristotle used the word in his Peri Ta Zoa Historiar, inquiries about the universe. Though there are many definitions of History as provided by many Historians, for the purpose of this discourse, we will limit ourselves to a few. To some, it is a branch of knowledge that deals with the past. While others define History as a transformation of society in time and space, some argue that History is all about the totality of human existence overtime. It is no doubt, therefore, that History enhances us to understand the present through the illumination of the past, and this enables us to plan for the future and the Historian uses his facts to report and interpret events for historical reconstruction. R. V. Daniel defines as: The memory of human group experience, if it is forgotten or ignored we cease in that measure to be human. Without History we have no knowledge of who we are came to be, like victims of collective amnesia groping in the dark for our identity. It is the events recorded in History that have generated all the emotions, the values, the ideals, that make life meaningful that have given men something to live for, struggle over, die for Historical events have created all the basic human groupings…countries, religion, class…and all the loyalties that attach these.3 This is why New Webster's International Encyclopedia, defines History as: 147 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The study of the past through documents, reports and other artefacts, the past can be inferred through many sources, chronicles, myths, building, monuments, business, documents, newspapers, works of arts, archaeological objects. Justification for the Study of History History is a process which takes record of the interaction between man and his environments overtime. In other words, it is deals with man's conscious attempt to systematically study the process of events through the aid of sources.5 This because a society or a nation without recollection or self knowledge is a society adrift.6 To ignore History is to refuse to understand the present. A study of History equips us with the knowledge of the past which can be used to assess, weigh and evaluate the present. History is therefore the take off base prevailing circumstances. This implies that what had occurred since the emergence of the world, what is presently occurring and what is likely to happen are all personifications of History. History is therefore the mother of all knowledge known to mankind. There is virtually no field of study that does not encompass History. Generally, a Laboratory Technologist finds past laboratory results to identify prevalent diseases in the society; Bankers and Accountants utilize financial records to prepare the economic profile of a nation; Marketing Executives find past sales records useful to map out new marketing strategies. So also the Medical in a Hospital keeps data of patients' files in the manner as student' academic result are preserved by Examination Officer for the purposes of comparism and as a guide to future academic planning and excellence. Even the layman on the street is very cautious of his existence in the society as all his hopes and aspirations are guided by the happenings in distant past. Objective Historical Information as Panacea for Peaceful Co- existence The role of History as a panacea for peaceful co-existence cannot be over emphasized. This explains why from time immemorial mankind has continuously seek avenues to improve the processes of transmitting historical information from one generation to another irrespective of distance. Undoubtedly, it is not arguable that an informed society is one that makes the best possible use of balanced historical knowledge. This informs Akombo's argument that the possibility of a society to enjoy the quality of life, as well as prospects for social change and economic development, depends increasingly upon accurate historical treatise and its exploitation.7 In Nigeria and Africa in general, the search for balanced historical information about the society began especially as from the post-independent

148 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies period. While the historians of the nationalist era bothered much on authentic facts about the scanty society, the early historians were faced with the obnoxious Eurocentric version of national and continental History harpooned upon the European justification for colonization and civilization mission. The ability of the African Historiographers to rise to the challenge to debunk all the fabricated distortions of the Eurocentric assertions about Africa provided a new platform of intellectual and psychological relief for the African. The ability to mitigate the falsehood transmitted by colonial saw to the emergence of Africanist Historiography. The main purpose was to present a National History which would be an effective tool for nation building as argued by Ochefu, etal, thus: The ability to meet this challenge historians of the era into prominence and conferred on them cloak of defenders and heroes…They were not merely knowledgeable but also transformed this knowledge into skills for proffering solutions to contemporary problems. This explains why Historians of that age were found in virtually all walks of life…The point to emphasize is that History was veritable tool in the struggle to secure Nigeria's independence.8 Unfortunately, after five decades of independence, Nigerians shrunk into the springs of ethnicity, religion and regions. What is left of us today as a nation is divisions, lack of respect for our heroes, sentiments of all sorts and the consequences of such distorted information is our inability to advance as a country. Nigeria is, indeed fast to forget the active positive role History played in the past. The current upsurge of upheavals and wanton destruction of lives and properties all over the country are concomitant with the sentimentally primordial historical information being transmitted to the society. It is imperative to state that for Nigerian society to mitigate her present predicament, our social economic and political systems have to be re-oriented to peace and tolerance. Our lives must be re-shaped to guarantee peaceful co-existence which History is the only best option to explore. This has to start with the type of historical information we produce, store and disseminate. This has to go beyond emphasis on producing the People's History. Similarly, the citizens must acquire historical knowledge because it avails them with the awareness about fundamental to peaceful co-existence. Individuals in the society must therefore, have access to one of their fundamental human rights which, is basic education. Generally, historical treatise enables the people to broaden critical thinking, make informed choices and become agents of change and actors of peace co-existence. 149 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Historical documentation makes the society to be aware of the importance and the need to initiate, and be involved in the process of national development. Invariably the Historians are not only expected to document accounts of events just as most disciplines do, especially in the social sciences, but are also duty bound to analyze issues and facts contained in line with the needs and interest of social justice. Therefore, the Historians are expected to provide the relevant information necessary for preserving societal values and for peaceful atmosphere in the society. The foregoing suggests that offering suggestions or solutions to problems is another developmental role of the Historians plays in the society. In doing this, the Historians are not only expected to criticize the policies and actions of government, but also to act as watchdogs of the society. They are expected to continually review, analyze, appraise or criticize, as the case may be, activities of government agencies and programmes such as the Re-capitalization of banks, the Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC), Universal Basic Education (UBE), Girl Child Education, Adult Education, Fighting Drug Addiction and Trafficking, among others. This should be done with a view to giving solutions in the areas where government policies are failing or lacking for the purpose of suggesting ways for improvement or providing alternatives as M. O. Odey postulates: This day and age demand pungent writing that does not stop at picking up all the peccadilloes and mote in other peoples' eyes, but in addition offers its own alternatives, put forward its own ideas and submits well considered solution to problems it highlights. 9 Consequently, the ongoing review of History Education and Methodology should be meant to serve the goal not only of deepening democracy but enchancing, peaceful co-existence critical thinking and empathy skills. It should not be meant to be a mere political tool or expression of nationalism. …not simply a collection of facts, not a politically sanctioned listing of indisputable truths”, but an ongoing means of collective self-discovery about the nature of our society.10 In the light of the foregoing, coupled with the prevalence of numerous challenges confronting Nigeria as a country in terms of peaceful co-existence and development generally, one is bound to ask whether the ongoing review of the methodology adopted in the study of History, and the type of history knowledge to be provided will help salvage the situation. The numerous questions to be posed to the Historians of our generation are: i. How self-confident are we about the historical information being produced? 150 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

ii. How optimistic are we about the information we produce in achieving objectives? iii. How cautious are we in producing our historical information? iv. How independent minded are we in our approach? v. How objective we in our approach? vi. How Nationalistic are we in our approach? vii. How much social empathy do we exhibit in our approach?11 The personality profile of a good Historian and of course any good discipline especially in the arts and social sciences must be shaped from the foregoing questions. When Historian writes, documents, reports or publishes, such documents outlived them and become documented historical evidence of happenings in his/her area and in the future generations. While embarking on historical works, what matters most is the exercise of the historian's independent judgment in considering which phenomena are qualitatively most historical. So long as the historian does not alter the facts about what he sees or brings out, such description will pass the test for an accurate or at least a near accurate historical work. The Historian, however, should be able to discuss the reasons behind each of his choices. It is valuable to compare and contrast the choices. This can enable the historian to develop and appreciate his subject matter. In this manner, incontrovertible historical information of History will be available for generations to come. The seed of peaceful co-existence should be planted in the hearts of citizens at the global level in order to raise a new generation of peace loving ambassadors of the entire universe. Historians should therefore, always strive to catch them young as the saying goes so that when they (children, pupils, students) grow, they will not depart from doing it right all the time. Historical discourse through information gathering and documentation, in this regard, is very instrumental in injecting the spirit of peaceful co- existence. This creates peaceful and tolerant environment which helps the young ones to grow to respect, understand and appreciate different cultures, religions and beliefs. There is the need for the global community to adopt a holistic approach in promoting peaceful co-existence in all facets of human endeavours. Each community, country and continent should establish social systems and norms which are democratic, respect human rights and are politically and economically just, sustainably positive and globally accepted in promoting peaceful co-existence as envisaged in the role of Historical information. Problems Restricting the Developmental Role of History as a Beacon for Peace Co-Existence in the Society

151 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Few among the numerous obstacles to objective historical reporting, documentation and progressive functions are:- Restrictions from the so-called state security laws and decrees tend to thwart the production of undiluted historical information. This has to do particularly with calling a spade a spade. Furthermore, lack of self- appraisal is also a problem militating against the production of objective and historical information. For instance, the Historians are seemingly good at criticizing others but scarcely do they always criticize themselves in terms of adhering to the code of the in profession. While a section engages in bitter criticism and harassment of those in position of power to earn cheap popularity, others stoop down to paying cheap lip services to the authorities that are with a view to gain gratification. Sadly, and as a consequence, while the former case could attract charges of deformation in the law court, the latter could render the Historian to ridicule and debasement.12 Consequently, the Historians in Nigeria have now shifted from their positions as the watchdogs to collaborators in killing the nation through misinformation and covering up dishonest civil servants and public office holders. Lack moral and financial motivations from the authority to enable Historians attain their long period of intellectual commitments equally poses a great challenge to the Historians is performing their functions to the society. Little or no incentive is given to the Historians, either in form of financial benefits or moral encouragement and free atmosphere devoid of government censorship and other societal bottlenecks.13 Furthermore, the hitch of bias has, at present, become the order for Historiographers and Historians because many are saddled to write un- objective or the people's history which does not permit carrying all the debris about the society along. This is why many Historians, especially in our age, end up producing only defensive or the people's history. Recommendation for Peaceful Co-existence using History as a major tool Peaceful coexistence is no doubt a sine-qua-non to progress and development. No society can attain its political and economic might when the ingredients of History such as peace, harmony social development are lacking. It has therefore become imperative that all nations of the world that aspire to be great must, as a matter of necessity, toe the path of peace among its people, whether multi-ethnic or multi-religious. History should be compulsorily incorporate in the school system and considered central to the development of peaceful coexistence in all facets of the nation. Lackadaisical attitude of the government in promoting the study of History at all levels of learning should be discarded. The Nigerian

152 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

History should be properly researched into, documented and studied for nation building. There should be an outward expunging of erroneous, false, exaggerated and or offensive statements about other nations, peoples, socio- religious and ethnic groups. There should be the creation of a database of sources and narratives showing instances of peaceful coexistence with much emphasis on the benefits of mutual co-habitation and the disadvantages of animosity. The adoption of the study of History as an academic discipline should be morally and financially motivated and re-enforced by the government, state holders and non-governmental organizations in form of scholarships and grants. This will enhance Workshops, Seminars, Conferences, Symposiums and Researches to be organized periodically on peaceful coexistence to acquaint people, globally, on the knowledge of peaceful co-habitation irrespective of culture, religion, gender and social status.14 Conclusion The paper has tried to define the concept of History argues that the Role of History as a beacon for Peaceful Co-existence in our National Development is no longer a matter in dispute. The paper however, argues that information is useful if only it is property reported, documented and disseminated devoid of bias or sentiment. In all this, Historians have important role to play, always taking into consideration the socio-religious and cultural conditions under which they operate, but without losing sight of the universal commitments of their profession. History can be used as a beacon for Peaceful Co-existence. The paper equally throws light on some obstacles bedeviling the process and finally proffers suggestions as a leeway for achieving Peaceful Co-existence through History.

References 1. A. B. Fafunwa, History of Education in Nigeria, (London, George Allen and Bown, 1974), p. 13. 2. O. O. Okpech, “HIS 702: Historical Methods Tutorials”, (Department of History, Benue State University, Makurdi, 2012). 3. R. V. Daniel, Studying History, How and Why?, (Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey, Prentice Hall Inc, 1972), p. 3. 4. New Webster's International Encyclopedia, (Trident Press International, 1991), p. 498. 5. N. W. L. Ngah, “Written or Recorded Material and its Teaching and Learning of History”, (Unpublished paper, Department of History, College of Education, Zing, Taraba State, Nigeria, 2014 ), Pp. 1-24.

153 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

6. A. Marwick, The Nature of History, (Macmillan, London, 1972), Pp. 11-26. 7. .E. I. Akombo, Oral interview conducted in Taraba State University, Jalingo on 10th December 2016. 8. Y. A. Ochefu and C.B.N.Ogbogbo, “The Role Historical Societies in Nigeria's Development”, in Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa and Association of African Historians, (Afrika Zumani, nos. 13&14, 2016), Pp. 73-85. 9. Ibid, Pp. 73-85. 10. A discussion with Prof. M. O. Odey “ O n t h e P r e s s Responsibilities, Matters Arising from the World Radio Day”, held at theBenus Sate University, Makurdi, Nigeria, on October 2016. 11. J. P. Dada, Y. Muktar and U. Hamman-Diram, “HIS 313 and HIS 314 Seminar Field Work Techniques Tutorials”, (Department of History, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Nigeria, 2003). 12. A chant with E. I. Akombo and some Staff from the Department of History, College of Education, Zing, held at his resident, opposite Grace Junior Academy, Jalingo, Taraba State, 2013-2014. 13. A group discussion with V. I. Iyanya, C. Orngu, J. A, Agaba and S. Ugbegilli at the 61ST Historical Society of Nigeria Annual Conference on the theme “Nigeria Counts: Issues of National Rebirth” held at the Departments of History and Diplomatic Studies, University of Port Harcourt and Ignatius Ajuru University of Education, Port Harcourt on October 9th -13th, 2016. K. B. Joseph, A. Mohammed and N. W. L. Ngah, “The Decline of the Teaching/Learning of History in Nigeria: A Case Study of the North- East Geo-Political, 1979-2009”, (Sponsored by Tertiary Education Trust Fund, Department of History, College of Education, Zing, January, 2013), Pp.1- 65

154 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Women Participation in Governance and Politics in the Eastern Niger Delta Area of Nigeria

Odeigah, Theresa Nfam, Ph.D Department of History and International Studies, Faculty of Arts, University of Ilorin, P.M.B 1515, Ilorin, Kwara State Email: [email protected] Phone: 08038042036

Abstract Gender has always been an issue in governance and politics all over the world. Politics is supposed to improve governance and improve the life of the citizenry. Despite the enormous numerical strength of woman, their participation in politics, the world over, has been very low. Some people are of the opinion that because of certain peculiar gender differences and characteristics, the women may do better in politics and governance in terms of improving the standard of living of the citizens and better management of corruption, violence and conflicts. In Nigeria, and specifically the Eastern Niger Delta area, women participation in politics is low. The reasons could be cultural, poverty, gender bias, prolonged military dictatorship and the nature of politics in Nigeria, among other factors. The role of women in the traditional African family, as well as the importance of subsistence agriculture to the sustenance of the family, have all been considered as of historical importance in understanding the low level of participation of women in politics. This paper examines critically the role and the participation of women in governance and politics in the Eastern Niger Delta area, using a historic- structural and multidisciplinary approaches. The study concludes that societal stereotype, cultural norms, prolonged military dictatorship and the violent nature of politics in Nigeria has resulted in women being marginalised till date and therefore not being given the opportunity to make their impact in governance and politics in Nigeria, the Eastern Niger Delta Area inclusive. Keywords: women, governance, politics

Introduction Participation of women in politics and governance in the Eastern Niger Delta Area of Nigeria is of utmost importance to women empowerment. Right from the pre-colonial period, women had made efforts to participate actively in politics, but their male counterpart had always, for several years, made it impossible1. Even though women in the Eastern Niger Delta 155 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies had ratified several agreements to improve their participation in politics such as elimination of all forms of discrimination against women and adopting of the 1985 Beijing Conference Action plan, and signed the Universal Declaration of Human Rights International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, the Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa, yet all these efforts has proved abortive2. It is important to note that even with the affirmative Action of 35 percent representation of women in politics, the number of women in politics is still not encouraging in Nigeria. In the Eastern Niger Delta area, elective positions for women is considered almost impossible as a result of a combination of many factors, such as tradition, cultural beliefs, low level of education, early marriage, religious and social factors, among others, with a notion that politics is not meant for the women3. The consequence of the foregoing is that, politics has relegated women to the background resulting only in a few women being involved in governance. The encouragement of women to function in politics has not been impressive and also has not yielded good result. Even the Millennium declaration of year 2000 which addressed gender issues and empowered women to participate in politics and to be represented in governance has not yielded much4. Similarly, even the creation of some agencies and institutions, governmental and non-governmental, to facilitate women participation in governance, has not fully achieve the goal5. Factors Hindering women's Participation in Politics and Governance From the foregoing, it has become clear that there are factors hindering the enhancement of participation of women in politics and governance. Even though women are the easily mobilised group of people during political campaigns, rallies and voting, the men folk and other factors have not allowed them to come into limelight. In the Easter Niger Delta Area women are under-represented in politics, governance and even in the civil service. The following obstacles have been the major setback hindering women's active participation in politics6. Tradition: Tradition has, in a way, prevented gender equality in politics and governance. This obvious challenge has been a major cultural and traditional barrier to women generally. Historically, this can be traced back to the pre-colonial period when women were seen as the custodians of the family. It was believed that, while women were not to participate in major decisions of the community7, men were seen as the custodians of tradition and culture. Consequently, women were not made Chiefs, and did not hold any position cultural significant. Rather, women were models in their homes and were meant to help build the home and the family. They

156 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies were seen as major contributors to the upbringing of children from childhood to adulthood. Women were also highly intimidated by their husbands and were blamed any time a child had bad conduct or behavioural problems. Generally, therefore, political positions in the pre-colonial period were held by the men, since, traditionally, there were certain functions that women were not allowed to carry out8. Religion: The challenges restricting women's participation in politics are numerous, and one of it is religion. In the Christian perspective, women are expected to submit to their husbands. This has really restricted the women in playing politics, because they not supposed to go against the wish of their husbands. Women all over the world have faced prejudices giving room for discrimination in women participation in politics. The relegation of women originated from inception the human society, and it has remained till date9. The men exploit the women using religion for the advancement of their political ambition. This has resulted in women being under the shadows of men, removing equal opportunity for the participation of women in politics. In the pre-colonial period, traditional religion prevented women participation in playing community politics or even women being associated to the secret things of their gods. Most times religion is used to exploit the women just like Karl Marx attribute the origin and continuing existence of religion to economic exploitation of the masses in a capitalist system. He further, saw it as the sigh of the oppressed creature, the feeling of a heartless world just as it is the spirit of a spiritless condition10. Culture: Culturally, women are seen as home makers. This has led to many women being relegated to the background because of the importance the society attaches to the family. For example, in 1989, Patricia, D. Out was the an aspirant who won the primaries' nomination under the platform of Social Democratic Party (SDP) to contest election in Boki Local Government Area of , but she could not make it to the councillorship position because of intimidation from the male folks and imposition of a male candidate on the people by the party11. Globally, the yardstick for measuring national development in different countries of the world is the assessment of the implementation of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) developed by the United Nations. Over the years, it has been shown that the women folk has no equal status with men in most areas of life, especially in elective positions in politics. Prior to the twenty first century, the Easter Niger Delta women had a different perception of politics and governance12. This was attributed to some factors ranging from gender inequality, especially culture. This has

157 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies prevented the women from participating actively in politics and getting involved in governance. Men, very often, have denied their wives participation in politics in the way women find it difficult to enjoy family support either financially, politically, physically or socially13. Education: Gender disparity in education has also been an impediment to the participation of women in politics and governance because many women have not been given the opportunity to go to school and so they are not as educated as the men. Right from inception, women were not encouraged to acquire education. The male child was seen as the right person to acquire education, and this factor also counted against the women. Because of their low level of education, women were not seen as productive politically, socially and economically14. Lack of Financial Resources: Another factor hindering the women from participation in Politics and Governance is lack of finance. Women traditionally are most times dependent on the men as husbands and family members. Not many women are capable of providing the enormous financial resources needed for politics in Nigeria as their male counterparts, since politics in Nigeria needs a lot of financial resources to get nomination forms, for campaigns and donations to their political parties. For instance, campaigns involve a lot of printing of materials such as bill boards, hand bills and money to godfathers, media support and means of transportation for rallies in different communities and states15. This has gone a long way in affecting the women in Nigeria during elections. According to Omafume Onogie, for instance, “women are very poor economically, socially and culturally and these factors tend to impoverish the female folk politically”. It is pertinent to note that those who are poor cannot create much political impact and most times are powerless16. Timing of meetings and political culture: It is characteristic of Nigeria's politics that late night meetings are common and frequent among the political class. These meetings are always held at night when most women consider it unsafe and culturally not acceptable and decent. However, such late night meetings are always crucial because important decisions and issues are always deliberated upon to the exclusion of some party members. Similarly, such meetings are vital and necessary for prospective aspirants to attend. Since women cannot feel save attending such meetings, it reduces their changes of being involved in critical party decisions thereby hindering their inclusion in party affairs. This is the predicament, also, of women in the Eastern Niger Delta Area of Nigeria.18 Electoral violence: Elections in Nigeria have always been characterised by violence. This takes various forms and stages in the

158 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies electoral process. The intra-party violence, especially during primary elections scare women away from political activities. Very worrisomely, political violence is most often than not sponsored by members of the men folk, since violence is not the characteristic of women. Since most often it the men who sponsor thugs to advance their political ambition they tend to have an edge over the women during and after political campaigns. Consequently, they have more followership than the women. This is, also, the predicament of the women in the Eastern Niger Delta Area for the candidate that will represent the party. It could be during electioneering campaigns during the election or when results are released19.

Source: www.nigeriaeye.com Marrital impediment: This may occurs mostly when a woman is married to a man from another state or tribe. There is a major setback to the aspirant who is married to man far away from her home state. She may not be favoured and even if nominated for any political position, she is likely to lose it because it will be perceived that she is occupying a position meant for the husband's community. Similarly, a woman is married outside her home state and she decides to go back to her home state to contest elections, it is difficult for such a candidate to receive the full support from the electorate even in her home constituency21. Insensitivity and intimidation by the men: Due to the nature of our traditions, women who are involved in politics are often ridiculed by the men, and even by some women. The use of abusive words, derogatory language and labelling of the female political aspirants as well as physical aggression towards them as a result of the nature of our traditions therefore impede the involvement of women in politics in Nigeria. Generally, our tradition should be moderated in order to avoid discrimination or 159 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies marginalization of women in political participation. In the whole of the Eastern Niger Delta Area, only one women, Margaret Ekpo, emerged as a woman activist, and later political figure in the Creek town, Calabar. She was a female pioneer among other male politicians in Cross River state in the First Republic. She played a leading role from the grass root to the national level. She founded market women association in Aba, the platform she used to promote solidarity and support among the women to fight for their economic rights. In 1954, she was nominated to the Regional House of Chiefs, in this capacity, she was able to establish the Aba Township Women Association. By 1961 she won a seat into the Eastern Regional House of Assembly. Ironically, her participation in politics became prominent as a result of the over whelming support she got from her husband and family members. It was still the same Margaret Ekpo who led the Aba Women Riot as far back as in 1929. Another prominent women politician who emerged in this area was . In 1999, she won the election in Cross River South senatorial election being the first female senator in the area. However, this two are very few among women politicians in the Niger Delta Area. The major cause of few women being involved in politics in the area has much to do with tradition and marital impediments. The Efforts of Women, governance and other Agencies: The participation of women in politics and governance has not received enough attention. Many efforts have been made in recent times, such as the Programme for the Advancement of Women has been able to encourage women to join and participate in politics. Similarly, there has been the clamouring about granting women equal representation in all levels of governance25. Women, like Ita Giwa, have also championed the course of women participation in politics and governance. In Nigeria, because of the obvious disadvantages women faced in politics and governance, several Non-Governmental Organisations have been established to raise awareness and encourage women participation in politics. “Women in Nigeria” (WIN), Gender and Development Action (GADA) and Gender Resource Network (GRN), among others, are some of the non-governmental organisations that have been put in place to enhance the advancement of women in politics and governance26. There are different women societies such as National Council of Women Societies in Nigeria (NCWSN), that have organised conferences, worshops and seminars for women. However, these efforts have not really increased the participation of women in politics and governance as expected27. It is pertinent to note that the United Nations Declaration on Democracy and Affirmative Action for women, encouraging a minimum of 160 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

30 percent women to be represented in governance and decision making positions, has not really empowered the women or encourage them, because men's autonomy has not given the women the opportunity to actively get empowered by that policy28. Furthermore, efforts such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and United Nations recommendations and government's policies on women, which would have encouraged and empowered women in various levels of governance, have yielded the desired result in effecting appreciable participation of women in politics and governance29. In recent times, only few women have occupy the sit government. Women at the Federal, states and local government administrations have remained marginalised in Nigeria. It is the same at the state and local government legislative. Even though during the dispensation of President Musa Yaradu and Goodluck Jonathan, there was a remarkable appointment of women ministers, but this effort did not really reduce the gap between the men and the women in politics and governance30. Ironically, during various voters' registration exercises, election rallies and voting, women have always outnumbered the men. Even with the massive turnout of women during elections, women are still not considered and given the opportunity for full participation in politics and governance31. Advocacy and mobilisation of grass root support in favour of notable women aspirants should be encouraged. This should really not be difficult because the women form the bulk of the grass root electorates. The mass media, both traditional and social, can do a lot in this regard by show-casing notable women who have contributed immensely to the development of their various communities and the few women in public offices. Traditional rulers and other stakeholders in the communities should make their commitment by encouraging their women to participate in politics in their various localities32. Way forward: The efforts of the women alone cannot yield the desired outcome of increased women participation in politics and governance. It is worthy of note, however, that the women are now asserting themselves in politics more than in the past years. This study recommends, as the way forward, that women should be actively involved in decision making and should be give opportunity to serve. All stakeholders in political positions should pursue the implementation of the National Gender Policy based on affirmative action to enhance women participation in politics in all the tiers of government. Affirmation action should be promoted at all levels through empowerment of women for their voice to be heard. 161 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

As part of encouraging all stakeholders to give women opportunity, recently, the United Nations' Women Representative to Nigeria and ECOWAS, Dr. Grace Ongile, with support from the Democratic Governance for Development (DGD) led a delegate on a two day advocacy to Cross River State. The goal of the advocacy was to create awareness for women participation in governance and representation in elective positions at the state, in particular, in order to break the gender based inequality embargo. Her visit was to encourage the government to set up strategies for increasing women participation in politics. It is hoped that this visit, and several others, would translate, over time, to sustainable development in the state33. Government and agencies should ensure condusive environment for politics and also adopt different measures that will accommodate the women. Other encumbrances such as women's poor access to media could be addressed by offering discounted fees to the women. The very large amounts of money needed by the political parties for collection of nomination forms for election into legislative and executive positions should be abolished for women. Conclusion Women as the home makers and managers could play an important role in nation building if given the opportunity to participate in politics and governance. The following measures could facilitate women participation in politics and governance. i. The men folk should give maximum support and have more confidence in female aspirants so that they can partner. ii. Discrimination, poor financial base, tradition, culture and even educational attainment that have held the women down for a long time should be discouraged in order to pave way for gender equality and full participation of women in politics and governance. iii. Through appropriate legislation, violence could be curtailed to allow female aspirants to emerge. iv. The media with its great potentials should encourage participation of women in politics using their various media platforms to project the women during electioneering campaigns. There is no doubt that if the men and women are able to partner effectively in politics and governance, the Eastern Niger Delta area and Nigeria in general would experience more development and progress.

162 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

References 1. Saka, M. The Impact of Women Civil Society Groups, in President Goodluck Johathan's Transformation Agenda in Bello I. (ed), President Jonathan's Transformation Agenda: Assessment, Ibadan: College Press, 2013, 4-44 2. https://www.dailytrust.com.ng 2016, Accessed 3th July, 2017 3. Akuki Alfred, Enhancing Women's Participation in governance, 2013, https://independent.ng. Accessed 12th October, 2017 4. Okoronkwo-Chukwu, U. “Female Representation in Nigeria: The Case of 2011 General Elections and the Fallacy of 35% Affirmative Action” Research on Humanities and Social Sciences, 2013, Online Vol. 3(2): 39-46 5. Ojoma Akor, Strengthening Women's Political Participation, 2014, https://www.dailytrust.com.ng. Accessed 6th September, 2017 6. Akuki Alfred, Enhancing Women's Participation in governance, 2013, https://independent.ng. Accessed 12th October, 2017 7. Effah, A. Women in the Development of Nigeria since the Pre- Colonial Times, retrieved from Vanguard, 2002, www.onlinenigeria.com. Accessed 7th July, 2017 8. Luka, R. C. “Women and Political Participation in Nigeria: The Imperatives of Empowerment” Journal of Social Sciences and Public Policy 2011, Vol. 3: 24-37. 9. Awajiusuk Finomo Julia, Gender Imbalance in Nigeria Politics: A religion-cultural Approach, in Women in Development, Essays in Memory of Professor Dorcas Olubanke Akintunde, (eds) Ajayi and Ayantayo, Ibadan: John Archers publishers Ltd, 2015, 95-99 10. Marx, K. Theses Against Feuerbach (6th Thesis) Printed in Augusto Del Noce, 1 Caratteri Generah Del Pensiero Politico Contemporaneous, Milano: Dott. A. Giuffre 1972 11. Oral Interview with Patricia, D. Otu, 50+ years, status female, Occupation trader, place of interview Calabar, Cross River State, 9th October, 2017 12. Abayomi, S. O., Women in Nigeria; The Past, Present and the Future from 1900-2000 and Beyond, in Akinfeleye, (ed), Unilag Communication Review, Lagos: Concept Publication Limited, 2003, 38; 41, 40-41. 13. Ngara Christopher Ochanja, Women in Politics and Decision Making in Nigeria: Challenges and Prospect's. European Journal of Business and Social Science, 2013, Vol. 2, No. 8, 48-52. 14. Kolawale, T. O., Abubakar, M. B., Owonibi, E. and Adebayo, A. A.

163 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

“Gender and Party, 2012 15. Nwammu, A. N. Analyzing the Usefulness of Radio in Disseminating Political Information to Rural Women in Nigeria, in Africa Media and Democracy Journal, 2012, (1), 12th November, 2017, http://www.amdmcijournal.net, Accessed 6th September, 2017. 16. Omeje, P. U., Gender Inequality in Nigerian Politics 1960-2011: A Re-Appraisal, Ilorin Journal of History and International Studies, 2012, Vol.3 No.1, 40. 17. Falola and Adebayo, Africa World Press, 2002, p374-376, ISBN 0- 86543-998-2, Accessed 6th November, 2017. 18. Odeigah Theresa Nfam, Impact of the 2015 Electoral Violence on the economic and the People of Cross River and Akwa-Ibom States, Ilorin Journal of History and International Studies, 2017, Vol. 7. No 1. 80-81. 19. Oral Interview with Rose Thomson, 55+ years, status female, Occupation trader, place of interview Calabar, Cross River State, 9th October, 2017. 20. Aleyomi Michael. B and Olarewaju. O. P. Ajakaiye, The Impact of Social Media on Citizens' Mobilisation in Nigeria, 2011 General Elections. Centre Point Journal Humanities Edition, A Journal of Intellectual Scientific and Cultural Interest, 2014, vol. 17. No.2. 34. 21. https://www.en.mwikipedia. 2015, Accessed 23rd July, 2017. 22. https://www.Wikipedia.org/wikiflorence.ita_giwa. 23. Obafemi, O. Gender Politics and Theory in a Democratic Culture: “The Nigerian Female Writers” Response, in H. A. Saliu, et al, Democracy and Development in Nigeria” Lagos: Concept Publications, 2006,15-29, 24. Abayomi, S. O., Women in Nigeria; The Past, Present and the Future from 1900-2000 and Beyond, in Akinfeleye, (ed), Unilag Communication Review, Lagos: Concept Publication Limited, 2003, 38; 41, 40-41. 25. Agbalajobi, D. T. “Women's Participation and the Political Process in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects” African Journal of Political Science and International Relations, 2010 Vol. 4(2): 77-80. 26. World Bank Report, Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2005, http://www.worldbankreport20015. Accessed 23th September, 2017. 27. Wonuola Monsurat Modasolu, Women Political Participation in Nigeria: A Case for Enhanced Mass Media Mobilisation, Centre- point Journal Humanities Edition, A Journal of Intellectual, 164 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Scientific and Cultural Interest, 2014, vol. 17. No. 2. 28. Olayiwole, E. Women's Human rights and Political Participation Reorientation through Drama, in M.V. Sylvester (ed), Gimba Confab book of Proceeding: the Writer Creativity and National Development. Abuja: Eagle Int'l Ltd. 2012, 29. World Bank Report, Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 2005, http://www.worldbankreport20015. Accessed 23th September, 2017 30. Aleyomi Michael. B and Olarewaju. O. P. Ajakaiye. The Impact of Social Media on Citizens' Mobilisation in Nigeria, 2011 General Elections. Centre Point Journal Humanities Edition, A Journal of Intellectual Scientific and Cultural Interest, 2014, vol. 17. No.2. 34. 31. Ojoma Akor, Strengthening Women's Political Participation, 2014, https://www.dailytrust.com.ng. Accessed 6th September, 2017

165 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Role of the Judiciary in Nigerian Democracy: An Overview

Astiya Godiya Pius, PhD Nasarawa State University Keffi, Department of Political Science [email protected] +2347037713433

Iyadah John Viko, PhD Faculty of Law Nasarawa State University Keffi, [email protected] +2348035970989 & Luka Ruth Caleb, PhD Nasarawa State University Keffi, Department of Political Science [email protected] +2348032905189

Abstract The judiciary in Nigeria is the third arm of government which has the constitutional and legal responsibilities of interpretation of laws. The judiciary is seen as the common man's last hope, the bulwark of liberty of the people, rule of law's protector and the defender of the people's rights. This paper utilized the secondary sources of data which involved the use of such materials as textbooks, journal articles, news papers, magazines, judicial conferences and periodicals, amongst others, to examine the challenges encountered by the judiciary in Nigerian democracy. The Marxist theory was adopted to establish the problem under study. The theory is significant to this paper because the judiciary, with its mandate, is required by the capitalists to enforce unequal distribution of social and material rewards in order to preserve their position to oppress the less privileged class in the society. The paper found out the judiciary is saddled with so many challenges in the discharge of their duties and in justice administration in Nigeria, which is ranging from appointment of bad and unqualified judges, the direct or indirect interference by the executive, corruption on the part of the judges, bad police, and so on. In conclusion, and for a way forward, the paper recommends that appointment of judges by the judiciary should be based on merit and various punishments of various degrees, including sanctions, should be given to erring judicial staff who involve in corrupt practices, such punishments as dismissal from service, death sentence, and public humiliation, by sending them to prison to serve jail terms. The judiciary should be left to perform their duties without undue interference by the executive. Keywords: Judiciary, Nigeria, Democracy, Election, Corruption.

166 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Introduction The Nigerian Judiciary is constitutionally amongst the tripod organs of government, namely, legislative, executive and judiciary, each with its power and roles. The judiciary as the major plank of the tripod plays a very significant role in the scheme of things. This is so because the judiciary is the only organ that deals with the administration and dispensation of justice in any democratic nation, and is the last hope of the common man. It also serves as the balancing factor in resolving whatever differences that exist between the other arms of government. As a result of its relevance in human society, it behooves on those who are entrusted with the dispensation of justice to be guided by the principle of truth and morality. The judiciary, which is the last hope of the common man, the bulwark of the peoples liberty, the upholder of the rule of law and the defender of the rights of the people, is a major feature of a democratic system of government; it interprets laws that are made by the legislative arm of government. The existence of the judiciary in a democratic government is justified by the Principle of Separation of Powers, checks, and balances, which stress that personnel who make laws should be separated from those who implement those laws; those who implement the law should be separated from those who interpret laws. This principle of good governance is expected to prevent dictatorship, authoritarianism, and totalitarianism. A system of checks and balances was introduced to checkmate over ambition. The Judiciary exists both in a democratic and non-democratic system of government. According to Abdulhamid (2013), what distinguishes the judiciary in a democratic rule from that of non- democratic one is its independence to interpret the provisions of the law which are made by legislative houses. The judiciary in Nigeria evolved in the colonial period through a gradual constitutional development. At the time of independence in 1960, the judiciary was consolidated in its present form with a mixture of English Common Law, Sharia Law and Customary Law. A constitution based on a parliamentary model was introduced in 1960 when Nigeria formally became an independent state. It was amended in 1963 when Nigeria attained the Republican status. Democratic rule was aborted with the military intervention on January 15th, 1966, which marked the beginning of an end to judicial independence. The military suspended the constitution but allowed the judiciary and existing laws to continue to exist. New laws were made (martial laws) with decrees at the federal levels and edicts at the state levels. The independence of the judiciary was not protected as litigations were decided according to the language of the military junta called decrees and edicts. According to Abdulhameed (2013), the celebrated midnight decision on the 1993 Presidential Election is a good example. The judiciary had to

167 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies struggle to restore its image when democratic rule was restored in 1999.This was not easy as other negative tendencies emerged. It is a plain truth that Nigerian judiciary has a lot of challenges in the operation of its mandate such as political interference, inadequate infrastructure, insufficient judicial and non judicial personnel, debilitating delay in hearing and determination of civil, criminal and electoral cases and appeals, inadequate emolument, and lack of a reliable research resource to decide cases. Ogunye (2011) states that the judiciary is also beset by serious ethical problems, including an increasingly nepotistic mode of appointment of judges and elevation to the higher judicial benches, and cases of corruption and perversion of justice. More disturbing is determination of election petitions and general litigations relating to the investigation, arrest, detention or trial of prominent members of the political class for corrupt practices, have offered the worst instances of judicial corruption in the country. Openly, eminent jurists and senior citizens are decrying the situation whereby corruption is eating deep into the heart of the Judiciary (Ogunye 2011). Undoubtedly, the prevailing mood among members of the less privilege is that something needs to be done to placate the worrisome decay in the judiciary. In the absence of an institution that carries some moral authority and modicum of credibility, the Nigerian judiciary in contemporary society has not help matters in rescuing the masses from corrupt politicians. The Judiciary has manifested inability to contribute to the development of democracy in contemporary Nigerian society through directly or indirectly aiding the perpetration of electoral malpractices. The paper seeks to examine the challenges faced by the judiciary in the Nigerian democracy in the discharge of its duties. It highlights the importance of the independence of the judiciary. In order to create confidence among the citizens, especially in the administration of justice in Nigeria, the judiciary must be an independent body bound by its own rules and procedures in conformity with the provision of the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. Conceptual Understanding The Concept of Democracy Democracy has been under rigors of contending ideological viewpoints over the years. Many scholarly opinions have, thus, conceived the concept differently. Linz and Stephan (1996) view democracy to meet three conditions, competition among individuals and organized groups (political parties), political participation in the selection of leaders and civil and political liberties. According to this view, democracy is seen as a popular manner in which the people with the use of their liberty freely choose those to govern them through the exercise of selection/election. It entails an

168 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies active participation and exercise of freedom and determination on the manner to select those who represent their will in government.

In similar vein, Schumpeter (1976) and Weber (1970) view democracy to primarily be a means of selecting political regime in condition of a modern bureaucratic society in which the role of the people is reduced to voters with little or no influence over decision-making (cited in DDP Research Unit, 2008). To these scholars, the role of the people in decision-making has been reduced minimally to the exercise of franchise. Thus, by way of contributing to decision-making, the will of the people is manifested through voting. Satori (1962) refers to democracy as the “power of the people”, where power resides with the people, and the emergence of a government is done through the expression of the will of the people by the exercise of their franchise. The important factor here is that a democratic system has its root in the general will of the people. The Concept of Judiciary The judiciary, especially in Nigeria, is the third arm of government saddled with the responsibility of interpretation of the laws made by the legislatures. The Nigerian judiciary performs several functions that are important to the citizens such as interpretation laws, settlement of disputes, entertainment of election matters, punishment of culprits, administration of oath of office and allegiance, among others. Notwithstanding these critical functions, the judiciary has been castigated in recent times due to its lopsided judgments, especially with respect to election petition matters. Theoretical Framework This paper adopts the structural functionalist theory, which is a methodology of analysis, which examines a system in terms of the structures of which the system is made up of and the functions performed by those structures (Adejoh, 2009). It is an offshoot of the General Systems Theory and it was popularized by Radcliffe Brown. Functionalism as an approach dates back to Aristotle. However, Montesquieu gave it shape by propounding the theory of Separation of Power (developed in 17th century France. The theory is predicated on the notion that functions are best undertaken separate from each other as a means of ensuring stability and security). The Functional approach defines government as all those activities that influence the way in which authoritative decisions are formulated and executed for a society. The whole theory of functional analysis of the structure of government was based upon the separation of government into 169 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies three organs, the legislature, executive and the judiciary. While the legislature makes laws, the executive implements the laws, as the judiciary interprets the laws. It was from the sociological theory of Malinowski and Radcliffe that the theory of Functionalism was derived. Parson and Levy adopted the theory and it became a major framework of analysis in sociological discussions. Since the 1960s, structural functionalism, as expounded upon by Gabriel Almond, Coleman and Powell, has gained ground in the field of political science, especially in the area of comparative politics. When related to politics, structural functionalism can be described as a means of explaining basic functions of political structures in the political system. Since the political system is made up of parts, structural functional approach explains the relationship between the parts (structures), on one hand, and the relationship between the parts and the whole (political system) on the other hand. It is the contribution of each part that sustains the political system (Adejoh, 2009). Structural-functionalism assumes that a bounded (nation-state) system exists, and studies structures in terms of their function(s) within the system. For structural functionalists, the question to be answered is what does a structure (pressure groups, political party, election, amongst others) do within the political system? The goal is to find out what something actually does in a political system, as opposed to what it is supposed to do. Function may be defined as any condition or state of affairs resulting from an operation of a unit of the type under consideration in terms of structure. In the biological sense, the unit is an organism or subsystem of an organism. In the social sciences, the unit is usually a set of one or more persons (actors). Structure may be defined as pattern or observable uniformity in terms of the action or operation-taking place. In the social sciences, the focus of analysis has been on the structure of societies and other social systems or the structures (patterns) of actions in general. Classification of functions or structures depends partly on point of view or the other. What is function from one point of view may be structure from another. Levy (1968) gives examples of this confusion; stressing that the politeness of children may be considered a structure of their behavior or a function in terms of the structures (patterns) of parenting. Functions in this sense are patterns or structures or have important structured (patterned) aspects, and all structures are the results of operations in terms of other structures, so they are in fact functions. The political system must perform a set of tasks for the sake of the survival and the functional requirement of the systems and is performed by different kinds of political structure (Almond, 1965).

170 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Almond (1965), argues that, in order to understand a political system, it is necessary to understand not only its institutions (or structures) but also their respective functions. He defines political system as a special system of interaction that exists universally in societies performing functions of integration and adaptation by means of employment or threat of employment. Political system in structural functionalism is a systematic whole that influences and is influenced by its environment (Adejoh, 2009). These structures include interest groups, political parties, religious groups, apparatuses or branches of government, among others. He further argues that functions performed by the political system take two (2) forms; Latent and Manifest functions. Almond claimes that certain political functions exist in all political systems. On the input side, he lists these functions as political socialization and recruitment (the process by which people acquire political culture), political interest articulation (formulation of demands and their transmission from society to the political system), political interest aggregation and political communication (transfer of information from one person or structure to the other). Listed as outputs are law making (legislature), law implementation (Executive), and law adjudication (Judiciary). Other basic functions of all political systems include the conversion process, basic pattern maintenance, and various capabilities (distributive, symbolic, etc.). Structural functionalism is based on a systems model. Conceptually, the political process can be depicted as follows:

The political system is considered the nation-state, and the environment is composed of the interactions of economic, social, and political variables and events, both domestic and external. The idea is that there are a number of actors in the national political system (political parties, , the military, etc.) and that the actions of all these actors affect each other as well as the system. Any changes in the system also affect all the actors. The feedback mechanisms allow for constantly changing inputs, as actors react to outputs. Judiciary and Democracy in Nigeria contextual Issues The role and functions of the judiciary, as stipulated in the 1999 Constitution, and other governing Acts and laws, are very clear and central to the survival of democracy and the attainment of its purpose in Nigeria. The judiciary is an arm of government that wields the power of judicial review, discharges the laws that are made from the legislative houses and executive powers. In this wise, it functions as the guardian angel over the other arms of government, and ensures that their separate or joint

171 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies operations are not only in strict adherence to the rule of law, but also do not destabilize or destroy the democratic order in the society. The institution determines any question regarding civil rights and obligations of the citizens, declaring and enforcing rights, annulling or validating acts, awarding penalties, including custodial punishments, prohibiting, compelling private and public actions, generally giving redress, remedies for actionable private and public wrongs (Ogunye 2011). In order for the Judiciary to effectively perform the above-stated role, it must be well structured, its rules and practice must be good, it must be well and rightly staffed, and it must be adequately funded and must be completely independent from political interference of other arms of government. However, beyond all these, corrupt judges must not bedevil the judiciary. That is corruption of power, position and money. The judiciary generally must not regard, perceived, and believed to be pervasively incorruption. The judiciary must be a temple of justice, a beacon of credibility, and repository of integrity and last hope of the common person. No matter how well the judiciary is structured, properly staffed, and adequately funded, and no matter how good the rules governing its operation and practice are, once its actors are not regarded as credible men and women of integrity, the Judiciary can hardly act as the guardian of Nigeria's democracy, let alone operate creditably as an honest enforcer of rights and a just redresser of wrongs. The independence of judiciary is universally acknowledged as one of the most defining and definitive features of a functional democracy (Ogunye 2011). Many people see judiciary as an essential bulwark against abuse of power, authoritarianism and arbitrariness. How it function as well as how the various stakeholders in a democratic experiment appropriate its interventions and role in the polity are critical indicators of the health or killer of democracy (Nwokeoma 2007). However, the image of the judiciary in Nigeria today is that of an institution where anything goes, many people have been perverting justice, especially civil and political cases. For instance, in most Nigerian elections, politicians usually effectively kill democracy while the judiciary buries it. Elections are always allegedly rigged throughout the federation. The case of the 2019 General Elections was glaring. For instance, the Catholic Church in Nigeria, which deployed more than 30,000 election monitors asserted that there were no elections in most parts of Nigeria where the President's cronies were declared winners. The opposition parties, and even the People Democratic Party (PDP) enemy factions, who went to court thinking that the judiciary was the last bastion of democracy were shocked as the tribunal upheld most of the fraudulent elections. 172 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Generally, the Nigerian judiciary has failed in this democratic era. This ugly development was confirmed and admitted by the former Chief Justice of Nigeria, Justice Dalhiru Musdapher, at his inauguration and swearing in by President Goodluck Jonathan (Ogunye 2011). The Nigerian judiciary has lost international recognition and patronage. It has also lost its usefulness and value at home. Nigeria is experiencing serious social upheaval given the depressing state of affairs of the judiciary in the country due to the inability of the system to administer civil, political and criminal cases in proper manners. Allegations of corruption and bribery are continually being leveled on judges in Nigeria without the National Judiciary Commission (NCJ) carrying out proper investigation to ascertain the truth of the allegations. Justice in contemporary Nigeria seems to be on sale. The degree of the judicial decadence has made it very difficult for those who are not politically connected to get justice in the Nigerian courts very difficult. Otorofani, (2010) asserteds that the Court of Appeal which was formerly the Alpha and Omega of election petitions, particularly governorship elections, has been dogged with allegations of corruption in almost all cases going through its judicial portals. The indisputable reality in the country is that there is chronically corruption in Nigerian system as a whole. It is little surprise then that those who lose elections genuinely or are otherwise rigged out of their victories usually head to tribunals to do their own rigging in their own way and get to power through the back door. This constrained Osuji (2012) to assert that it is painfully enough, the judiciary, at the state level today, is obviously frustrating democratic process by “illegality of justice through endless adjournments and raw injunctions”. Some cases are so theatrical to the point that one begins to wonder what has become of the Nigerian judiciary. Even when the National Assembly attempted to address the problem arising from endless adjournments of cases, particularly in election matters, they only made the matter worse. By fixing a time limit for ending every election case, it played well into the hands of some of the obviously corrupt judges and politicians. Even some cases that were too obvious and clear were thrown out on a mere flimsy excuse of period. Some judges usually take delight in the granting of unwarranted adjournments to kill the obvious time so that it will not lead to the efficacy of justice. Yet they subscribe to the truth of the legal axiom, “justice delayed is justice denied”. They either usually capitalize on every little loophole in cases, particularly political cases, either to dismiss the case or embark on escapade of endless adjournments. A Court of Appeal judge, Moronkeji (2008) observed, “Democracy is not an esoteric or fanciful concept too difficult to grasp.” In Nigeria, it is the

173 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies judiciary, rather than the politicians, who seem to understand the game (The Economist Newspaper, Limited, 2008). The judicial verdict of always upholding people who genuinely judged to have lost election indicate that the judiciary become biased umpire in electoral disputes resolution in Nigerian society. The Nigeria judiciary has made democracy to become sick, for now, hence preventing the country from having the right people who will take the nation to the amiable global democratic community. More worrisome is the fact that the judiciary system has shamelessly associated itself with desperately corrupt politicians who always bribe their ways through election tribunal to corruptly secure political mandate to the detriment of the majority. The integrity of Nigerian judiciary contrary to the assertion that the judiciary is the last hope of the common man, has been thrown into the dustbin for the love of money. Generally, this unfortunate development continued to be a major cog in the wheel of the development of democracy in Nigeria. Conclusion and Recommendations By its official mandate judiciary in Nigeria is supposed to be the last hope of the commoners. In view of this noble function, the judiciary is supposed to perform its functions without fear, favor, and intimidation from any other organ of government. Unfortunately, with the growing phenomenon of corruption in the judiciary, the judiciary has become very glaringly incapable of justly performing its functions. This results from the magnitude of corrupt practices being exhibited by both judicial and non-judicial staff. The decadence in the judiciary has greatly affected the growth of democracy in Nigeria. This results from the way and manner the corrupt judicial system has decided to shamelessly ally with corrupt politicians, particularly during and after elections in order to pronounce victory for corrupt politicians who genuinely lose elections but to be declared the winners. Electoral tribunals are ready avenues for the execution of this shameless contract between the judiciary and corrupt politicians. This paper concludes that urgent measures have to be taken in order to save our democracy from sinking in the depth of the oceans in the hands of corrupt judicial staff and corrupt politicians. The following recommendations are therefore proffered for the way forward. i. Various punishments and sanctions should be awarded to erring judges who indulge in corrupt practices. Among the punishment should include death sentence, dismissal from service, public humiliation by sending them to prisons to serve jail terms. Apart from servings as deterrent, it will be so humiliating for a judge to be sent to prison to serve a jail term with the people he or she might have preside over their cases in

174 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies court. ii. On the side of politicians who bribe judges to see their way through at the tribunals, they should equally be tried and convicted accordingly. In addition, they should be disqualified from contesting for whatever political position. iii. Allowances to members of the legislature should be moderate as opposed to the present practice where membership in the legislative houses is more or less a huge investment. It is hoped that when less money accrued to members of legislative houses it will curtail he disparate efforts politicians always exert to secure elections.

References Adejoh, S. (2009) 'An Introduction to political science for Nigerian students' (Pp 44-49) Kaduna: Joyce Graphic Printers & Publishers. Almond, G.A and Verba, S. (1963) 'The Civil Culture'. Princeton University Press. Almond, G. A., & Powell, G. B., Jr. (1966). 'Comparative politics: A developmental approach'. Pp 12-14. Boston: Little Brown. Abdulhameed A. U (2013): Judiciary and Democracy, Blueprint Newspaper, June 10, 2013 Anele, D (2013): Criticism and the growth of democracy in Nigeria (3) on June 16, 2013. Babatunde, L., (2010): “Abuse and Misuse of Judicial Powers are Inimical to the Development and “Growth of Electoral Laws” A paper presented at the National Symposium Organized by Mustapha Akanbi Foundation (MAF). Abuja, July 2010. Barkey, K and Parikh, S (1991) Comparative Perspectives on the State, Annual Review of Sociology, 11:523-549 Hughes, M and Kroecher, C. J (2008): Sociology the Core, New York. Holmwood, J. (2005) 'Functionalism and its Critics' in Harrington, A. (Ed.) 'Modern Social Theory: An Introduction'. Pp 87-109. Oxford University Press. Merton, R (1938): Social Structure. Filipino Sociological Review, 3 (5), pp.672-682. Nwokeoma, J (2007): The Judiciary's Redemptive Role in Nigeria's Democracy, Peace and Collaborative Development Network, November 7, 2007 at 5:13am. Ogunde O (2008) In Defense of Marxist, International Marxist Tendency, Lagos, v Friday, 25 April 2008.Retrieved September 30, 2013. Ogunye, J (2011): A New Nigerian Judiciary Is Necessary, Sahara Reporters Commentary October 3, 2011 - 14:29. 175 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Ogbemudia, B (2012): 'Judiciary has helped to entrench democracy' The Nation News Paper, December 10, 2012. Omote, E. J (2012): Nigerian Judiciary: Ogboru and the Power of Truth... You are our 2406859* ; Urhobo Strength through Unity Time; Posted On 10th May 2012 Under Retrieved, September 30, 2013.

Otorofani, F (2010): Travails of Democracy in Nigeria (Part (1): Annual Festival of Judicial Coronations of Failed Candidates at the Polls, FocusNigeria.com, Published November 15th, 2010, Retrieved, Monday, September 30, 2013. Oconnor, J (1973): The Fiscal Crisis of the State. New York: St Martin's Press. Vol.2.No.1, pp. 85-95, March 2014. Osuji C (2012): Rubrics of thought: Using judiciary to kill democracy in Nigeria: Fact: Daily Independent Newspapers. Shehu, A. T (2012) Strengthening Judicial Intervention in Electoral Disputes in Nigeria, African Journal of Social Sciences 2 (2) 74-88. Swidler, A. (2003): Talk of Love: How Culture Matters. University of Chicago Press. Skolpol, T (1980): Political Response to Capital Crisis: Neo-Marxist Theories of the State and the case of New Deal. Politics and Society, 10: 155-201. Quadogno, J. S (1984): Welfare Capitalism and the Social Security Act of 1935, American Sociological Review, 49: 632-47 the Economist Newspaper Limited (Jan 24th 2008): Nigeria Democracy by court order, President Umaru Yar'Adua faces a serious challenge to his legitimacy. Susser, B. (1992) 'Approaches to the study of Politics'. New York: Macmillan. Whitt, J. A (1982): Urban Elites and Mass Transportation: The Dialectics of Power: Princeton, NJ: Prince University Press. Whitt, J. A (1979): Toward a class Dialectical Model of Power: An Empirical Assessment of Three Competing Models of Political Power. American Sociological Review, 44:81-100 Wikipedia, the Free Encyclopedia (2013): Definition of Judiciary. Retrieved October 4th 2013

176 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Appraisal of Factors Militating Against Jukun Women in Political Participation in the Post-Colonial Period

Atando Dauda Agbu, PhD Samuel Ruth Agbu Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo, Nigeria.

Abstract Nigerian women constitute about half of the population of the country and are known to play vital roles as mothers, producers, time managers, community organizers and social and political activists. But despite the major roles they play and their population, the society has not given recognition to them to the fact that, they are discriminated against. This is due to some cultural stereotype, traditional practices and patriarchal societal structures. This paper, through the use of oral and secondary sources, examines the economic, political and socio-cultural factors militating against women in political development of the Jukun society. It proffers strategies to enhance effective women participation in politics for the development of their immediate families and the Jukun society at large. Thus, it concludes that, the women need to be empowered economically, politically and socially in order to enhance their participation in politics, cum political development. Key Words: Appraisal, Development, Economic, Factors, Socio- Cultural & Women.

Introduction Women constitute slightly more than half of the world population, their contribution to the social and economic development of societies is also more than half as compared to that of men by virtue of their dual roles in the productive and reproductive spheres. Yet their participation in formal political structures and processes, where decisions regarding the use of societal resources generated by both men and women are made, remains insignificant.1 Nigerian women have encountered a number of problems while venturing into politics. Women's participation in politics and socio-economic development is of strategic importance, not only for women's empowerment but also for wider benefits and impacts. Despite the great achievements by some Nigerian women in the pre-colonial period, one wonders why their political fortunes nosedived during the colonial era. This was as a result of discrimination against them rooted in the “Victorian concept of woman” which encouraged the public invisibility of women and advocated that women should be seen and not 177 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies heard.2 This has seriously affected their moral in political participation in Nigeria. Notwithstanding, the negative attitude towards women in the affairs of Nigeria, women are central to the development of the country. They constitute a potent productive force and hold a numerical majority. Unfortunately, the political system in Nigeria has erected barriers to their political and economic participation and development. These barriers have manifested themselves in the form of gender and class oppression which are interactive and have created a lack of self identification among women. 3 There is gender inequality in the society in relation to virtually all aspects of life involving exercise of power, decision making and control over resources. In virtually every group where there is dominance of the male figure or patriarchy, women are only in the background as power is exercised overwhelmingly by men. In many ethnic groups in Nigeria, the powerlessness of women in decision making includes exclusion from decision making at the community level, representation in the civil service, armed forces and other spheres of public life. This paper discusses the factors that militate against Jukun women in political participation in the post-colonial period. It also proffers strategies to ensure women participation and empowerment in all spheres of activity in the country, particularly in the political stage. Factors Militating Against Jukun Women Participation in Politics The 1979 Nigerian constitution guaranteed the rights of women to participate in active politics; however, only the last decade witnessed a relative increase in women's participation. This is only when we measure increase in participation with certain standards like the number of women who vote in elections; the number of public offices held by women; number of women related policies implemented by government, etc. Over the years, there has been a remarkable increase in women's participation in politics in Nigeria considering these standards, yet there is inherently a pronounced level of underrepresentation of women in politics when compared with their male counterparts. Women's aspiration to participate in governance is premised on the following ground; that women in Nigeria represent half of the population and hence should be allowed a fair share in decision-making and the governance of the country. Secondly, that all human beings are equal and women possess the same rights as men to participate in governance and public life. Women in Jukunland who participated in politics have encountered a number of problems while venturing into politics. There is large scale discrimination from the men folk both in voting for candidates

178 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies and in allocating political offices. More often than not, men constitute the larger percentage of the party membership and this tends to affect women when it comes to selecting or electing candidates during elections. Since men are usually the majority in the political party set-up, they tend to dominate the political party hierarchy and are therefore at advantage in influencing internal party politics.4 Women usually constitute a smaller percentage of political party membership because of the socio-cultural attitudes of different Nigerian societies which most often tend to relegate women to the background. The same fate befalls the Jukun women. Despite the fact that the Jukun women have tried to participate in politics despite, several factors as afore mentioned, keep militating against them. The following are regarded as major factors militating against them in political participation in the post colonial period: Economic Factor In the heavily monetized politics of Nigeria today, very few women have the financial base and political clout to generate funds for effective participation in politics.40 Although women actively participate in the membership of political parties, they only serve as supporters for the male to acquire political positions. Financial constraint is a major effect as most women cannot afford to buy forms and involve themselves in demanding campaigns. According to Jibrin Amfani, In Wukari, most women that have tried in participating in politics were incapacitated, due to lack of fund. That is, inadequate finance is a crucial hindrance to effective female participation in politics.5 Sanfo Zhema reinforced Amfani's argument, stating that: A large portion of female population is not as financially strong as

their male counterparts, therefore they become handicap to participate in politics.6 It can be noted that poverty is one of the major constraints that face women and hence deter them from active participation in democratic process of the country. The cost of financing political parties and campaigns is a big obstacle to women, particularly among Jukun women. Most political parties like the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and the All Progressive Congress (APC), say all female aspirants are exempted from purchase of nomination forms for all political offices on its platform. However, female aspirants are to pay two million naira for Expression of Interest forms. The gesture of giving free nomination forms to women is good, but the fact that forms are given free of charge

179 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies does not authomatically say a lot of women would be given the chance to contest elective positions. Which political party would nominate and fund campaigns for a woman for that post considering her very small contribution to party finance and formation? 7 Therefore this disadvantaged position cannot allow women to match naira for naira in Nigeria monetized politics. This partly explains why they are reluctant about active participation in politics. Political Factor Political instability arising from frequent and uncoordinated change of government hinders effective political participation of women. Prevailing intra-party politics makes it difficult for women to get party nominations to contest for elective post because there are few women party members. According to Wapukhen Sabo, Women in Wukari Local Government that participated in politics were unable to capture significant party offices, after campaigning with their resources, they were dropped at nomination level in favour of the male candidates or appointed into lower political offices where their contributions and development to the society was not vivid.8

Men constitute a larger portion of the party membership and this tends to affect women. According to Mrs. Arufu, Women do not get high political posts because they are not given the chance by party leaders. Women are only given lower positions because their male counterparts want higher positions and dominate the political arena, men formulate the rules of the political game and define the standards for evaluation.9 That is to say, political intrigues have been a serious problem the women are facing in participating in politics in the Jukun society. It can be seen from the arguments that, women have various factors militating against them in participating in politics. Family responsibilities and childbearing also hinders women from participating effectively in political activities. These altogether hinder women from giving 100% in politics. In spite of the foregoing, it is necessary to point out that some women have contributed their quota to the political development of Nigeria, which the Jukun society is inclusive. It is known, for instance, that the first serious socio-political revolution in Nigeria- the “Aba riot” of 1929 was organized and led by women. Mention must be made of formidable women like Emotan of Benin, Madam Tinubu of Lagos, Gambo Sawaba, Funmilayo Ransome Kuti among others.10 These women have always been, and will continue to be, source of inspiration for most contemporary women liberation movements in Nigeria.

180 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Mention should also be made of women who participated in politics in the Jukun society during the post colonial era, especially in the Second Republic. Among them were Hajiya Kaduna Atoshi, Tani Idi, Hadiza Beriberi who were prominent in politics. They participated mainly as campaigners, women leaders, or supporters of various political parties, in addition to serving as links between the aspirants and voters in terms of material aids. Among these women, Hajiya Kaduna contested as a gubernatorial candidate under Nigeria Advanced Party during the 1980s in the then Gongola state.11 More women began to emerge on the political front such as Mrs. Doris Arufu who was the coordinator of the Better Life for Women and Family Support Programme in Wukari and became the first elected female councilor in Wukari in the years 1987-1989. Madam Grace Atoshi became a commissioner during the military and democratic era in Taraba State. Socio-cultural Factor The socio-cultural orientation among women in the Jukun society equally militates against women in the Jukun society. The women consider themselves to be inferior to the malefolk. This makes them to lose confidence in coming out to compete with the men in politics. Even the few who venture to come out, jealousy among themselves cost them their ambition. According to Lois Emmanuel; It is women who would provide the necessary machinery to pull their fellow women down, through gossip, character assassination and sabotage. Women can actually make great impact in the political field if greatly supported by their fellow women.12 It is pertinent to say that culture defines personality. Several traditional practices and negative attitude towards politics are injurious to women's self-esteem and self-image which are necessary ingredients for confidence needed in political participation. However, traditional cultural attitudes have long been suspected to function as a major barrier to women's participation in politics. Education is a necessary pre-requisite to obtaining high powered jobs in the public and private sectors. Without this important ingredient, both men and women are unable to put in their best towards personal and national development. Unfortunately, women constitute a larger percentage of the uneducated group in the Jukun society, and the Nigerian society at large. This could be attributed to the fact that in most families, parents prefer to send their male child(ren) to school, instead of their female child whom they feel would eventually get married and thus get incorporated into another family. Thus, a larger percentage of the girls remain uneducated and unexposed.13 According to Ajibauka Adi,

181 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

In Jukun society during the period between 1976-2010, most women were not educated enough to hold political positions, rather, they were regarded as tools or political agents. Furthermore, female graduates pursued professional carriers other than engaging in politics which to them was temporal.14 Education is a powerful instrument through which national development can be attained. In a nutshell, women education is vital to their development. The attainment of high educational status will give them boldness to challenge their male counterparts in position of leadership. Access to education and employment are basic components for individuals in a modern Nigerian society if they are to acquire or want to attain political power. However, the Jukun society has a lukewarm attitude towards this achievement. The male dominance in Nigeria in decision making was strengthened and spread during the Colonial period. Men dominated post- colonial politics, and politics was used to keep men forever superior over women, creating obstacles to women who sought to obtain the same power and declare themselves within the society. According to Grace Atoshi, Due to misconceptions in Jukun culture, the belief is that women should only be socially involved in the home, looking after the children's education and health, whereas men should be the only participants in public affairs, politics, income generation, decision-making and other public functions.15 In Jukun society, few female politicians have to contend with domestic conflicts with the family and their parents, husbands and children who often look at their political activism as a misadventure. According to Jibrin Amfani, Jukun culture does not support women in active participation in politics. Women who participate are regarded wayward and not a material for marriage, therefore in Jukun society, politics is not an area for women.16 Furthermore, Angyuwen asserts that, in Jukun society, any woman going into politics is considered as not submissive, but strong headed, rebellious or she is sleeping around with men in the corridors of power.17 The foregoing factors have continued to hinder Jukun women from exercising their political rights, particularly active participation in politics. The dominant factors accountable for this negative development is gender stereotyping associated with socio-cultural factors. The Jukun society ascribes mainly dokmestic roles to women basically as home keepers. Enhancing Effective Women Participation in Politics in Jukun Society The history of women empowerment and participation in politics in Nigeria has witnessed a shaky trend since the period of colonialism. In the colonial period, Nigerian women made impressive contributions in the

182 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies political sphere. These women leaders not only played the role of motherhood, but were engaged in state building.18 There are various agents to proffer solution to the marginalization of Jukun women and Nigerian women in general in the area of political participation. Education is therefore crucial to the effective participation of women in politics. The picture of the low level of education of women is captured as follows: There is an estimation of adult illiterates in the world and the large population of these adult illiterates are women. 34.9% for women and 20.5% for men. Also that about 98% of the world's illiterates comes from developing countries. By implication, a greater percentage of the 98% of illiterates in the developing countries are women. Illiteracy therefore has been seen to constitute a barrier to the effective participation of women in development.19 Although, the basic educational requirement for any elective office in Nigeria is school certificate, women in the modern technological societies should be educated in order that they can contribute effectively to national development in the world dominated by men. In the Jukun society, women need to be educated to understand that the role of women in this 21st century has really changed from what it was in the earliest times, to an involving and quest for overall development of the society.20 This is to say that there is need to embark on public enlightenment by organizing workshops, seminars and conferences to educate the Nigerian public that Jukun women can also perform well in political leadership. Women's low participation in politics has prompted the emergence of campaigns to increase women's political presence in countries around the world. The first major international action in favour of women universally was taken by United Nations (UN) in 1946 when it set up a commission on the status of women. In 1975 during the international women's year, the UN General Assembly launched the UN decade for women (1976-1985) with a view to creating global awareness on the status of women and the girl child.21 This concern climaxed with the Fourth World Conference on Women in 1995 held in Beijing, China with the theme “Equality, Development and Peace”, the aim of which was to review and appraise the achievements of the UN Decade for women. The Beijing Declaration asserts that: The status of women has advanced in some important respects in the past decades but that progress has been uneven, inequalities between women and men have persisted and major obstacles remain with serious consequences for the wellbeing of all people.22 Government has in one way or the other initiated various actions towards creating establishments that would focus specifically on issues 183 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies affecting women. Civil society organizations in Nigeria have made several efforts through programs which include advocacy, capacity building, research, training, workshop and seminars to empower women for political participation. International agencies include Convention on the Elimination of All Forms Of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), United Nations Development Fund For Women (UNIFEM), among others with the mission to promote the economic and political empowerment of women in developing countries. Nigerian agencies include Ministry of Women Affairs, National Council of Women Society (NCWS), Women in Nigeria (WIN), among others, with the intent of creating women advocacy groups in Nigeria, enhancement of public awareness, also engaged in empowering women to participate more actively in all aspects of national development.23 Membership includes women from diverse background, including women in the Jukun society, thereby contributing to their political exposure.

Conclusion In conclusion, this paper examines the factors militating against women participation in politics in Nigeria, with particular reference to the Jukun Society. Despite the efforts of various governments to close the gap created by gender discrimination, there still exist wide gap between men and women in public life and in all sectors. Economic, educational, and cultural factors have been claimed to be limiting Jukun women participation in politics. There is the need for women to be empowered politically, economically in order to contribute their quota to the development of their families and that of the society. It is however important to note that despite the foregoing political predicament the women face, their status is slightly improving. At any rate, the change is not significant compared with the enormous proportion of women population in the county. Thus, this paper calls on the Jukun women to rise above all obstacles in order to participate in politics, not only as voters and campaign agents for the men, but contestants to hold various political positions in their locality, the state and the nation at large.

References 1. T. A. Damilola “Women's Participation and the Political Process in Nigeria: Problems and Prospects” in African Journal of P o l i t i c a l Science and International Relations Vol.1(2) February 2010,p 77 2. Patrick Uchendu Education and the Changing Economic Role of Nigerian Women. Enugu: Fourth Dimension, 1995, P 20 3. M. O. McDonnell, Gender Inequality in Nigeria. Abuja: Spectrum

184 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Books Limited 2003 p 4 4. S. A. Effah-Attoe “Women in the Development of Nigeria since Pre- Colonial Times " in Ajaegbu, H. I (ed) Nigeria. A People United, a Nation Assured, Vol. 1, A Compendium. Abuja: Gambumo Publishing Company Limited, 2000, p351 5. Interviewed Jibrin Amfani, 78 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 15th February, 2013 6. Interviewed Sanfo Zhema, 72 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 30th December, 2017 7. L.H Nda Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Ltd. 2003. P 338 8. Interviewed Wapukhen Sabo, 53 years, at Wukari Local Government Area,5th October, 2013 9. Interviewed Doris Arufu, 68 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 5th October 2013 10.U. Dave-Ikoni,” Legal Perspective of Women Participation in Politics in Nigeria” in O. Okpeh, ed Gender, Power and Politics and in Nigeria, Makurdi: Aboki Publishers 2007 p 282 11.Interviewed Jibrin Amfani, 78 years at Wukari Local Government Area, 15th February, 2013 12.Interviewed Lois Emmanuel, 52 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 30th December 2017 13.L.H Nda Women in the Power Equation of Nigerian Politics. Lagos: Dat and Partners Ltd. 2003. P 338 14.Interviewed Ajibauka Adi, 69 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 15th February,2013 15.Interviewed Grace Atoshi, 64 years, at Wukari Local Government Area, 15th February 2013 16.Interviewed Jibrin Amfani, 78 years at Wukari Local Government Area, 15th February, 2013 17.Interviewed Clement Angyuwen 59 years at Wukari Local Government Area, 28th December 2017 18.O. Adagba, “Women Empowerment, Citizenship And Political Participation” in O. Okpeh, ed Gender, Power and Politics and in Nigeria, Makurdi: Aboki Publishers 2007. P 258 19.UNESCO, Basic Educational Literacy: World Statistical Indicators, Paris 20.Interviewed Oyola Siman, at Wukari Local Government Area, 29th December 2017 21.A. B Adeyinka “Essentializing Gender, Justice And Women's Empowerment” in Akinboye (ed) Paradox Of Gender Inequality In 185 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Nigeria Politics. Lagos: concept publications 2004, p 13 22.Fourth World Conference on Women, United Nations Entity for Gender Equality and Empowerment of Women. Beijing, China. www.un.org \ Retrieved from the internet 1st February 2018 23.Mbadugha C. “Women Related Establishment and Non-governmental Organization” in Ajaegbu, H.I (ed) Nigeria, a People United, a Nation Assured Vol. I A Compendium. Abuja: Gambumo Publishing Company Limited, 2000, P 360

186 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Ethics, Morality and Good Governance in Islam; A Panacea to Conflict

Amina Aminu Isma'il Department of Islamic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo 0703 109 0780 [email protected]

Usman Imam Bello Department of Islamic Studies, School of Arts and Social Sciences, Federal College of Education, Yola Adamawa State 0806 411 1044, 0802 515 8336 [email protected], [email protected]

Maunde Usman Muhammad Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts Taraba State University, Jalingo [email protected], [email protected] +2347033087888 Abstract All nations have common principles in morality and ethics. The source of these moral and ethical attitudes can be traced back to three main sources: Intuitive Reasoning (al-fitra) or the basic innate constitution of all human beings; Faculty of Reason (al-'Aql): The ability to reason and derive a decision by using one's mind. It is logical to derive that people of wisdom acquire morality; and Divine Revelation (al-wahy, Tanzil): Muslims believe that God guides humanity by sending a number of prophets and apostles, who are the bearers of the revelation. One of the serious challenges facing mankind in organized social life is ethics, that is the problem of choice between good and bad. With the increasing role of the state in modern societies and the increasing use of administrative discretion in various matters, emphasis has been put by stakeholders on the quality of its governance. For keeping the behavior of public official congruent with public interest, the issue of morality among administrators becomes a principal concern in modern administrative process. This paper therefore attempts to see the effects of ethics, morality in good governance in our society. The paper starts by defining ethics, morals and then morality and governance and good governance and their effects. The paper concludes by projecting some suggestions which, if put to use, will make some improvement, especially in the process of conflict resolution. Keywords: Ethics, Governance, Islam, Morality

187 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Introduction All the creations in this natural world follow certain fixed laws of nature. This is why philosophers and scholars have emphasized ethical development of human beings to ensure rational behavior in the society. Ethics and morality have become important topics in social and political spheres, as well as in diverse scientific disciplines and bodies of knowledge (Hubert, 2010). The term governance and good governance have also received wide attention in the contemporary development discourse. It has been argued that without ethical and moral conscience there will be no good governance. In the Nigerian society today, ethical and moral issues are relegated to the background even among leaders; thus immorality and unethical scenes are rampant. This hampers the development of the nation. It is against this background that this paper addresses ethics, morals and good governance. Conceptual Clarification Ethics: Ethics is derived from the Greek word 'ethos', which means “good and bad”, “right and wrong”. It deals with values relating to human conduct with respect to the rightness or wrongness of certain actions (Wehmeier, 2000). Ethics determines an expected mode of behavior in the society and an organization. Morals: Morals mean standards of behavior, principles of right and wrong. Morals refer to what is “right or wrong” or “good or bad” and involve the value and norms of people that they have strong feelings about usually because they are important for the community to which they belong (Lawton and Doig, 2006). Morals concern with the judgment of right or wrong of human action and character. Morality: Morality means principles concerning the distinction between right and wrong or good and bad behavior. Morality is the differentiation of intentions, decisions and actions between those that are distinguished as proper and others improper (Menzel, 2005). Morality can be a body of standards or principles derived from a code of conduct from a particular philosophy, religion or culture. Ethics and Morality: Ethics and Morality relates to right and wrong conduct, while they are sometimes used interchangeably, they are slightly different: ethics generally refers to rules provided by an external source, like code of conduct in work places or principles in religion. While morals refer to an individual's own principles regarding right and wrong. Governance: Simply put is the process of decision-making and the process by which decisions are implemented or not implemented. Governance can be seen as the exercise of economic, political and administrative authority

188 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies to manage group affairs at all levels (Noor, 2008). It comprises the mechanisms, processes and institutions, through which people articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences. Good Governance: Good Governance is the product of the quality of decisions and actions of public officers that enhance the trust of the people in the polity and its leaders (Linebarger et al, 1956). Good governance is participatory, transparent, accountable, effective and equitable and promotes the rule of law. It ensures that political, social and economic priorities are based on broad consensus in the society and the voices of the most vulnerable are heard in decision-making. It is also responsive to the present and future needs of the society (UNDP, 1998). Characteristics of Good Governance According to the United Nations Development Program (UNDP, 1998), there are eight (8) basic characteristics of good governance. They are: Participation, Rule of Law, Transparency, Responsive, Consensus Orientation, Equity and Inclusiveness, Effectiveness and Efficiency and Accountability. For the benefit of this paper, the following three will be discussed, they are: Accountability, Transparency and Effectiveness and Efficiency. Accountability: Accountability is a key requirement of good governance. It is the obligation of an individual or organization to account for its activities, accept responsibility for them, and to disclose the result in a transparent manner. Decision-makers in government, the private sector and civil society organizations are accountable to the public, as well as to institutional stakeholders (Sheng, nd). Central to the principle of accountability is information sharing and transparency. In general, an organization or an institution is accountable to those who will be affected by its decisions or actions. Hence, it cannot be enforced without transparency and rule of law. Transparency: Transparency is about being open, frank and honest in all communications, transactions and operations. It means that decisions taken and their enforcement in an organization are done in a manner that follows rules and regulations and built on the free flow of information (Sheng, nd). It means that information is freely available and directly accessible to those who will be affected by such decisions and their enforcement in easily understandable forms and monitoring. Effectiveness and Efficiency: Effectiveness is about doing or using the right things that yield positive results, while efficiency is about doing things right or completing a task cheaper or faster. Good governance implies processes and institutions to produce results that meet the needs of society

189 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies while making the best use of resources at their disposal; this promotes efficient public delivery system and quality public outputs (UNDP, 1998). This deals with the amount of public respect the stakeholder has. Morality and ethics in Islam Islam is a comprehensive way of life, and morality is one of the cornerstones of Islam. Morality is one of the fundamental sources of a nation's strength, just as immorality is one of the main causes of a nation's decline. Islam has established some universal fundamental rights for humanity as a whole, which are to be observed in all circumstances. To uphold these rights, Islam has provided not only legal safeguards, but also a very effective moral system. Thus, whatever leads to the welfare of the individual or the society and does not oppose any maxims of the religion is morally good in Islam, and whatever is harmful is morally bad (Oakeshott 1993). Given its importance in a healthy society, Islam supports morality and matters that lead to it, and stands in the way of corruption and matters that lead to it. The guiding principle for the behavior of a Muslim is “Virtuous Deeds”. This term covers all deeds, not only acts of worship. The Guardian and Judge of all deeds is God Himself (Oakeshott 1993). The most fundamental characteristics of a Muslim are piety and humility. A Muslim must be humble with God and with other people: “And turn not your face away from people (with pride), nor walk in insolence through the earth. Verily, God likes not each arrogant boaster. And be moderate (or show no insolence) in your walking, and lower your voice. Verily, the harshest of all voices is the voice (braying) of the ass” (Quran 31:18-19). Muslims must be in control of their passions and desires. A Muslim should not be vain or attached to the ephemeral pleasures of this world. While most people allow the material world to fill their hearts, Muslims should keep God in their hearts and the material world in their hand. Instead of being attached to the car and the job and the diploma and the bank account, all these things become tools to make us better people. “The Day whereon neither wealth nor sons will avail, but only he (will prosper) that brings to God a sound heart.” (Quran: 26:88-89) Principles of Morality in Islam God sums up righteousness in verse 177 of Surat Al Baqarah: “It is not righteousness that you turn your faces towards East or

190 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

West; but it is righteousness (the quality of ) the one who believes in God and the Last Day and the Angels, and the Book, and the Messengers; who spends of his wealth, in spite of love for it, to the kinsfolk, to the orphans, to the needy, to the wayfarer, to those who ask and for the freeing of slaves; and who is steadfast in prayers, and gives Zakah (Alms); and those who fulfill their covenants which they made; and who are patient and perseverant in poverty and ailment and throughout all periods of fighting. Such are the people of truth, the pious.” This verse teaches us that righteousness and piety is based before all else on a true and sincere faith. The key to virtue and good conduct is a strong relation with God, who sees all, at all times and everywhere. He knows the secrets of the hearts and the intentions behind all actions. Therefore, a Muslim must be moral in all circumstances; God is aware of each one when no one else is. If we deceive everyone, we cannot deceive Him. We can flee from anyone, but not from Him. The love and continuous awareness of God and the Day of Judgment enables man to be moral in conduct and sincere in intentions, with devotion and dedication: “Indeed, the most honorable among you in the sight of God is the most pious.” (Quran 49:13) Then come deeds of charity to others, especially giving things we love. This, like acts of worship, prayers and Zakah (mandatory alms), is an integral part of worship. A righteous person must be reliable and trustworthy. Finally, their faith must be firm and should not wane when faced with adversity. Morality must be strong to vanquish corruption: “And God loves those who are firm and steadfast.” Patience is often hardest and most beautiful when it is against one's own desires or anger: “And march forth toward forgiveness from your Lord, and for Paradise as wide as are the heavens and the earth, prepared for the pious. Those who spend (in the way of God) in prosperity and in adversity, who repress anger, and who pardon people; verily, God loves the doers of the good deeds.” (Quran 3:133) These three acts are among the hardest things for most people, but they are also the key to forgiveness and to paradise. Are they not the best, those who are able to exercise charity when they are in need themselves, control when they are angry and forgiveness when they are wronged? This is the standard by which actions are judged as good or bad. By making pleasing God the objective of every Muslim, Islam has set the highest possible standard of

191 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies morality. Morality in Islam addresses every aspect of a Muslim's life, from greetings to international relations. It is universal in its scope and in its applicability. Morality reigns in selfish desires, vanity and bad habits. Muslims must not only be virtuous, but they must also enjoin virtue. They must not only refrain from evil and vice, but they must also forbid them. In other words, they must not only be morally healthy, but they must also contribute to the moral health of society as a whole. “You are the best of the nations raised up for (the benefit of) men; you enjoin what is right and forbid the wrong and believe in God; and if the followers of the Book had believed it would have been better for them; of them (some) are believers and most of them are transgressors.” (Quran: 3:110) The Prophet, may the mercy and blessings of God be upon him, summarized the conduct of a Muslim when he said: “My Sustainer has given me nine commands: to remain conscious of God, whether in private or in public; to speak justly, whether angry or pleased; to show moderation both when poor and when rich, to reunite friendship with those who have broken off with me; to give to him who refuses me; that my silence should be occupied with thought; that my looking should be an admonition; and that I should command what is right.”

Good Acts of Morality in Quran In the Holy Quran, the Almighty Allah has mentioned several acts of good morality that we all should follow in our lives, some of them are listed below: i. Worship only Almighty Allah. ii. Dealing with parents in the best manner. iii. Do not commit adultery. iv. Fulfil promises. v. Taking care of orphans and the poor. vi. Being honest in all matters of life. vii. Treat all people in a fair manner. viii. Fear Allah and always speak truth. ix. Be kind and good towards relatives and neighbors. x. Remain away from gambling and intoxicants. xi. Do not kill anyone unjustly (Dauda 2007). The Concept and Philosophical Foundation of Islamic Government To start with Islam, it is not a human ideology to be subjected to rationalization. It is a divine religion and a complete way of life that is

192 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies coded. The Qur'an says, “truly, the religion with Allah is Islam...(Qur'an3:19) The foundation, the political, economic, social and moral life of Muslims is enshrined wholly in the religion. Thus, both the spiritual and mundane (material ) life of Muslim are given almost equal emphasis and to ensure the spiritual and material advancement and wellbeing of Muslims. It is considered necessary to establish a state/government to facilitate the full practice of the religion in all its dimensions and ramifications. Also, the necessity of establishing a government by Muslims is linked to the issue of justice which is a core value or issue in Islamic practice, for it is believed that a just man can live justly only in a just state/society for which Islam has the capacity to establish and sustain. The founding of a just state/government is the sine quo none of social justice and wellbeing of a Muslim (Doi 1984). Islam takes the issue of leadership very seriously. It is reported the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) commanded that “if you happen to be travelling as a group of three persons, make one of you the Amir over you”. This is clearly so because the main purpose of man's creation is service to Allah, and complete to Allah requires the existence of an organized community of believers. Again, the exercise and normal functioning of such a community requires authority and government (Doi 1984). The impact of the foregoing conduct is to set the direction and substance of good governance and how public affairs are to be handled by leaders. Public affairs are considered and decided by representatives of the entire community called the Majlisush-shurah who are nominated by the Ummah or the Amir based on their piety, uprightness, honesty, sense of justice and knowledge. Education and maturity are indispensable qualifications for leadership (Doi 1984). Historical Evolution of Islamic Government Before the advent of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) who formed the first Islamic government in the history of Islamic political system, there was a period called Jahiliyyah (ignorance) epoch. This period which is also known as pre-Islamic era was the darkest age in human history; it was a time of ignorance and anarchy in the religious and sociopolitical life in the world. The political, social and cultural life developed by the peoples of ancient world was shattered by barbarism (Phillips 1996). There being no political unity and organized government in Arabia, “might was right” was the law in the country. Besides, the Persians had already annexed Yemen and Syria and the Romans had occupied the Ghasssanid Kingdom. The future of divided and distracted Arabia looked gloomy, if she could not be rescued from her malady.

193 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

However, the migration of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) from Mecca to Yathrib on account of deadly hostility of the Quraysh and perceptive mindset and cooperation of the people of Yathrib marked the establishment of the first Islamic government in the history of Islamic political system. The people of Madinah accepted the Prophet (SAW) on account of religious as well as political considerations (Dauda 2005). The Prophet (SAW) established a common wealth of Islam at Madinah and this became the model of the religio-political order of the Muslims. The common wealth was the brotherhood of the Muslims that the Prophet cemented. This brotherhood by uniting the Muhajirun (emigrant from Mecca) and the Ansar (helpers in Madinah) on a footing of perfect equality, while introducing this common wealth the Prophet issued a charter which banned tribal feuds and accorded equal rights of citizenship to all. The Jews and others were included in this common wealth to form a common nationality with the Muslims. These non-Muslims communities signed a social contract with the Prophet (SAW) pledging mutual help against their enemies. The Jews promised never to enter into any understanding with the Quraysh (pagan) and help them against the Muslims, even though the Jews eventually betrayed their covenant with Prophet (SAW), the charter, the first of its kind in the history of mankind and which supersedes the contemporary western constitutional government both in context ant context (Dauda 2005). Implications of Ethics and Morals in Good Governance In every society where ethics and morality prevail in good governance, there is the possibility to have some good implications to the leaders. Some of these implications may include: People will trust the leadership, there will be financial stability in the society and promotes sustainable development. These implications are discussed below: - Trust: Trust is the reliance on the integrity, strength, ability, surety of a person with confidence on the obligations or responsibility imposed on him or authority is placed on him. Leaders who inspire trust garner better output, morale, retention, innovation, loyalty and revenue. Trust affects a leader's impact (Horsanger, 2012). Leaders are trusted only to the degree that people in their ability, consistency, integrity and commitment can deliver. - Financial Stability: This reflects the ability of the financial system to consistently supply the credit intermediation and payment services that are needed in the real economy if it is to continue on its growth path. It occurs when problems or concerns about problems within institutions, markets, payment systems or the financial system in general significantly impair the supply of

194 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

credit intermediation services in the effective allocation of savings to productive investment efficiently and smoothly, in order to absorb surprises and shocks. - Sustainable Development: It promotes equity, delivery of services and benefits to those who need them most, economic development to both domestic and foreign investments (directly or indirectly) and meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs. Recommendations Considering the fundamental issues raised on the topic of discussion, the following recommendations are hereby prescribed: 1. There is need for grassroot orientation for any community or society on the Ethics and morality of their young generation more especially on Islamic heritage. This can take the form of seminars, conferences, symposia, public lectures, publication of newsletters, journals, etc. 2. There need for more researchers to be undertaken by concerned Muslim elites on Islamic political economy in order to create adequate and sufficient academic enlighten on Islamic socio- economic and political system among the elites. 3. There is equally need for Islamic political ideas to be fully integrated into the academic curriculum across the Muslim-world in particular and the world in general more especially higher institutions. 4. Lastly, there is need for comparative political study between Islamic political system and democracy in view of the fact that the latter has woefully failed in finding solution to the problems of humanity thus paving way for Islamic alternative. Conclusion This paper stresses on good governance as a product of the quality if decisions and actions of public officials that enhances the trust of the public in the polity. While taking decisions, public officials always face two conflicting situations such as between serving the personal or group interest and serving public or national interest. It is however, expected that they should always be guided by public interest and subjugate individual interest. The question of ethics or the feeling of right or wrong and just or unjust

195 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies should become a very important issue in administrative behavior. Therefore, the universal basis to achieving uniformity in human behavior regarding good and bad should be the superhuman ethical code, which can only be derived from morality, and to infuse ethical sense in the minds of public officials, moral values should be given priority.

References Dauda A., an Introduction to Shari'ah, Kano, Benchmark, publishers Limited, 2005 Dauda A., advanced level Islamic Studies, Kano, Gidan Dabino Publishers Nigeria, 2007 Doi A. I., Shari'ah the Islamic law, London, United Kingdom, Delux Good word pvt. Ltd, 1984 Horsanger, D. You can't be a Great Leader without Trust. Here's h o w you Build it, www.forbes.com/sites/forbesleadershipforum Retrieved on 23/05/2016. 2012 Huberts, L.Good Governance in the Caribbean. In: Boer, D.M and Kolthoff, E. (Eds), Ethics and Security. The Hague: Eleven International PP 189-206. 2010 Lawton, A. and Doig, A. Researching Ethics for Public Service Organizations: The View from Europe, Public Integrity. Vol. 8, No. 1 PP 11-34. 2006 Linebarger, P.M.A. et al, Far Eastern Governments and Politics. New York: D. Van Nostrand Company Inc. PP 26-27. In: Noor, A. (2008). Ethics, Religion and Good Governance. J.O.A.A.G., vol. 3, No. 2. PP 62-77. 1956 Menzel, D.C. State of the Art of Empirical Research on Ethics and Integrity in Governance. In: Frederickson, H.G and Ghere, R.K. (Eds), Ethics in Public Management. New York: M.E. Sharpe. PP 16-46. 2005 Noor, A. Ethics, Religion and Good Governance. J.O.A.A.G., vol. 3, No. 2. PP 62-77. 2008

Oakeshott, Michael Joseph. Religion, Politics, and the Moral Life.

New Haven, 1993.

Phillips, D. Z. Religion, and Morality. London, 1996. Sheng, Y.K. (nd). What is Good Governance? United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific (UNESCAP). New York: UNESCAP UN Building.

196 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

United Nations Development Program (UNDP) (1998), Corruption and Integrity Improvement Initiatives in Developing Countries, New York: UNDP Wehmeier, S. (Ed) Oxford Advanced Learner's Dictionary, 6th ed. Oxford: Oxford University Press P 557. 2000. www.ecb.europa.eu/pub/fsr Retrieved on 23/05/1016

197 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Paradigm Shift In Church Mission And Its Implication For the 21st Century Nigerian Church

Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, PhD [email protected] Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nigeria

Mande Hakumi U. M. C. A Bible College, Tungan Magajiya, Rijau L.g.a, Niger State [email protected]

John Mark Cheitnum Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi, Nigeria [email protected]

Abstract The church suffered setbacks and experienced paradigm shift in mission work over the centuries of her existence. This was due to societal challenges, misconceptions and assumptions about the identity, image and the mission task of the church. Many church denominations and sects expressed their views and how church mission should be carried out wrongly. The church was influenced by happenings and developments in the wider society. Furthermore, many churches and mission bodies in Nigeria in the last century suffered from the same experience of the wider church over the age. Therefore, there is the need to reflect back into the origin, identity and task of the church mission; to understand the paradigms, dilemmas and provide the right model. Doctrinal and historical analysis provide the church in Nigeria with the right model for church mission in the 21st century. This Paper discovers that the mandate of the church is to please God, to disciple, to fellowship, to meet needs and to win souls and transform the society. The New Testament church was more of a charismatic movement than an institution. The mission is bigger than any sect, denomination and age. Mission is obligatory for all believers, wholistic and global in perspective. Over the centuries, the church adopted some secular ideas, attitudes, practices and traditions that affected her mission to the world. They distracted the church, wasted her resources and shifted her away from the mission task. Therefore, the church in the 21st century Nigeria must return to the word, rediscover and recast her original identity and contextualize her mission to the society.

198 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

INTRODUCTION One often hears people talk about Church and Mission to mean different things. Some interchange the two words to mean the same, and do not see any difference between church and mission. There seems to be no difference between the mission and missions of the Church. Many equate church mission to the various denominations, agencies and other groups scattered all over the branches of the Church. Others consider every activity carried out by the local church to be mission work. Furthermore, many refer to the physical buildings, activities and other structures used by the church to mean the Church. One may not be surprised to hear people, including church men and women, say we are going to Church, referring to a church building. Others consider their denominations or local congregations as the church. In Nigeria, it is common to hear people say “our or my church,” rather than “the Church!” While others say “I belong to this Church… I am going to the church” (Balchin 150). Mission work over the centuries has been belittled. Mission was overlooked in scriptural interpretations. Mission has been by passed in the terminology and the theology of the Church. And finally, mission has been side lined in the history of the Church (John 33-63). The above misunderstandings need to be corrected and the right model put in place. Therefore, this work is intended to understand the paradigm shifts and correct the errors about Church mission. It is necessary for the Nigerian Church in the 21st century to trace back into the origin, identity and mission of the Church. It should be able to make good use of the times, available resources and opportunities in the 21st century Nigeria. This work is a contribution to reposition the Nigerian Church, to be able to take her rightful position in the 21st century society. Paradigm In the context of this paper, paradigm is understood as a social system of assumptions, concepts, values and practices that constitute a way of viewing reality, like religion, etc. This is also a way of thinking which can lead to misleading predispositions, bias and prejudice towards a person, organization or phenomenon. The Vision of the Church And I tell you, Peter: you are a rock, and on this rock foundation I will build my church and the gate of hell shall not prevail against the church…I will give you the keys of the kingdom, of heaven,; whatever you prohibit on earth will be prohibited in heaven, and whatever you permit on earth will be permitted in heaven… Matthew 16: 18-19. Jesus came to inaugurate a Church that has been conceived from above. It is necessary to understand the vision of the Church. The Church is synonymous with the person and the mission of Christ. The sole purpose for the coming of

199 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Jesus was to establish a church that will carry out his vision and mission of love into the lost world (John 3: 16). He came to complete the work of salvation that God started from the beginning of age. The Church is the custodian and the legal instrument for admission into the Kingdom of God. The Church is supposed to deliver humanity from the bondage of Satan, flesh and worldliness. And it is intended that the Church will also restore full fellowship and reconcile the relationship between God and man and among men. For the Church to be able to do this; there is the need for the presence of God. Biblical Concept of the Church To be able to understand the vision, origin, identity and mission of the Church, one needs to take the Bible seriously. The old and the New Testaments must be understood to give the right interpretation of the Church. God had the Church in mind from the beginning of creation. The Bible sees the Church in its cosmic and historical perspectives. Adam was supposed to carry out the mandate of the Church. After the lost paradise of Genesis 3, prophets throughout the Old Testament, like Noah and Abraham, were called out to restore humanity. God chose to bless Abraham so that the human race can be blessed through him. The Church came out of the promise and blessings of God to Abraham. The Church fit into the call and the movement of the congregation of the children of Israel from Egypt into the Promised Land. In the New Testament, the Greek word “ekklesia” or Church is a compound word. The two words “Ek” and “klesia” if put together means “call out ones” (Ferguson 222). In the fullness of time, God sent his Son to inaugurate the Church with a promise that he will built his Church and the gate of hell will not prevail over it. The Church can be described as the called out people, with the purpose to restore and transform the world. The church is more of a charismatic (spiritual) movement rather than an institution with rules, hierarchies and traditions. Therefore, the Church is a special group and the denominations are only a part of the universal movement to restore the human race. Images/ titles of the Church: Jesus and the apostles used some metaphors and images to express the nature of the Church (Costas 56). The following are some of the images and titles used for the Church: the Church is called a new man ( Eph 2:14-15), the body of Christ (1Cor 12, Eph 1:22-23), the temple of the Holy Spirit (Eph2: 21-22), the royal priesthood, the bride of Christ, the house of God, the family of God (1Pet 1:18-19), the flock of God, the Church of God (Acts 20:28), the Church of the living God (1tim3:15), the Church of Christ (Rom 5:16), the church of the 1st born (Heb 12:23), the Church of the saints (1 Cor 14: 33), and the temple of the Holy Spirit (1Cor.

200 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

6:15,6:19), a community of God's people (Ferguson 344). The above biblical views about the Church placed the Church in a very special position to champion the course of humanity. The Church is called to preach a universal gospel that is beyond denominational and regional interest. The gospel is based on the equality of the human race irrespective of ethnic, gender or any social status. The Church is a universal family of all believers (Mahaney 70). There are no social barriers of ethnicity, position and gender (Gal 3: 24). MISCONCEPTIONS ABOUT MISSION There are many misconceptions (Hedlund 89) about mission over the centuries. Thus: 1. Some people believe mission is when missionaries are sent to another territory to culture plant churches, away from the home front. 2. They see all activities undertaken by the missionaries as agricultural schemes, schools, hospitals, guest houses, etc, as the real mission work. 3. Another misconception of mission, particularly in the medieval and after the reformation, was territorial or geographical expansion. Kings and political leaders sponsor and send missionaries to other lands like America, Asia and Africa for political and economic reasons rather than mission work. The competitions and scrambles for places to plant churches are just to expand denominational territories. We have the challenge of sheep stealing and re-arrangement of members among church bodies today. 4. Some consider mission to be the agency or organization that send out missionaries. 5. The work being done in non- Christian world or fields is called mission itself. 6. Many see mission fields as centers where mission stations operate to reach other people. 7. Some considered a local congregation that does not have a pastor and depends on the mother church for support as mission. 8. Some think that certain programs like crusades and revivals are mission work. However, the above may become part of mission work if lives are won and

201 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies transformed. The Mission and Authority of the Church But when the Holy Spirit comes upon you, you will be my witnesses for me from Jerusalem, Judea, and Samaria, and to the ends of the earth. And all that believed were together, and had all things in common. And sold their possessions and goods, and parted them to all men, as every man had need. And they continuing daily with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread from house, did eat their meat with gladness and singleness of heart… Acts 1:8; 2:4447. But how can they call to him for help if they have not understood? And how can they understand if they not heard the message? And how can they hear if the message is not proclaimed? And how can the message be proclaimed if the messengers are not send out?...Romamns 10: 14-15. Go, then, to all peoples everywhere and make disciples of all nations: baptize them in the name of the father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit, and teach them to obey everything I have commanded you. And I will be with you always, to the end of the age. Matthew 28: 19-20. The Mission of the Church is “Missio Dei,” that is the Mission of God. The word mission is from a Latin word for “sending” (Warren 280). Mission is the task within and outside the Church; local and universal that is aimed at soul winning. Mission has to do with the divine plan of God and activities since creation to save man and nature. Mission is the heart beat of God! It is the theory and practice of soul winning. The sole mandate of the Church is soul winning. The authority of the Church is the mission work. There are five purposes that mark a true Church and mission in the Bible: Preaching/ teaching the word of God, growing to please God, expression of love/ fellowship, meeting social needs and winning souls for the kingdom of God (Ahmed 41). The key issue in the 21st century is about Church health and not growth (Warren, Purpose Driven Church 16-17). Any person, thing or organization that is healthy naturally grows. The early Church had dimensional growth by expressing the five purposes. Missions have to do with the activities and agencies used by the Church to fulfill the great command and commission. This may include social programs like education, economic empowerment, medical services, and political liberation (Ahmed 106). Any program and activities by the Church that is not targeted and end in soul winning is just entertainment, maintenance and waste of precious resources that God has provided to his Church. However, the mission is bigger than man and the Church. He can only participate in the mission of God, but cannot exhaust it. Pastors are the most strategic change gents to deal with the problems in our society (Warren, Purpose Driven Church 19). Mission determines God's actions toward man (Ahmed 550-551). God was

202 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the first to create the world, He was the first to love man, send His son to save man (John 1:1, 3: 16). Mission is God's “Yes” to the world to do everything that is good and right. Conversely, God's mission is God saying 'No” to every immoral and bad thing and action in the world. Therefore, the mission of the Church today is to tell the yes and no of God to the world. The Church and mission are the signs and reality of God's love, forgiveness, and reconciliation to the world. It is left to the Christian believer to confess, express and proclaim it in attitudes, words and actions. The Christian faith is intrinsically a missionary effort and labour. A Christian believer is a missionary agent; his confession, expression and proclamation should be a letter to the deprived world. The entire activities of the believer should end or lead to soul winning. The missionary task comprises of his whole life: his spirit, body and soul. It includes secular and sacred, physical and spiritual issues (Ferguson 257). God gave the mandate and with the power to the Church to carry out mission work. There cannot be any power without authority, an enabling law backing it. There cannot be a king or governor without the authority to act or perform. It is unfortunate and an irony that many believers or Churches do not know the mandate and not to talk about the authority to carry out. This may be one of the reasons some Churches or believers cannot perform today. This was the reason why Jesus told the disciples to tarry in Jerusalem until when the Holy Spirit comes upon them. They must wait to receive power to perform the mission task (Ferguson 225). They waited, and received the Holy Spirit, the authority to carry the mission to every parts of the world (Acts 1:8). Many Churches and believers may need to wait to receive power to perform. The Church today must learn from the disciples for agreeing and using the authority correctly for the right purpose. Because they kept faith to the mission, two things happened: they received favor and God added to their number. The challenge of the 21st century is for the Church to keep faith and perform. The Church is one of the instruments God uses to do mission work. Paradigm Shift in the Task of Mission This was the way mission was understood and practiced by the Church over the past centuries based on their contexts, situations and experiences. Mission paradigm during the first century: The paradigm in the first century Hebrew Church was dominated by the death and resurrection of Jesus Christ. The emphasis was the word, charisma and mission. As far as they were concerned, the old order ended at the cross, and the new order began at his resurrection. The message of the Church was the resurrection and power of the gospel. The Words of Christ were given literal interpretation. They gave emphasis to the rapture and the second coming 203 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

(1Thess 5). The Church involved in aggressive evangelism to save the lost world before the coming. The early Church had motivation and the zeal to do mission work. Everybody, including women (Aluko 47), participated, and they enjoyed the grace of God as they went around preaching the gospel (Rom 1:14, 1Cor 9). Mission Paradigm during the Greek Church (2nd to the 4thAD): The outbreak of persecutions in Jerusalem and Judea forced believers to run to Greek cities, which made churches to flourish in those areas. The Church faced the most terrible persecution from Jewish and Roman authorities. They were chased out of the synagogue and many were jailed. There was a clash of Jews, Greek and Christian cultures and traditions in the Church. The emphasis in the patristic Church was simple. They expressed the apostolic love, sharing, teaching, unity, fellowship and soul winning (Mahaney 90). There was a shift from the understanding of rapture to realized eschatology (change society). They saw the need to adopt some Greek cultures, language and philosophy to express the Christian faith, mission and life. Mission paradigm during the Medieval or Latin Church (6th to the 16th AD): the period is described in some records as the Middle or the Dark Ages. This period began with the papacy of Gregory the great and ended with the Muslim contempt of Constantinople. The period saw the Church moving from a minority group into a large and powerful force. The Church moved from the oppressed community to become the oppressor. Christian link with Judaism suffered setbacks. The romance and marriage between the altar (Clergy or Church) and the throne (Emperor or State) robbed the concept of the priesthood of all believers (Nothingham 77). This period saw the misused of the authority of the papacy and the state to coerce people into Christianity. The use of crusaders to defend the church became prominent. Those who denied the faith were persecuted and sometimes killed. The Church had little or nothing to do with the second coming because they were comfortable with the world systems. The apostolic zeal in doing mission of the first century was gone. The period therefore saw the elevation of the papacy and Church traditions to the same level with the scripture. Worst till, Faith and reason was elevated to the level of the word of God (Yinger 207). Mission Paradigm during the Reformation: Some felt that there was no deliberate zeal for mission, while other felt there was at this period. This period saw the Church struggling for survival and identity outside the control of Rome. However, their slogans of “justification by faith alone” and “faith in Christ alone” became a missionary message (Herod 55). They

204 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies gave emphasis to the depravity and the need for individual salvation. They returned to the emphasis on the priesthood of all believers. They made emphasis on the supremacy and infallibility of the scripture. The primary task of the reformers was to reform the Church of all false practices and traditions. John Calvin insisted that all traditions and practices that do not have Biblical support should be rejected. While Martin Luther said any good tradition that does not contradict the Bible could be used. The pietism movement gave impetus to the reformation Church. They gave emphasis on the authority of the word of God, the role of the Holy Spirit, holiness, personal salvation, and priest-hood of all believers and the responsibility of all believers to the mission of the Church (Hargroove 98). This movement made Germany the leading protestant missionary Church in the 18th century. Mission Paradigm during the Enlightenment (17th to 19th): This period saw renewed emphasis on the autonomy and primacy of human reason (science and fact) rather than God or his word (Evans 66). They gave emphasis to objectivity and fact above subjectivity and value. They believed that everything has a cause and effect. But they forgot that God is the ultimate cause and has the purpose. They gave emphasis to progress through civilization, science and technology. They believed that every problem can be solved. However, the first and second world wars disproved them. Personal autonomy and salvation made faith a private affair. However, their views about hope and progress encouraged the Church to embark on mission to help other lands that were behind. The Church felt they were coming to introduce Christianity, civilization and monoculture to those lands. The breakthrough in science and technology (Industrial revolution in 17th) became the instrument and materials for doing mission. The extreme separation between secular and sacred brought the marriage between the Church and state at the end. This also affected mission work both positively and negatively. Emerging Ecumenical Mission paradigm (20th to the 21st): The Church was becoming more aware that she is living for others universally and the task of mission is collective. Mission today is seen on a global and local perspective. No Church, group or region is superior to the other, but are equal partners. Every person, group, region and continent has a contribution to make. There should be interrelationship and interdependence among Church groups, no one Church can do it alone. Mission is now global and inclusive to all the sectors of the global society. Mission today should be holistic: save the body, soul and spirit in a real world (Rinygren 55). There is the need to mobilize human and material resources for the work. Mission agents and the Church used information

205 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies technology and other resources available. Mission addressed social injustices, socio-economic, political crises and was ecumenical. Therefore, the task of doing mission work is an obligation for everyone, Church and regions of the world. The Church as an Institution Ever since I brought them out of Egypt, they have turned away from me and worshiped other gods; and now they are doing to you what they have always done to me. So then, listen to them, but give them warnings and explain how their kings will treat them…1Samuel 8: 8-9 There is every tendency for a new organization to start as a charismatic movement and for an older organization to have rules, routines and traditions. These were and still are the experiences of the church over the centuries. The Church is a real, existing based on fact and on a historical setting, subject to time and changes. The Church is an organism and organization that experiences growth and challenges from the wider society. The Church as an Institution means church with established forms of procedures, leaders and traditions (Madver 15). The Church or religion is one of the institutions of society like family, education, economic and politics. They interact, affect and influence each others in dimensions. The historical and social circumstances in human society forced the Church to device means of survival and ways of forming its identity. The early Church experienced the following three stages. They are mandatory stages in the evolution of every church organization: 1. Charismatic and Movement Stage: The Christian Church started as a charismatic movement from the first three centuries to the edict of Milan, to tolerate the Church throughout the Empire in 1313 AD (O'dea 37). Constantine believed that the Christian cross he saw on the sky (saw the sign “by this you shall conquer”), when going to war gave him victory. The first three centuries and the time of the reformation were the periods of intense persecutions, martyr ship and charismatic experience by the Church. This periods experienced vitality, growth and spread of the Church to many lands. The activities of the Church in such periods were simple: worship, fellowship, sharing and conversion (Burth 34). The role of the Holy Spirit was emphasized and mission work got burst because everybody participated. No emphasis on rules, positions, offices, hierarchy and traditions to the extent that fewer resources were needed and

206 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

used. Attention was given to the health and welfare of the organism or all believers not just some leaders. Charismatic leaders and the people were motivated and mobilized to accomplish the task of mission (Malinowski 7). Every new religion or faith is charismatic to the extent that they want to grow. Such groups do not have rules, traditions and positions of authority. It has flexibility, individual participation, growth and less spending on maintenance. The Church in Nigeria experienced this in the first fifty years of her existence. The Holy Spirit in the sixties at the Bible School, Obi, made them abandon school and went for evangelism. In Alushi in the seventies, people spoke in tongues and confessed the sins of the Church. There was no craze for position and leaders cry when appointed. Where are those good days today..? This may be because there were no elaborate positions and incentives. 2. The Doctrinal Stage: This was the time when the Church experienced growth and saw the need to formulate and organize to be able to combat challenges of heresies both within and outside. The Church experienced this during the controversies on the Trinity and Christology from the 4th to the 10th century AD (Noss 44). Because of heresies and crises, emphasis was given to doctrinal beliefs and practices of the Church. This period experienced formulations, consolidation of rules, offices, routines and practices of the church. There was less emphasis on role of the Holy Spirit and mission. The church was now struggling to evolve an identity and image after the founders (O'dea 37). They evolved local leadership, rules and offices. The Church may be tempted to be enslaved by the doctrines and traditions, but closing their eyes to their mission to the society. This was part of the experience of the church in Nigeria from the second half of the century (1950s) to the present. 3. The Stage of Association: This is the last stage when the Church suddenly realized they cannot live in isolation. In Church history, it started from the Medieval Church in the 11th to the 16th century AD. This stage was the by-product of societal circumstances, interactions and influences (Newman 65). This was a process in the

207 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

emergence of religious organizations for stability and continuity after the death of the founder (O'dea 37, 50-51, 510). They copied and adopted societal laws, practices, traditions and powers. They formulated strong rules, positions, hierarchies, and authorities. There was desire and agitations for political and economic powers by the clergy like in the secular state. The leaders were given monarchical and ecclesiastical powers like in the society. The choice and agitations for leadership were based on sentiments, incentives, group interest and greed, rather than charisma. The church was busy and struggling to build elaborate headquarters, positions, offices and hierarchies. A lot of resources were needed and wasted to maintain the structures, titles and leaders to the neglect of mission work. This is the stage where most churches and sects in Nigeria have reached today.

Dilemmas and Dangers in an Institutional Church Before we talk about some institutional dilemmas and solutions, permit us to mention a few advantages of the Church as an institution. As an organization grows with time, it tries to evolve rules and traditions to make them adopt and become more stable. One of the advantages of the institutional Church is that it can maintain the order and stability of the Church. The second is that it can maintain continuity with the original Christian faith. Finally, it provides a social framework and identity for the Church within the socio-economic and political experience of the society. Let us now look at the five dilemmas of an institutional Church by O'dea (275): 1. Dilemma of Mixed Motivation: Most people, lay and clergy, may rush to the elaborate Church to affiliate and work because of the privileges, incentives and power. 2. Symbolic Dilemma and Alienation: By the time the Church experienced growth and burst, it may lead to the alienation of members and some clergy from participation in mission and other services of the Church. Imposed patterns from leaders above upon the participants may bring oppositions into the system. There is also a situation where church worship and sacraments like baptism, the lord supper, etc, can become mere rituals and lose their true meaning (O'dea 277).

208 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

3. Dilemma of Administrative Orders: The desire for effectiveness, elaborate structures like strict rules, hierarchies, departments, etc, are put in place which can get members fade up and alienated (inaccessible) to the leaders and system (279). 4. Dilemma of Delimitation of the Holy Spirit: Because of the over emphasis on the constitution, Church policies, hierarchies and traditions, there is less emphasis on the role of the Holy Spirit who is supposed to be the underlying factor in the Church (280-281). 5. Dilemma of Power: Conversion versus Coercion: The danger is that the Church institution misuses her power by coercing rather than convert people to become Christians. Decisions are made from top and forced on members at the bottom. This may lead to oppositions and resistance against the leadership (281). Safe Guide for the Institutional Church There are some safe guides the institutional Church can take to avoid falling into the dilemmas mentioned above (282): 1. Personal and spiritual renewal for those in positions and the lay followers alike; to change their attitudes from seeing church work as a job rather than ministry. 2. Recasting the original vision and mission of the founding fathers of the organization. 3. Leaders should be recruited, trained and learn to be servants and not kings or bosses. 4. Place the power and role of the Holy Spirit on the center and actions of the Church. 5. Introduce the attitudes of individual and corporate confessions of institutional sins. 6. Abandon and remove persons, some incentives, structures, obsolete traditions, policies and rules that have wasted time, energy and resources and are obstacles. 7. Be innovative and get new ideas or structures that are simple and are able to achieve the mission of the Church. The Right Model for the Church Avery Dulles (66) gave some models of the kind of Church that God established and expected: 1. The Church is a mystical communion (Jn 17:11, 15-17, 1Jn 3:13):

209 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Church has its origin, identity and purpose in God the Father, the Son and Holy Spirit. The Church is both a human and a spiritual organism. The members of the Church have inward and outward expressions of God, who is the seal of their services. 2. Church is a sacrament: A sign of God redemptive and bearers of God's grace for the human race (Matt 5:13-16, Acts 1:8, 13: 47, Eph5:8, Phil2:15). 3. Community of disciples: The Church is a community of believers whose main task is to do evangelism. Leadership style is based on the basis of servant-hood and equality of all believers. The life in the community is in complete contrast to the world (Mk 10:42-45). 4. Four attributes of the Church are: Unity, holiness, catholicity and apostolicity, which are the marks of a true church (Kung 60). Implications for the Church in the 21st Century Nigeria No one patches up an old coat with a piece of new cloth, for the new patch will shrink and make an even bigger hole in the coat. Nor does anyone pour new wine into old wineskins, for the skins will burst, the wine will pour out, and the skins will be ruined. Instead, new wine is poured into fresh wineskins, and both will keep in good condition. Mathew 9: 16 -17. The following implications for the Church in Nigeria want to take the mission of God seriously: The following implications for the Church in Nigeria want to take the mission of God seriously: 1. The Church in Nigeria and, indeed, the body of Christ need to know that the Church is established on truth, vision and mission of God1. The Church in Nigeria and, indeed, the body of Christ need to know that the Church is established on truth, vision and mission of God. 2. The use of the keys or power by any church is determined by the common agreement and oneness with God and the body of Christ (John 17:21, 23). The Church has the power to determine the course of social actions and event in Nigeria. 3. The Church should be able to confront evil head long and prevail over it in the society, and should be able to set the right model for others in the society. 4. Church in Nigeria need to know that she is not a human invention, innovation, and has no human origin, identity and image. 5. The Church and mission is bigger than any person, group or denomination; is both global and local, based on equal partnership. 6. The Church is a charismatic movement and not an institution with 210 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

rigid rules, hierarchies, and authority. A situation where the Church is struggling with maintenance of structures to the detriment of mission work is not ideal. 7. Mission is the mission of the pastor/ church, soul winning is the primary responsibility of the Church, and the heart beat of God. 8. Since the Church and mission is God's idea and vision, it must be done God's way. Any mission done God's way has His favor, authority and provisions. 9. The Church should allow the Holy Spirit to lead, emphasize the priest-hood of all believers and participation in mission. 10. A healthy or growing Church is not measured by the sitting capacity, money in the bank, or number of assets, but by changed lives and sending capacity. 11. The Nigerian Church must seek to build a Church that is self governing, self propagating and self supporting (resources) in doing mission work. 12. The Church should open up more mission centers in the rural and urban areas across the world, and particularly in the rural areas. 13. Recruitment, training and mentoring of pastors/ leaders and missionaries should be based on calling to do mission work. 14. Appointment of pastors and leaders should be based on charisma, skills, competence, performance and experience and not based on sentiments. 15. Transfers should be less frequent, based on need and suitability of personnel. 16. Church leaders should be trustees, stewards and servants, not autocrats and bosses. 17. Some incentives, attractions and privileges of Church offices like titles, allowances and consolidations should be reduced to avoid competitions. 18. Pastors and believers should fight social ills like immorality, ethnicity, poverty and political crises in society. 19. The Church can adopt some modern ideas, principles and methods to meet her needs. 20. The observance of weeks by groups from Headquarters to classes should be streamlined and monies shared on percentages. 21. All ethnic meetings/ fellowships in the Church should be banned, because they are avenues for campaigns during Church elections in various churches in Nigeria. 22. To recruit, mentor and send young Christians into politics, etc, to influence, dictate, and transform government policies and actions.

211 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

23. All Church policies, practices, traditions and hierarchies should not be elevated to the same level with the scripture. 24. Must uphold the four attributes of the Church: unity, holiness, catholicity and apostolicity. 25. The Church should make good use of information technology like computer, satellite, internet, and other mass media to spread the gospel and mission. 26. There is the need to recast and renew the original vision and mission of the Church. 27. The Church from time to time should confess both personal and corporate sins. 28. There has to be a continuity and discontinuity of traditions: Remove all structures and traditions (rigid rules, obsolete traditions, rigid hierarchies and wastages) that have become obstacles and adopt others to help in mission and Church health. Conclusion Finally, for the Nigerian Church to properly carry out her mandate in the 21st century, will have to observe the followings: i. She must understand her origin, identity and mandate to this age. ii. She must return to her charismatic posture and change the changing world with the unchanging gospel. iii. She must look deep into the unchanging word and rediscover the sole mission into the changing Nigerian society and the world at large. iv. She must ensure that the old gospel message remains the same, but the methods or procedures and paradigm must and shall continue to change. v. She must know that the people can only hear, understand and be saved when the gospel is properly and correctly preached in their contexts. vi. The Church must make good of the times and good changes in the society. vii. There is the urgent need to recast and return to the original identity, vision, and mission of the apostolic church fathers now!

References Ahmed, Elfaruk Ali. Determinism and Human Freedom, Thoughts in the Humanities. Ilorin: Decency Printers, 2011. ……………African Moral Values: Panacea for the Transformation of Africa in Journal of Philosophy, Vol.1. No 1. Department of Religious Studies, 2013.

212 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

……………Jesus' Example of Love: An Antidote to Ethno-Religious Violence in Nigeria in Journal of Research in Arts and Social Science Education. Department of Arts and Science Education, ABU Zaria.Vol 2, No. 1, July 2013 Aluko, Taiye. Assessing the Impact of Women's Exploit in Leadership Structures in selected Nigerian Churches and the inherent Challenges in Keffi Journal of Religion. Department of Religious Studies, Vol. 2, January 2012. Balchin, John F. What the Bible Teaches about the Church. Wheaton: Tyndale, 1980. Burth, Edwin A. Man seeks the Divine: A study on the History and Comparison of Readings. NY: Harpers, 1967. Costas, Orlando E. The Church and its Mission: Shattering Critique from the 3rd World. 1974. Evans, Stephen C. Philosophy of Religion: Thinking about Faith. England: Intervarsity, 1982. Falk, Peter. The Growth of the Church in Africa. Jos Nigeria: Carpro Media,1997. Dulles, Avery. Models of the Church.Expanded Edition. NY: Image Books, 1987. Ferguson, Sinclair B. (ed) et.al. New Dictionary of Theology. England: Intervarsity, 2001. Hargroove, Barbara W. Reformation of the Holy: Sociology of Religion. Philadelphia: Davis,1971. Hedlund, Roger. The Mission of the Church in the World. Grand Rapids MI: Baker, 1985. Herod, F. G. What Men Believe. London: Methuen, 1968. Johnstone, Patrick. The Church is Bigger than you Think. Great Britain: Christian Focus Publications, 1998. Kung, Hans. The Church. Korea: Sheed and Ward, 1967. Mahaney, Ralph. And Frost Robert.How Jesus Builds His Church. California: World WAP,1970. Malinowski, Branislow. Magic, Science and Religion. USA: Anchors, 1954. Madver, R. Charles H. Society and Introductory Analysis in Sociology. NY: Macmillan, 1954. Newman, William M. The Social Meanings of Religion. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1974. Nothingham, Elizabeth K. Religion and Society: Study in Sociology. NY: Random, 1994. Noss, John B. Man's Religions. NY: Macmillan, 1949. O”dea, Thomas. “Five Dilemmas in the Institutionalization of Religion:”

213 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The social Meanings of Religion. Newman: William, 1975. Peters, George. A Biblical Theology of Missions. Chicago: Moody Press, 1972. Rinygren, Helmer and Ali Storm.Religion of Mankind: Today and Yesterday. Philadelphia: Fortress, 1967. Yinger, John M. (ed). Religion, Society and the Individual.NY, 1968. Warren, Rick. The Purpose Driven Church. Kaduna: Evangel Publication, 1995, …………The Purpose Driven Life. Michigan: Zondervan, 2002.

214 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Examining the Role of Ecowas in Regional Integration and Collective Security in West Africa

Charles Akale Centre for Strategic Research and Studies, National Defence College, Abuja Contact: [email protected], 08064179445 & Kingsley Chigozie W. Udegbunam Peace and Conflict Resolution Unit, School of General Studies University of Nigeria, Nsukka

Abstract Threats to security of states within the West African region include political violence, organized crime, armed conflicts, poverty and religious violence, among others. The cultural and physical proximity of the region have made these threats common enemies to member states because such threats transcends geographical boundaries with its mirror effects on neighbouring states. This situation gave rise to the need for regional integration for enhanced collective security, consequently forced ECOWAS to expand its role to include collective security platforms. However, ECOWAS efforts at RI for improved collective security through the creation of the ECOWAS Standby Force has been hampered by problems of logistics, funding, rivalry, payment of dues by member states, troops contributions. Keywords: Regional Integration, Collective Security, ECOWAS, Standby Force, Threats. Introduction The continuous breakdown of law and order, destructions of lives and property, perpetration of human rights abuses and generations of refugees caused by conflicts transcend national boundaries with dire consequences for peace, security and development at national, regional and global levels. In the 1990s, the end of the Cold War and the advance of globalization triggered the need for new regionalism, with the establishment of a number of regional cooperation frameworks, such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Asia–Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) process, as well as efforts to rejuvenate and strengthen existing regional institutions and the creation of several sub-regional ones in Europe and Africa.Thus by the beginning of the 21st century, there were 9

215 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies organizations for regional integration in Africa, 8 in America, 9 in Asia, 15 in Europe and Euro-Atlantic and 5 in the Middle East with different objectives that include collective security within regional boundaries. Globally, the United Nations (UN) recognizes the need for collective action in dealing with violent conflict in the international system. The UN recognizes the important role regional integration can play towards the maintenance of international security. Consequently, the UN Charter introduced a mechanism to control and to eliminate conflict through the reduction of the use of force by states in international relations as stipulated in Chapter VIII of the Charter that regional organizations “shall make every effort to achieve pacific settlement of local disputes” before referring such disputes to the United Nations Security Council. Based on this provision, regional organizations have developed capabilities to manage conflict and disputes within their spheres of influence. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) represents an effort in RI for enhanced collective security within the West African region. It was established in 1975 primarily as an economic integration organization but has evolved into a formidable regional integration body with acknowledged capacity for collective security within and among member states. Although ECOWAS was not originally commissioned to play security role, the threat of conflicts and insecurity arising in the sub-region or it becoming protracted would compelled the body whose membership include the Republic of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cape Verde, Cote d'Ivoire, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Liberia, Mali, Niger, Nigeria, Senegal Sierra Leone and Togo; (Mauritania pulled out in 2000) to assume such duty. Domestic and external threats to sub-regional security led to the signing of the 1978 Protocol on Non-Aggression and the 1981 Protocol on Mutual Assistance on Defence.The Protocol on Non-Aggression basically applied to conflicts between member states and stresses the sanctity of national sovereignty while encouraging member states to pursue peaceful resolution of disputes. On the other hand, the Mutual Assistance on Defence was borne out of the conviction by ECOWAS leaders that economic progress can only be realized when the necessary conditions for peace and stability has been institutionalized. Hence the West African leaders agreed to pull resources together in a solidarity pact to prevent external aggression and this has become a clear effort in regional integration for collective security. The framework for ECOWAS collective security also include such architectures as the ECOWAS Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (also known as The 216 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Mechanism), ECOWAS Protocol on Democracy and Good Governance as well as the ECOWAS Conflict Prevention Framework and the ECOWAS Standby Force. Based on these, ECOWAS has deployed military capabilities to enhance collective security in countries such as Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea-Bissau, Mali, and the Gambia. Despite ECOWAS efforts for enhancing collective security in the region, insecurity orchestrated by organised crime, election violence, radical and violent extremism, poverty, among other factors continue to pervade the West African region. The purpose of this paper, therefore, is to appraise the ECOWAS' role in regional integration for collective security with the aim of identifying gaps and ways of improving ECOWAS efforts for enhanced collective security in the region. Conceptual Clarification Regional Integration Kupchan and Kupchan defined regional integration as the process through which national states “voluntarily mingle, merge and mix with their neighbors so as to lose the factual attributes of sovereignty while acquiring new techniques for resolving conflicts among themselves.”For De Lombaerde,regional integration is a worldwide phenomenon of territorial systems that increases the interactions between their components and creates new forms of organization, co-existing with traditional forms of state led organization at the national level. This definition, no doubt, reflects contemporary nature of regional organizations especially because they create new systems while retaining the existing individual political structures. Furthermore, Van Langenhove sees regional integration simply as the process by which states within a particular region increase their level of interaction with regard to economic, security, political, or social and cultural issues. He further explains that regional integration initiatives should fulfill at least eight important functions: the strengthening of trade integration in the region, the creation of an appropriate enabling environment for private sector development, the development of infrastructure programmes in support of economic growth and regional integration, the development of strong public sector institutions, and good governance; the reduction of social exclusion and the development of an inclusive civil society; contribution to peace and security in the region the building of environment programmes at the regional level the strengthening of the region's interaction with other regions of the world.

217 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Collective Security Roberts and Kingsbury define collective security as “an arrangement where each state in the system accepts that security of one of them is a concern of all, and agrees to join in a collective response to aggression”.Kupchan et al defines collective security as, “an agreement between states to abide by certain norms and rules to maintain stability and when necessary, band together to stop aggression”. Moreover, Johnson and Niemeyers definition of collective security as “a system based on the universal obligation of all nations to join forces against an aggressor state as soon as the fact of aggression is determined by established procedure.” In such a system, aggression is defined as a wrong in universal terms and an aggressor, as soon as he is identified, stands condemned. Hence, the obligation of all nations to take action against him is conceived as a duty to support right against wrong. The above three definitions share one thing in common; aggression. They tend to claim that collective security can only be formed against an aggressor, especially state that deploys aggression against another. Such view focuses on the state as the referent object of security thereby failing to capture contemporary security threats such as already highlighted in this paper. Consequently, we define collective security as agreement among states with common security challenges to draw synergies to effectively combat domestic and external security threats when necessary. This definition accommodates aggression as a threat to security as well as other contemporary threats within or without the boundary of a given political entity. It further allows the freedom of a member states to seek for help only when such state deems it necessary. Literature Review Several studies have been conducted over the years on ECOWAS and regional integration in West Africa. However, most of these studies vary in approach, content, theories and methodology Bailes and Cottey (2005) examine the nature and dynamics of regional security cooperation at the global level. They examine RI structures such as the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the European Union (EU), the Organization of American States (OAS), the African Union (AU), the Arab League, and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN). interrogate the regional cooperation-security nexus and affirm that regional security have 4 models with prime facie relevance for the 21st century. These models are alliances, collective security, security regimes and security communities. They further argued that alliances are one of the oldest forms of international cooperation, designed for both defence and attack against a common external, or even internal, threat or opponent. They explain a 218 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies security community as a group of states among which there is a real assurance that the members of that community will not fight each other physically, but will settle their disputes in some other way. Bundu (1994) provides a review of regional integration in West Africa over the last two decades. He explains that there are about 40 major intergovernmental organizations (IGOs) in the region, and Bundu considers that this is in itself an achievement and testimony to the community spirit and solidarity that have developed among West African states. However, he opines that these IGOs have not had any significant development impact, because of difficulties in securing the effective implementation of integration programs in the member countries. Fayomi and Adeola (2015) argue that regional integration is viewed as a veritable means of leveraging comparative advantage within a common market for the purpose of promoting trade growth and development. They contend that it is the recognition of the inevitable role of trade to stimulate rapid socio-economic cum political development that spurs countries within West African sub-region to establish the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). In the last four decades of its existence, the community has been able to achieve remarkable progress in some areas. Essien (2013) in his work, argues that regional cooperation and integration has been, and will most likely continue to be highly relevant for West Africa. He enthuses that the strong domestic and regional demand in trade and finance, expanding cross-border infrastructure, and increased factor mobility provides tremendous scope and imperative. Conscious of the wave of economic cooperation around the world, the overriding need to foster and accelerate economic and social development and the promotion of har- monious growth of the contiguous states of West Africa, there is need of effective economic cooperation and integration. ECOWAS and the Quest for Regional Integration and Collective Security in West Africa From inception on May 28, 1975, ECOWAS has been involved in regional integration for collective security and the organization's experience in this regard has helped it development of several institutional frameworks that would help to prevent further outbreaks of hostilities; manage them when they occur and ensure peace and stability in the sub-region. These security architectures have been mentioned above. They represented an expansion of ECOWAS concept of “security” because of the criticisms of its earlier protocols. The 1978 and 1981 protocols criticized for narrow definition of “security” to mean security at the national level against external security threats or the use of military force engineered and supported by states outsides the sub- region. It is argued that since domestic threats emanating from ethno-religious

219 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies conflicts, bad governance, political repressions, human rights violations and abuses and flagrant abuse of state coercive apparatuses were not captured as part of threat to national or regional security, it therefore meant that the two protocols were merely regime protection strategies which were designed to serve the interests of ECOWAS leaders and “insure” them against both external and internal threats. However, the outbreak of civil war in Liberia in December 1989 and the accompanying humanitarian disaster impressed upon ECOWAS leaders that measures needed to be taken to institutionalize a formal peace and security architecture to deal with future threats to collective security. One of these architectures that have been considered as comprehensive is the ECOWAS Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security (referred to The Mechanism).There are three key organs in the ECOWAS Mechanism: the Mediation and Security Council, Defence and Security Commission and the Council of Elders.The mediation and Security Council decides all matters relating to peace and security on behalf of the Authority of Heads of State and Government. It is composed of nine members states elected for a two year period on a rotational basis with no permanent seat. The Council is a replica of the UN Security Council but it functions at a sub-regional level. Decisions in the Council are taken based on a two third majority of votes. The Council implements the provisions of the Mechanism through the Defence and Security Commission, the Council of Elders and ECOMOG. The Defence and Security Commission comprises the Chief of Defence Staff of member states. Peacekeeping missions are planned by the Commission. Its role is to examine all technical issues and logistics requirement for any peacekeeping operations. On the other hand, the Council of Elders is made up of eminent personalities such as past heads of state, renowned diplomats and religious rulers. They use their good offices to play the role of mediators, conciliators and facilitators. The Council of Elders is used primarily for conflict mediation and electoral monitoring. To ensure adequate preparedness for action, ECOMOG was integrated into The Mechanism as a useful tool for maintaining peace in the region. ECOMOG troops consist of contingents from national armed forces of member countries. In June 2004, ECOMOG was renamed ECOWAS Standby Force (ESF). The ESF is designed to have the capability for rapid deployment within 14 days to halt sub-regional crisis and enhance collective security. The task of the ESF include military and observation missions where ECOMOG will supervise and monitor ceasefires, disarmament, demobilization, elections, respect for human rights and humanitarian activities for enhanced collective security.

220 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Although it could be argued that ECOWAS experiences in regional integration for collective security have led to the evolution of some critical institutional frameworks, it has been identified that such institutional frameworks face the challenge of enforcement and comprehensiveness. ECOWAS frameworks fail to make adequate provisions for other potent security threats such as human trafficking, drug trafficking, and proliferations of Small Arms and Light Weapons (SALW) among others. This aspect to some extent has shown the deficiency of the organisation to deal with transnational challenges. SALW is still a lingering problem to the sub-region, which destabilise West Africa and prolonging both armed conflict and illegal exploitation of resources. In examination of the reason for this, the political commitment of member states to ratify the 2006 ECOWAS Convention on SALW successfully has also been called to question. ECOWAS has also been regarded to have failed to collectively and unambiguously provide security to any of the transnational challenges facing the sub-regions as a result of many factors thereby adversely impacting on collective security. Some of these challenges are discussed below. ECOWAS Key Challenges in Regional Integration and Collective Security Mandate The mandates of regional organisations are implicitly derived from the UN Charter which gives the Security Council primary responsibility for the maintenance of international peace and security. In fulfilling this responsibility, the Council can establish a UN peacekeeping operation. UNpeacekeeping operations are deployed on the basis of mandates from the United Nations Security Council (UNSC). Their tasks differ from situation to situation, depending on the nature of the conflict and the specific challenges it presents. Similarly, ECOWAS mandates are derived from the Defence Council but subject to the UNSC approval. Chapter VIII of the UN Charter provides for the involvement of regional arrangements and agencies in the maintenance of international peace and security provided such activities are consistent with the purposes and principles outlined in Chapter I of the Charter. Such mandates are expected to be within the 3 basic principles of UN peace support operations. These principles are consent of the parties, impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defence and defence of the mandate. ECOWAS deployment of forces for collective security is therefore tested against this major principles and success factors such as legitimacy, credibility and promotion of national and local ownership.

221 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

ECOWAS regional integration for collective security has had the challenge of clear mandate. For instance, the ECOMOG peacekeepers embarked on the journey with unclear mandate and uncertain of the reception they could get from the warlords in Liberia and Sierra Leone. The ECOWAS attempt at collective security in through ECOMOG had serious issues of clear mandates as the forces moved from peacekeeping to peace enforcement at various intervals depending on the particular situation on ground. ECOWAS was confused as to what particular mandate to handover to the troops as the crises in both countries made the situation very delicate thereby adversely affecting regional efforts aimedat enhanced collective security. The poor level of cooperation and coordination between the ECOWAS and UN hampered the quality of assistance in finance and logistic in the operation in Sierra Leone. For instance, when the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) invasion threatened peace and security in Sierra Leone, ECOWAS response was through an ad-hoc mandate arranged by a few ECOWAS countries led by Nigeria in an emergency meeting held in the Gambia. Since the UN recognizes regional arrangements in peace support operations(PSO), such operations must however be approved by the UN. ECOMOG commenced operation in Sierra-Leone without approval of the UN. Thus, the US and international Community remained at the back stage until the United Nations Observer Mission in Sierra Leone (UNOMSIL) was established later to monitor ECOMOG activities. This poor level of coordinator affected the assistance and legitimacy problem from the UN and international community. Hence Nigeria alone shouldered the burden of the PSO in Sierra-Leone. Funding The treaty establishing ECOWAS as a body, also established the ECOWAS fund for corporation, compensation and development (ECOWAS fund) as a financial instrument of the community. This fund which became operational in 1979, was transformed into a regional holding company called ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development (EBID) after a meeting of the Authority of Heads of State and Government in December 1999. The transformation led to creation of two specialized subsidiaries; ECOWAS Regional Development Fund (ERDF) and ECOWAS Regional Investment Bank (ERIB). This is to enhance the financial resources of the fund through the opening of its capital to non-regional partners. The funding of missions is a problem inherent in all collective security arrangements starting from the United Nations down to the ECOWAS. Since the collective security arrangement is a combination of several states, it is expected that all states will contribute fairly if not equally 222 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies to the funds of such body. But usually this is not the case, for example cost of funding ECOMOG in Liberia and Sierra Leone was more or less financed by Nigeria, because it provided over 70% of it. Approximately it had been reported that 12 billion dollars was spent in both missions (8 billion dollars for Liberia and 4 billion dollars for Sierra Leone). It has been reported that Nigeria spent a lot in medical and other essential needs, and that the West international sanctions and arms embargo on Nigeria during the military regimes of 1993-1999 made things more complicated. The West did not give any financial support to ECOMOG because according to them, it will amount to legitimizing the then military rule in Nigeria. And even after democracy was restored the United US pledged 10 million dollars only in 2003 while 110 million dollars was needed to cover troop transport cost to Liberia. Thus the financial burden was on Nigeria as it had to pay salaries and allowances to troops of other countries (Niger and Sierra Leone in particular). In past mission Nigeria shouldered much of the financial burden as other member states were unwilling to contribute to missions they did not support. This lack of funding by members was equally shown in later cases of Guinea-Bissau where France underwrote the financial costs of the peacekeepers, providing stipends, transportation and some communication equipment. And also in Cote D'ivoire countries like France, Belgium, Britain, Netherlands and the US financed the ECOWAS force. But it is hoped with the new mechanism funds will be readily available for any mission. Since it has provided, that funds to be used for security were to be raised from the annual budget until a community levy come into existence which occurred in 2004. Funding is also expected from the UN, AU, other international agencies and voluntary contributions and grants from bilateral and multilateral sources. This implementation of ECOWAS levy in 2004 yielded some positive results to the crisis of fund as Nigeria alone provided $20 million from this levy that year. The ECOMOG force in Guinea-Bissau was able to be deployed only because France provided logistic and financial support. Despite this assistance, the force remained weak and underfunded. As with the case of Guinea-Bissau, the ECOWAS mission in Cote D'ivoire was largely financed and equipped by France. France also used its permanent seat in the UN Security Council, like Britain in the case of Sierra Leone, to secure a substantial UN peace keeping mission to Cote D'ivoire to work alongside 4,000 French troops already in the country. Troop Contributions The Protocol on Mutual Assistance in Defence aimed at regional integration for collective security in the West Africa also provided for a 223 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies non-standing military force to be used to render mutual military aid and assistance to a Member State that becomes a victim of external aggression. Article 4 (b) of this Protocol provides the actual purpose of its creation. That is, for a collective response where a Member State falls a victim of internal armed conflict engineered and supported actively by external forces and which is likely to endanger the peace and security of other Member States. In the same Protocol, article 18(2) states that Member States are not entitled to military intervention in internal armed conflict that poses no danger to other states and does not have external support. That in order to secure military assistance from ECOWAS, the president of affected state must write to chairperson of ECOWAS requesting formally for its assistance. Once received, such a letter serves as signal for the military force of the community to be placed on an emergency footing. In chapter V, Articles 13 and 14 of the protocol state how the nature and composition of the military force should be.ECOWAS regional integration efforts for collective security began with conflicts over troop contributions and blatant refusal of some member nations to honour agreement on troop contributions by ECOWAS. This was the case during the ECOMOG operations in Liberia where political interest of the Francophone and Anglophone countries clashed differed on troops deployment in Liberia and therefore refused to participate in the operations. Similarly, Nigeria had refused sending troop to Guinea while Senegal and the Gambia went ahead but the operations was hugely a failure. Consequently, ECOWAS member nations sometimes for political, financial or other logistical reasons fail to contribute troops thereby adversely affecting EWCOAS RI for enhanced collective security. Logistics Logistics is a key component of any efforts towards collective security. Its' important in military operations cannot be over emphasised because logistics constitute the life-wire of any operation. Consequently, key logistics that are always needed includes engineering expeditionary construction facilities such as quality tents and pre-fabricated structures. Others include operations and maintenance, food, fuel, and water supply, medical supplies such as first aid and stabilization, mobile hospital units and attendants supplies. Satellite network to aid the UHF and VHF radios, as well as required transportation systems. The ESF policy framework provides that missions deployedwithin 14 days should be self-sustainable for up to 30 days, while missions and operations deployed up to 90 days should equally be self-sustainable. Thereafter the African Union (AU) or UN must take responsibility for sustaining the missions or, if lacking that capacity, the readiness and ability

224 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of the AU to start reimbursing Troop Contributing Countries (TCCs) so that these countries can continue to sustain their contingents. The deployment timelines outlined by the AU and ECOWAS are ambitious by any standard, and this has far-reaching implications. For example, in 2004 the Chiefs of Defence Staff noted that readiness to deploy within 14 days will require regular joint field exercises with all units, a standing fully staffed Brigade HQ. However, in the area of transportation, not just funding was a problem, so also are the means of transporting troops to a peacekeeping mission. The sea lift operation of troops was also not hitch free, as war ships are old; the air force also had imbalance in its tactical air power structure. It also lacked both attack and transport/evacuation helicopters.There was also no sufficient C-130 aircrafts to be used for purposes of medical evacuation, re-supply and conveying of troops to critical areas. Still on transportation, the army's armour and artillery units on ground also lacked sufficient rocket propelled grenades , as well as adequate trailers and cranes for movement of heavy guns and armament to operation areas. In the area of airspace use, there was no conclusive and proper arrangement with countries along the Nigerian-Liberian route, to secure clearance for the use of their airspace. The contingents of the Nigeria Air force had to violate the airspace of Cote D'ivoire throughout the period of the ECOMOG operations. There was also problem of inter-service communication, occasioned by incompatibility of communication equipment between ground forces that were supported by the ECOMOG naval and air assets above. Another technical hitch to most ECOWAS PSOs, particularly peacekeeping activities is command and control problems. Language was one of the major problems, as the peacekeeping mission force is a combination of English and French speaking countries. Likewise in the area of giving out instruction, there are conflicting commands because of high level of distrust among contingents. Each command takes instruction from its commandant. There is also no central logistic unit. Each contingent oversees their arms, ammunition, foods supply, other health facilities and transportation. The area of training, planning and preparations for the peacekeeping mission was found to be very deficient. Troops drawn from the various units were not given enough opportunity to train and interact in physical training; battle drills and medical fitness training were not undertaken by the troops. The inadequate planning led to poor feeding of troops, inadequate medical support and shortage of uniforms for soldiers. In fact, soldiers were fed with food once a day at times with food that the quantity and quality fall below acceptable world standard. There was also no clear-cur burial policy as dead Nigerian soldiers were brought back 225 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies home and hurriedly buried en-masse. The troops were exposed to many health hazards. They lacked maimed and incapacitated ones, left with no adequate compensation or any kind of insurance for them or their families. Another problem linked to logistics is in the area of arms supply. These hitches include the supply of obsolete weapons which were no match for the AK-47 rifles used by the rebels; high record of weapon failure and breakdown. All these added to the number of casualties in both dead and wounded thereby impacting on collective security. ECOWAS and Collective Security: Way Forward Comprehensive Collective Framework A key emerging prospect of ECOWAS is in its capacity to learn from experiences and evolve more relevant collective security frameworks. It is expected that ECOWAS existing frameworks would expand to accommodate collective security threats hitherto not covered by existing frameworks. Such frameworks would cover threats such as organized crimes including piracy, cybercrime, drug and human trafficking, among others. Accommodating these areas would make ECOWAS frameworks comprehensive and consequently capable of enhancing collective security in a holistic manner. ECOWAS Standby Force The ESF is can be a more integrated force in comparison with ECOMOG and therefore provides basis for enhancing collective security in the region. The ESF 6,500 forces capacity has the potential to grow through more contributions of troops by member nations. The ESF further could be structures in such a way as to ensure joint military exercises as a standing force in order to ensure integration and knitting of the forces as if they were from the same national army. This will aid the fighting forces understand themselves and easily reduce or eliminate barriers common with bring different militaries together and deploy them to enhance collective security. Furthermore, the command structures, training and doctrine would be then clearly defined and forces would become familiar with one another and new condition weeks before deployment in RI for enhanced collective security. International Financial Support ECOWAS success in regional integration for collective security has also led to some financial contributions from some foreign governments, international organisations and some other donor agencies. This is a critical prospect that could adequately bridge the financial shortfalls of ECOWAS in regional integration for collective security.However, donor agencies are increasingly requiring prudence, transparency and accountability in managing released fund due to the high rate of corruption among African

226 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies leaders. This implies that on the part of ECOWAS leveraging on this prospect would mean reduction or elimination of corrupt practices and being more transparent in order to access huge financial aids from willing partners for a more effective RI for enhanced collective security. Support for Democratisation in Member-Nations ECOWAS strong commitment to the pursuit of democratic principles within national boundaries is critical to further deepen regional integration for collective security. The relevant framework for this is already available as discussed earlier but needs to be tenaciously applied without partiality and in consonant with available mechanisms. Consistent actions against erring members who deviate from democratic principles should be maintained as was the case in the Gambia and partly Nigeria during the 2015 general elections in addition to earlier cases studies examined. Such consistent but gradual prodding will increase the relevant of ECOWAS regional integration and enhance collective security within the region. Conclusion The ECOWAS region has benefited from the creation of a common defence pact against external and internal security threats. However, the realities show that positive outcomes in the face of growing security challenges confronting ECOWAS member states such as violent extremism terrorism and insurgencies are far from being optimal. Increasingly, terrorists' networks have become transnational in nature, hence the fight would be better won with a comprehensive and sustainable partnership in combating the perceived threats from member countries. In this regard, the ultimate strategy should involve a huge improvement in good governance, reduction in inequality gaps and delivery of basic amenities to society.

References CA Kupchan and CA Kupchan, “The Promise of Collective Security”. International Security, Vol. 20 No1, 1995, pp52-61 Ibid p.9 Ibid SO Odobo, KCW Udegbunam and C Akale, “Assessing the ECOWAS Conflict Mechanism and Democracy Protocol in the Light of the Electoral Crisis in Cote D'Ivoire.”International Journal of Arts and Humanities Vol. 4(4): pp 170-176, ibid CA Kupchan and CA KupchanOp. Cit. P De Lombaerde, “Regional Integration, Poverty and Social Policy.” Global Social Policy 7 (3): 377-383, 2007. LV Langenhove (Eds.), Integrating Africa : Perspectives on Regional

227 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Integration and Development,(UNU Press 2003) p.1-9 Ibid 10AJK Bailes and ACottey, Regional Security Cooperation in the 21st Century. Security and Conflict, 3(2), 2005, pp.195-223 11A Bundu, “ECOWAS and the Futre of Regional Integration in West Africa” in R Lavergne (ed) Regional Integration and Cooperation in West Africa: A Multidimensional Perspective (Ottawa: IDRC), pp1-28 12Ibid 13O Fayomi and GL Adeola, “ECOWAS and Sub-Regional Integration in West Africa: An Appraisal”, Journal of Politics and International Affairs, Vol. 3 no 1June 2015, pp.29-40. 14 Ibid 15 EA Essien, “A Record of Regional Integration in West Africa”, Regional Integration Observer, vol.1 no2 September 2-13, pp.1-20 Ibid 16A Roberts and B Kingsbury, “Introduction: The UN's Role in International Society since 1945”, in A Roberts and B Kinsgsbury (eds.) United Nations, Divided World,(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1993), p. 30 17CA Kupchan and CA KupchanOp. Cit. 18HC Johnson and G Niemeyer, “Collective Security: The Validity of an Ideal,” International Organization,Vol. 8 (1954), pp 19-20 19A Gupta, Regional Integration in West Africa: The Evolution of ECOWAS (Observer Research Foundation: London, 2015) 20ECOWAS, Protocol Relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peace-Keeping and Security, (Abuja: ECOWAS, 1999) 21ECOWAS, Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, Their Ammunition and other Related Materials, (Abuja: ECOWAS, 2006) 22FB Aboagye, ECOMOG: A Sub-regional Experience in Conflict Resolution, Management and Peacekeeping in Liberia (Accra: Sedco Publishing Limited, 1999), pp.19-39. 23A Gupta, Regional Integration in West Africa: The Evolution of ECOWAS (Observer Research Foundation: London, 2015) 24M Bello & HT Tukur, “West Africa Sub-Regional Crises And The Nigerian Army Peace Support Operation in Sierra-Leone “International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Modern Education Volume I, Issue I, 2015, pp.227-236 25A Adebajo, Building Peace in West Africa: Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea Bissau. (Boulder, Colo.: Lynne Rienn, 2002) 26I. Azikiwe, Africa: Conflict Resolution and International Diplomacy. (Milton: Authorhouse, 2009)

228 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

27Aning, E.K. E. Birikorang and T. Jaye, Compendium of ECOWAS Peace & Security Decisions: Protocols, Declarations and Peace Agreements, Accra: Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre, 2010

229 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Morality of Alago- Eggon Violent Conflict: Lessons for Peaceful Co-existence in Nasarawa State

Ahmed Elfaruk Ali, Ph.D Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi Email: [email protected]

Oyiwose Ishaya Owusakyo Department Of Philosophy And Religious Studies, Nasarawa State University, Keffi Email: [email protected] and Akawu, Monday Department of Psychology, Nasarawa State University, Keffi Email: [email protected]

Abstract The reoccurrence of violent conflicts between Alago and Eggon groups in Nasarawa State over the last decades has become a matter of threat to corporate existence among groups in the State. There is the need to have a look at the moral dimensions to the violence and ways to mitigate between Alago and Eggon groups. This is with the view to draw some lessons for peaceful co-existence among the various groups in the State. This paper adopts the historical approach to examine the causes and effects of the violent conflicts between the two groups from 2007 to 2914. Among others, the paper discovers that cultural differences, group identity, struggle over economic resources, control of political opportunities and personal greed were among the major causes of the violence. The violent conflicts brought about the loss of many lives, properties, displacements, starvation, poverty and underdevelopment. The mutual relationship and confidence between the two groups have been destroyed. There is the need for them and government to be fair and just in the sharing and the distribution of political opportunities, economic resources and sanction those fuelling and benefiting from the violent conflicts in the State. Groups should cultivate mutual trust, respect and accommodate one another. This paper believes that the cost of preventing conflict is far less than managing it. Therefore, all groups and interests shoupld be treated fairly and equally, to create a state where groups and individuals can seek welfare and achieve self- actualisation at their deepest levels.

230 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Introduction Nasarawa State used to be described as relatively peaceful when compared with other states in Nigeria. The communal groups in the State have co- existed for centuries and had shared common aspirations and values. They migrated freely, lived, shared and experienced fortunes and challenges together. They interacted, intermarried, lived mostly in small communities and towns on the basis of mutual interests and benefits. Adherents of traditional religion, Islam and Christianity were raised and lived together in the same family. The level of social co-existence, solidarity and harmony among communal groups seemed relatively peaceful. More importantly, they farmed and shared facilities like: markets, schools, hospitals, shrines, churches/mosques together. Many Muslims went to mission schools, celebrated and feasted together on many occasions. In the same family, Christians, Muslims and traditionalists peacefully co-existed. Those days, it was difficult to identify and separate between Muslims, Christians and traditionalists. This was because they shared common names, marks, dress, had social relationships, pursued wealth and lived together in the same family. Many, if not all, families and communal groups were products of this social matrix and experiences in the State (Abimiku Ega, Key Informant, Interview, 2013). Alago and Eggon groups are considered relatively major ethnic groups in Nasarawa State because of their population, spread and influence. The two groups are among the earliest to be settled in the middle and southern parts of the State. They were more rooted in traditional religious values and culture; but had accepted and embraced Islam and Christianity more than half a century ago. They are today evenly divided between Christianity and Islam, with African Traditional Religious worldviews as their core beliefs. There is a recent upsurge of African Traditional beliefs and practices among the two groups, and they exert a lot of influence on the thoughts and actions of their followers. Eggon and Alago people embraced western education through the activities of Christian missionaries and colonial agents. They had early access to western education its western lifestyle. Unfortunately, the foreign agents introduced differences that would later contribute to the affront and violence between the two groups from 2007 to 2014. Each group claimed exclusive right over available resources and opportunities in the area, thereby playing blame game over the crises (Avre Umaru Tsaku, Wakili Eggon; Inaragu Isula, Owusakyo of Assakio, Key Informants Interview 2012). The violent conflict became intensified and areas most affected were: Assakio, Tudun Adabu, Gidan Gambo, Bakin Kogi, Ashangwa, Ashige, Mai-Akuya, Adogi, Alakio and others.

231 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Figure1below shows the local communities affected by the Alago –Eggon violent conflicts in –East Development Area, Nasarawa State.

Source: Nasarawa State Ministry of Information, Lafia 2014. The Alago-Eggon conflict eventually spread to Adabu, Obi, Keana and Doma Local Government Areas of Nasarawa State. Assakio is located on latitude 8.35 N and 8.49E of the equator (Avre 2). In view of the seriousness of the violent conflicts, there is the need to examine the morality of the violent conflicts in the former Lafia Division. This is aimed at drawing lessons to prevent and bring about the needed peaceful coexistence among social groups in Nasarawa State. This paper is limited to the Alago-Eggon violent conflicts from 2007 to 2014, particularly in Assakio Chiefdom. The approach used in this paper is qualitative, historical and moral. Concept of Morality The Roman contemporary of Aristotle was Cicero in the 4th century (300 BC). He used the word mos to create the adjective moralis and the noun moralitis to mean character, conduct or behavior (Dzurgba, Medical ethics 3). African societies from time immemorial had moral codes to guide the behaviours of members. Both words when translated into English can loosely become ethics or morality, which became wide spread during the Greco-Roman civilization. The analytic school of philosophy said the task of ethics is to clarify moral terms. However, we must note here that the clarification of terms is useful, but it has reduced the purpose and scope of ethics. R. M. Hare said that ethics is the logical study of moral language. Hare stated further that the function of moral principle is to guide human conduct and actions (Hornby A.S 395). Aristotle, like his master Plato, said fundamental to morality is the question of good human conduct (Anyam 4, 16). He saw morality as the normative science to evaluate human values and guide human actions. It is

232 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the standard for what is good, bad and evil. In the context of this paper, morality has to do with right and wrong action in the society (Omoregbe 8, 9; Kunhiyop 2; Anyam 3-4). Furthermore, “Morality has to do with values, attitudes, dispositions, virtues, customs, actions, and way of life that should characterize the moral person and society” (Religion 13-14; Omoregbe 3-4; Ossowskas 103). In essence, moral values held determine social actions in society. Morality in this respect refers to actions that have universal applications. This paper strongly believes that societal morality continue to influence attitudes and social actions by groups in the society. Good moral values are able to reduce, if not eradicate, vices that lead to violent conflict in the society, like in Nasarawa State today. Moral values should be able to correctly address existential issues facing groups and institutions in the society. All social and human actions are motivated, influenced and reinforced by cherished moral values and principles held by the people (Dzurgba, Political & Ethical Behavior 73). Therefore, African moral values determine social actions by members towards even the environment of man (Gbenda 47-49). Moral values determine how people view themselves, see others and behave towards one another. Morality determines peace and progress in every society (Dopamu, 19). The Causes of the Alago-Eggon Violent Conflicts The major causes of the conflicts between Eggon and Alago people around Assakio are investigated in the following topics: The Ownership of Assakio and Surrounding: There has been a long standing rift and mutual mistrust between the two social groups in the recent past. They clashed over the ownership of Assakio, other surrounding communities and resources available. Each group claim to be the first and the original inhabitants of the area. The Eggon group claim that they were the first to migrate and found Assakio, which, according to them, dated far back to 1100 AD (Avre 2). They reportedly came as farmers and cleared the thick forest of wild animals and dangerous snakes to be able to inhabit it. And that other groups that came later were: Koro, Alago, Jukun, Tiv, Rindere, Doemak, Fulani and Goemai, and settled mutually based on common understanding (Albert Danusa, Key Informant, Interview 2013. The Alago ethnic group on the other hand claim that they were the original owners of Assakio. The Alago claim they settled in the present abode during migrations and the disintegration of Empire in about 1232 AD. They argue that the Eggon and other groups came just recently in the 1940s in search of farm land. In other words, they came to Assakio from the Eggon Hills, located in the former Lafia Division, in search of farm lands. Eggon or “Madan Dutse” (Roberts 4), as they were known, were not

233 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies among the ethnic groups in the then Benue Province as at 1951. An informant said the Eggon people came and settled in Assakio in the sixties. He insisted that all Eggon adults from fifty years and above were brought to Assakio from Eggon Hills. And he contended that Eggon people from fifty years and below were born in Assakio (Oyi Ishaya, Key Informant Interview 2013). It was alleged that in the whole Division, the Migili were the first to occupy the land in the 12th century, and followed by the Alago in the 13th century, Gwandara / Akye in the 14th century, Kanuri or Beriberi in the 18th century and Hausa Fulani in the 19th century, respectively (Roberts 4). The Kanuri group peacefully migrated and had stops in Shabu and Kwandere before they finally joined the Migili people in “Anene,” (Agwadu Ayuba, Key Informant Interview 2013), which is the present location of Lafia town, close to the present Emir's Palace. There is still a Migili Shrine located right behind the Central Mosque in Lafia as an attestation to their ownership of the area. But domestic disputes and the need for more fertile land forced the Migili group to move to other locations. The District Officer alluded to this when he said: The earlier known inhabitants of Lafia Division were members of the Koro (Migili) tribe who say they migrated here from near Kororofa (Adamawa Province). The next arrivals were said to have been in the 13th century were Alago… A number of Gwandara (a tribe who speak primitive form of Hausa) settled among them…Beriberi who had come from Borno via Kambari near Lau, after two false starts at Shabu and Kwandere, settled in 1777 under their chief, Dunama (Roberts 33). The morality or rightness or wrongness of the accounts by the two groups on their claims on the ownership of Assakio and the surrounding resources must be established. Attestations from early records and other groups said the Alago were among the early settlers in the area. Agwadu alluded to an official document or memo which stated that: The Eggon or “Madan Dutse” (Agwadu Ayuba, Key Informant Interview 2013) was not mentioned among the early groups in the former Lafia Division by the District Officer in charge of Lafia Division in 1951. The Eggons were said to have originated and found in the then Plateau Province and particularly around the hills in the former Akwanga Division specifically (Roberts 44). The evidence of this was in the letters and communications from the Resident of Plateau Province to that of Benue Province on the need to have a resettlement program for the Eggon who were migrating from his Province into the then Benue Province (Former Lafia Division 5). The Resident of Benue Province was said to have replied that there was no need for a resettlement program for the Eggon group since there was enough land.

234 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

This was because they were coming as individual households or in small parties and as guests of earlier established occupants like Alago, Migili and Gwandara (Former Lafia Division 9-10). Originally, the Eggon and Alago were never living together, since they belonged to different provinces, until much later. It was the creation of Benue-Plateau and the subsequent creation of Plateau State that necessitated the large migration of Eggon people into Lafia Division, which has continued to the present day (Alago 12). An account narrated that Alago and Migili were the first groups that occupied Assakio, and later followed by the Eggon, Tiv and other groups from Plateau State. They came peacefully and lands were given to them in exchange for their allegiance and the payment of royalties, which later led to conflicts between the two communal groups in the area (Usman Agbo; Oyi Ishaya, Key Informant Interview 2013; Former Lafia Division 10). Therefore, it is the view of this paper that the first person or group to settle in an area should be given some preferences. Settlers have the right to become indigenes, considering their stay and positive contribution to the society. Both groups must respect and protect the identity/ interest of one another. Communal Group Identity Crises: All the ethnic groups in Nasarawa State suffer from identity crises that are by-product of historical experiences. In Nasarawa State, there are over fifty communal groups competing for identity and survival (Ayi 34). In all the Interviews conducted among members of the Eggon, Alago, Migili, Fulani, Tiv and Gwandara groups, the informants said that social group identity and interest were among the causes of communal conflicts in Nasarawa State (Agwadu Ayuba, Isah Ishaleku, Habu Emba, Okolo Akyengo, Key Informant Interview 2014). This was said to be a cause of the conflict between Alago and Eggon in Nasarawa State. Communal identity and interest were used negatively and impacted on communal actions and conflicts in Nasarawa State over the past decades. The conflicts between Eggon and Alago groups can best be seen as social identity crises. The Eggon people, particularly in Assakio, felt that they were being discriminated and treated as strangers or migrants by the government and the Alago people. The Eggon people did not want to be called settlers in Assakio which they considered as their home town. They saw it as a deliberate attempt by the Alago people to dislodge them from Assakio and dispossess them of their land and property (Avre Umaru Tsaku, Wakili Eggon, Key Informant Interview 2013). On the other hand, the Alago group seemed threatened by the influx of Eggon people who have taken over their land and opportunities (Deeka 58). The settler-versus indigenes dichotomy between Eggon and Alago groups in Assakio created

235 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies tension and fuelled the violent conflicts in the area. The seed of discord has been sown, nurtured and agitated over the years (Minor 17). Alago and Eggon groups have physical marks and consciousness as symbols of common or shared identity and goals that are distinctive to them (Agwadu Ayuba, Key Informant Interview 2014). For instance, each has distinctive body marks, clothes, music, diet, architecture and agriculture. Each group shared common identity, cultural values, norms, social practices and historical experiences that set them against one another. The violent conflict was fuelled by mutual mistrust by the two groups over the years (Alubo 5). Each of them considers itself as daughter or son of the soil or nursery/primary stakeholders; while the other as settlers (Mrs Abims Bala, Key Informant Interview 2014). The Alago see themselves as natives and indigenes, while Eggon are settlers or strangers, and vice versa (Mamdani 44; Alubo 7). The two groups are not open to welcome and accept each other. Sylvester Ayih said that groups like Eggon were marked with extreme violent attitude and seeks to dominate others wherever they are in the state (Ayih 101). They used values, norms, sanctions, festivals and ceremonies to preserve and sometimes agitate for their identity and relevance in the community and the State (Nnoli, Communal Conflict and population 23; Lijphart 55; Gilreoy 55; Clifford 302-338). Each group uses any available media to bargain and agitate for its interests to the exclusion of others (Wamwer 33; Jackson 50; Aghedo 44). Issues of morality like: virtues, personal character, integrity, responsibility and one's contribution to the society should be more important than exclusive group interest. Unfortunately, when one meets a person, the first question one ask is: what is your ethnic group, rather than trying to know your character and responsibility (Takaya 56). People are elected and appointed into offices based on group interest (Rose 209; Shack 251; Hanna 105). They give allegiance to their parochial interest and survival rather than collective good (Gasiokwu 106; Salawu 20). This attitude brought about disharmony, mistrust and aggression between Eggon and Alago groups in the State (Peil 139; Sidanius 103; Robertson 10; Wilson 111-113). Groups use divisions to agitate group interests (Albert Danung, Key Informant Interview 2013). It is the right of every ethnic group to have an interest; but group interest should not be projected to the detriment of others. Also, the question of settler- indigene has become a moral issue. How long does it take to become an indigene? Everyone was a settler before becoming an indigene. For me, three things are important: firstly, the person or group should have been born or lived in that community. Secondly, the present community is the only home town, as against dual home loyalty. Thirdly, the person or group should contribute to the common

236 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies interest and aspiration of the whole community. Struggle over Traditional Chiefdoms: More than one century social discrimination and subjugation of one group over the other in Nasarawa State has made many groups to suffer injustices. Many ethnic groups fought for their independence from Keffi, Nasarawa, Lafia and Awe Emirates. The coming of democratic rule in 1999 made the creation of Assakio Chiefdom possible in 2000 by the government of Alhaji Abdullahi Adamu (Avre 4). The Alago people saw this as time for their political and traditional liberation from Lafia Emirate. Conversely, the Eggon group saw the creation of the Chiefdom as an attempt to pervade justice, alienate and subjugate them under an Alago chief; which is the same as remaining under the Emir in Lafia. They resisted and, in the alternative, advocated for a separate chiefdom for the Eggon group in Assakio. Eggon people considered their numerical strength and years of being in Assakio as evidence and reason they should be given a separate chiefdom (Wakillin 4). However, the Alago group saw their agitation as an attempt to take over their ancestral land and heritage. They saw the creation of Assakio Chiefdom as a direct connection to the problem of ownership, identity, opportunities, and interest to control resources, which are the major causes of the violent conflicts between the two groups from 2007 to 2014 (Abah 36; Avre Umaru Tsaku, Wakili Eggon, Key Informant Interview 2014). Eggon and Alago leaders (Avre Umaru and Inarigu Isula) mobilized their followers to agitate, which led to the series of conflicts between the two groups (Avre Umaru; Inarigu Isula, Key Informant Interview 2012, 2013). The moral question here is: what is the yardstick to determine the rightness and wrongness of their agitations and otherwise? It is believed in many quarters that party politics or governance should be separated from traditional ruler ship. It is the belief that party politics and governance are the rights of all citizens. But traditional ruler ship should be the exclusive right of the indigenous groups. Under any system, the rights and dignity of every person (s) and group (s) should be protected. Personality Clash of Interest: The Alago and Eggon violent conflicts were affected and flamed by the personalities of their leaders: Avre Umaru Tsaku, the Wakili Eggon, and Inarigu Isula, the Ossakio of Assakio, over the last one decade. Conflict is inevitable in society, but the personality of a man or the leader affects, fuel or stop violent conflict in human society. Many scholars believe that man is driven by the natural instinct to seek power and territory for self–preservation and survival. The human relation theory maintains that conflict is natural, innate, and inevitable in man. Man is wired and compelled by nature to be violent. Hobbes believes that man is intrinsically and naturally embedded with elements of conflict. Man

237 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies essentially is selfish, cruel and aggressive towards others (Appadorai 24). Man is not moved by reason, but action, appetite, desire and passion. Man lives in a constant state of war against everyone (Hobbes 133). These views shade light on how personality affects conflict. The personality clash of interest between the Alago and Eggon leaders fuelled the conflicts between the two groups from 2007 to 2014 (Oyi Ishaya; Isah Ishaleku Key Informant 2013). If they were courteous and considerate, the violent conflicts would have been avoided. They carried their personal grievances and misused their powers and fuelled the conflicts. Some group leaders like Ombatse and Alago youths abused their roles, took egocentric decisions, acted in ways that fuelled and worsen the clashes. They brought egoism, devoid of altruism, to bear on the issues and decisions which led to the conflicts (Mrs. Abims Bala; Waa Sani, Jauro Lolo, Key Informant Interview 2013/2014). Mr. Osula Inarigu, the Ossakyo of Assakio and Avre Umaru Tsaku, the Wakilin Eggon of Assakio were in constant competion for superiority, among other factors, over the decade (Mrs Abims Bala; Alanamu 45). The decision by the chief of Assakio to create an access road to Ashigogo village in Assokio, through a piece of land owned by Avre Umaru, became the ace that brought feud between the two persons and groups. The Wakilin Eggon successfully framed a criminal charge against the Chief and stopped the trespass from a court in Lafia, and the land was returned to him. In reaction to this, the Chief of Assakio charged him with insubordination and stripped him of his position and recognition as the leader of Eggon people in Assakio (Avre (Wakilin Eggon 22). Umaru Avre Tsaku contested his removal by the chief on the ground that it was the Eggon people that appointed him and not the Chief of Assakio or his predecessors. This added fuel to the already sour relationship between the two personalities and their subjects. Both leaders mobilized and manipulated their followers in the name of group interest, which led to conflict between Eggon and Alago groups in Assakio (Report 31-32). Therefore, group leaders and members should exercise restraint and not to allow their personal interest and passion to over ride common good and progress. Struggle for Political Opportunities: The conflicts between Alago and Eggon communal groups were also politically motivated. There were competitions over a few political opportunities in the area. The major political cause was the creation of Lafia East Development Area in 2000, with headquarters at Assakio. Even though both groups wanted the creation of the Area each wanted the headquarters to be located in its area of dominance. Sitting the headquarters in Assakio was like endorsing the Alago dominion over the Eggon group. Conversely, the Alago group saw this as a

238 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies welcome development, and for the good of their people. Notwithstanding the fact that both groups benefited from the creation, friction emanated about who heads and occupy the political opportunities among the two groups. Another political cause of the Assakio communal conflict was associated with the campaigns during the 2007 general elections. The conflict broke out at the heat of the political campaigns arising from inflammatory comments, reactions and counter-reactions from political opponents from the two groups. The immediate factor that sparked off the violent conflict in Assokio was the visit by Mr. Solomon Ewuga (Eggon 22) to Assakio to seek election into the office of the state governor. It was alleged that Eggon group mobilized their members all over and trooped into Assakio, to show a display of numerical strength (Idahosa 109). The Alago people saw the action as a deliberate attempt to humiliate them and show their ability to upturn their ethnic man on the throne. The Alago interpreted the action to mean direct rejection of the kinsman, Alhaji Aliyu Akwu Doma, who was campaigning for his second tenure of office as the Governor of the state. This fuelled tension, mistrust and bitterness already existing between the two groups (Gomos 67), which eventually resulted in the violence conflicts between the two groups during which many people were killed with property worth millions of naira were destroyed (Oyi Ishaya, Interview, November, 2013). Clashes over Economic Resources: This unfortunate development re- echoes Karl Marx's assertion that conflict in the society is determined by the relationship and the distribution of economic resources. The 2012, 2013 and 2014 violent conflicts in Assakio were determined majorly by struggles over land, water and market resources (Coady 67; Aghedo 38). There were many years of competitions and rivalry by members of Eggon and Alago groups over their economic means of livelihood. The immediate cause of the violence in 2012 was the recurrent issue of the payment of royalty or tributes to the chief of Assakio. There were alleged letters from the Paramount ruler, through the District head of Assakio, to order all groups, including Eggon people, in his Chiefdom to pay tributes of crops from a particular farm in 2008. The Eggon and some groups alleged that they were instructed to pay tributes on all their farms, which was strange. But the Alago group claimed that the payment of tribute was not new, and was restricted to those farming on the royal swamp farm only. In the past, the land was designated for hunting and fishing expedition, but under the controll of the chief. Therefore, all animals and fishes caught were carried to the palace for the chief to take his portion before the hunters and the community could use the rest (Oyi Ishaya, Key Informant Interview 2013). 239 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

This has been an age-long traditional practice until when Eggon people refused to pay. As a result of the refusal by the Eggon people to pay the tributes, the Alago chief sent his men to stop them from farming on the royal swamp land. Efforts were made by well-wishers, religious leaders, governments and security agents to broker peace but to no avail. The chief of Assakio and his people saw the refusal by the Eggon people as undermining their authority and that of their Chiefdom (Maclever 33). The Eggon group had rejected the order and went ahead to farm and planted crops on the said land. Messengers from the palace fought with the Eggon farmers to stop them from farming on the land. The bid to use self-help effort to stop the Eggon farmers from planting rice on the farms resulted in the. Violent conflicts on the 30th May and 1st June 2012, when both parties refused an order to stay off the royal land by the Authorities of Lafia East Development Area, the Nasarawa State Police Command and the State Security Services (Zanuwa 5). It is imperative to note at this juncture that it is a moral obligation to take issues related to economic survival seriously. This is because the economy is the most important institution of any human society and at the same time the root cause of most conflicts. Therefore, there is the need for an acceptable framework for each group and persons to be able to have access to land in order to produce the source of survival of both man and the society. Poverty and Youth Unemployment: Nasarawa State in general, and Lafia East Development Area in particular, in recent times have become restive because of poverty and youth unemployment. Since the introduction of democratic rule in 1999, the government has given lip service to the provision of social amenities and youth empowerment. Gross corruption and misappropriation of funds has led to poverty and underdevelopment in Nasarawa State. Youth unemployment and poverty were manipulated by the politicians to achieve their political ambition. Youths were used as touts and militia groups for their political interests and abandoned after winning elections (Musah Nmazazah, Key Informant Interview 2014). Most ethnic groups today have restive youths, supported by some politicians and elders to carry out nefarious activities, including violent conflict. In 2013, some Eggon boys (Ombatse) were caught by soldiers with light weapons on the road between Assakio and Obi in a bus. Some of the boys were arrested and their bus was burnt. It was alleged that Alago youths from Obi burnt the bus. Both youth groups mobilized themselves which resulted in the clashes at Odubu, Tudun Adabu, Obi town, etc. during many lives and properties were lost and destroyed by both sides respectively. In what looked like a conspiracy, some Fulani militia attacked an Eggon village called Legaobi, near Assakio in February 2014. The Eggon youths, 240 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in reaction, attacked the Alago group in Assakio on the ground that they conspired with the Fulani militia to attack them. This resulted in the loss of many lives and properties (Isah Ishaleku, Key Informant Interview 2014). Therefore, It is the moral responsibility of leadership and capacitated citizenry to alleviate poverty and youth restiveness in the area. The Effects of the Violent Conflict Any action and inaction taken in the society has a correspondeing effect, negatively or positively. Every conflict that takes place in the society has its good and the bad sides. One of the good lessons in the Alago-Eggon violence is that both sides have learnt the hard way on the need to live peacefully with one another. Both groups were able to know and appreciate the needs and interest of each other, in addition to the fact that as result of the conflicts, the government has been able to provide some security and social amenities in some of the affected communities. Nevertheless, the effects of Alago and Eggon violent conflict on both sides are difficult to be fully quantified. Many people were killed and displaced in their thousands, who were made up of mostly women and children, scattered into different refugee camps within and outside the State (Newsheadlines.com). Many people that fled to other places are still living under deteriorating conditions and are yet to fully return to their homes in places like Sabon Gida, Gidan Gambo, Assakio, etc. Many of the displaced persons have or either died or even become refugees and even destitute in such locations (Report 42-98; Inarigu12; Aroma 6; Dauda 6). While the Alago estimated that they lost over one hundred (100) lives and thousands of houses/property worth billions of naira was destroyed, the Eggon alleged that they lost over two hundred lives, two thousand houses and property worth millions of naira during the communal conflict (ECDA 6). The table below is the reflection of the number of lives and properties lost in the violent conflicts between 2012 and 2014. Table 1 is an estimated number of lives and properties destroyed during Eggon –Alago Conflict from 2012 -2014 alone. Lives Lost Houses destroyed Displaced persons Value of property About 400 About 4,000 About 350,000 About 70 billions Sour ce: Alago; Report; ECDA 2014. The Alago-Eggon communal conflict brought about some social problems and challenges of lack of shelter, scarcity of food, lack of medicine and clothes. Victims suffered from traumatic experiences, bad conditions, diseases and other social ills, particularly women and children. This resulted in bitterness, mistrust and the deterioration of relationship between the Eggon and Alago groups in Lafia East Development Area (Oyi Ishaya,

241 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Key Informant Interview 2014). Lessons to be learnt from the Alago-Eggon Conflicts for Peaceful Co- existence in Nasarawa State No state can have any meaningful progress and development in the midst of crises. The cost of preventing violence is far less than managing it. The followings are some lessons for peaceful co-existence in Nasarawa State: 1. This paper discovers that one of the reasons for the violent conflict was the struggle over the ownership of Assokio communities. It is important to state that preference should be given to the indigenous groups when it comes to the issue of ownership of a land, town and traditional leadership. But everybody is free to possess and can own property or ascend political leadership in any given location. 2. This paper discovers that the problem of communal identity was a major cause of the violent conflict between the two groups. It must be stressed that as much as group identity and interest is good, it must be able to accommodate and protect the right and interest of other social groups and individuals in the community. All the groups should give emphasis to inclusive values and relegate those ones that are exclusive. 3. The study discovers that they were struggles over the control of traditional chieftaincy positions. It is the view of this paper that groups that first settled in a particular area should be given the exclusive rights to determine the traditional chieftaincy institution. This is because it has to do with the traditional heritage of the natives. Every community has its first natives and there should be laws to protect their rights. But other lesser titles could be given to other groups to give them a sense of belonging and to make them contribute to community development. 4. This work also discovers that personality clash between the two ethnic leaders fuelled and facilitated the violence over the years. There is need for leaders at all levels to be made to show restraint and be accountable to peace building among groups in the community. Leaders found wanting should be sanctioned in order to serve as deterrent to others. Groups should be made to understand when their leaders are dragging them into any selfish conflict, and be able to resist them.

242 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

5. The paper discovers that the struggle for political opportunities in the area was one of the major reasons for the violent conflicts. It must be stated that politics and political participation is the right of every citizen of a community. And that politics is a game of number and dominant interest. Even though it is said that majority takes the day in modern democracy, the minority also has a say. Morally, the rights of the majority as well as the minority should be protected and projected in the area. Every group should be able to have access and enjoy political opportunities and dividends. 6. This study discovers that the violence was rooted in the struggle to control economic resources available in the area. The area is discovered to be very rich in agricultural and other commercial resources. There should be an understanding and framework upon which land and other natural resources can be shared by the communities. On the issue of the payment of tributes, such can be allowed on those who are using the community designated land only. Everyone should be free to seek wealth and welfare in a manner that is not detrimental to corporate peace. 7. One of the causes of the conflicts discovered was gross poverty and youth unemployment. There is the need for the state and community to make deliberate efforts to build youth capacity and make them contribute to community development. 8. The study discovers that many lives and properties were destroyed or lost in the course of the violent conflicts. There is the need for a just way of seeking reconciliation between the aggrieved parties. Justice should be seen to have been carried out to pacify the victims. The affected communities should be given some compensation, supported with materials and be reconciled and rehabilitated. 9. This paper discovers that the cost of managing any conflict is huge and is capable of making the State dysfunctional. Preventive measures like: dialogue, social justice, empowerment and reconciliation should be emphasised in resolving every conflict. Conclusion The Alago and Eggon groups were relatively peaceful and mutual in their earlier years of co-existence in Nasarawa State. Gradually, internal and external social changes in their situations and relationships started affecting 243 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies their mutual co-existence, thereby causing violent conflicts. Generally, over population, variety of values and interests brought about the struggle for identity, available space, resources and opportunities in the State. The adverse effects of the violence have presented the urgent need for prevention and management of the conflicts to prevent re-occurrence. Peaceful co-existence among groups in the State is necessary for any meaningful peace and progress . References Abah, E.J. Challenges of Ethno-religious Conflict Management in Nigeria: A Casev Study of Plateau State. Being a Seminar paper presented at Department ofvPublic Administration, Ambrose Alli University, Ekpoma, 2009. Aghedo, Iro and Osumah Oarhe. When the Panacea Becomes the Problem. The Niger, 2009. Agekameh, Dele. Al-Makura Vs Ombatse Chief Priest. Web. 24th June 2013. www.premiumtimesng.com.../137662. Albert, 1.O. Community Conflict in Nigeria: Management, Resolution and Transformation. Ibadan: Spectrum, 1999. Alago Development Association Assakio branch. A Paper presented to the Commission of Inquiry on ethnic Violence in Assakio, 2012. Alubo, Ogoh. Ethnic Conflicts and Citizenship Crisis in Central Nigeria. Ibadan: PEFS, 2011. Anyam, T. Damian. Issues in Moral philosophy. Makurdi: Obeta, 2011...... Understanding the Philosophy of Conflict. Makurdi: Obeta Continental Press (Nig), 2015. Appadorai, A. The Substance of Politics. London: Oxford University Press, 1978. Aroma, Yusuf. A Memo presented to the Commission of inquiry to Assakio Crisis 2012. Avre, Umaru Tsaku. A paper presented to the commission of Inquiry on Ethnic Violence in Assakio, 2012. Ayuba, Agwadu. Memo presented to the Commission of Inquiry into Agyaragu crisis 2012. Ayuba, J.M. Ombatse. Nigeria: Eiwa Press Limited, 2014. Ayih, S.O. Nasarawa State: Past and Present. Abuja: Umbrella Books, 2003. Coady, C.A.J. “The Idea of Violence.” Manfred B. Stager and Nancy S. Lind (eds.). Violence and Alternatives: An Interdisciplinary Reader, New York: St. Martins Press, 1999. Coakley, John. The resolution of Ethnic Conflict. International Political 244 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Science Review, Vol. 13, 1992. Dauda, Sabo. A Memo Presented to the Commission of inquiry into the Assakio Crisis 2012. Dopamu, Abiola. “The Role of Religion, Ethics and Poetry in shaping lives” in Africa in Religion and Culture. Beijing: Universal Academic Services, 2010. DSS. A Report from the Department of State Security Services on Assakio Crisis 2012. Dzurgba, Akpenpuun. Medical Ethics: Conceptual and Practical Issues. Ibadan: John Archers, 1005. ……….Prevention and Resolution of Conflict. Ibadan; John Archers, 2010. ………Case Studies of Conflict and Democracy in Nigeria. Ibadan: John Archers, 2008. ECDA. Memo Presented by Eggon Development Association to the Commission on Assakio Crisis 2012. Eggon. A Memo by Eggon cultural and Development Association to the Commission of Inquiry into Ayaragu crisis in 2012. Eggon. A Memo by Eggon cultural and Development Association to the Commission of Inquiry into Ayaragu crisis in 2012. Enwere, Chigozie. Conflict Studies: An Introduction. Enugu: Rossen Publishers, 2015. Former Lafia Division Elder's Consultative Forum. A Memo to the commission of inquiry into Crisis in Assakio of 2012. Fred-Mensah, Ben K. “Bases of traditional conflict management among the Bums of the Ghana-Togo border.” William Zartman (ed.), Traditional Cures for Modern Conflicts: African Conflict Medicine. Boulder, Colorado, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2000. Gasiokwu, Martin. Human Rights: History and Ideology. Jos: Fab Educational Books, 2003. Gbadeyan, Joseph. Over 534 killed in Nasarawa State Ethnic Crises. Web. 7th March, 2014 Gbenda, Joseph. Religion and Ecology: A Comparative Study. Makurdi: Obeta, 2010. Gilreoy, P. Diaspora and the Detours of Identity. London: Sage Publications, 1997. Gofwen, Rotkan. Religious Conflict in Northern Nigeria and Nation Building. Jos: Human Rights Monitor, 2004. Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan. Trans. Macpherson C. B. NY: Penguin, 1968. Hobbes: Moral and Political Philosophy. Web. 15the May 2015 www.iep.utm.edu/hob Hobbes was Wrong. Web. 15th May 2013 245 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

www.spectacle.org/119. Hornby, A.S. Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001. Lindergreen, B. The Internal Dynamics of Ethnicity: Clan Names, Origins and Castes in Southern Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe: Africa, 2004. Mamdani, Y. When does a Settler become an Indigene in Nabudere. Harare: AAPS, 2000. Marx, Karl and Fredrick Engels. On Religion. Moscow: Progress Publishers, 1975. Minor. The Minor Report by the Commission of Inquiry into Assakio Crisis in 2012. Nnoli, Okwudiba. Ethnic Politics in Nigeria. Enugu: Fourth Dimension Publishing Company LTD, 1980. ………Ethnic Violence in Nigeria: A Historical Perspective. Enugu: PACREP Books, 2003. ………Communal Conflict and Population in Nigeria. Enugu: PACREP Books, 2003. ………Ethnicity and Democracy in Africa. Intervening Variable. Lagos: Malhouse, Press, 1994. Omoregbe, Joseph. Ethics: A systematic and historical study. Lagos: Joja Publishers, 2006. ……….Philosophy. Lagos: Joja Publishers, 2007. Omorogbe, S.K. and 'Omohan M.E. “Causes and Management of Ethno- Religious Conflicts: The Nigeria Experience.” A.M. Yakubu,et al (eds) Crisis and Conflict Management in Nigeria Since 1980. Baraka Press and Publishers Ltd; Kaduna, Vol. 2, 2005. Ossakio. A Memo presented by the Ossakio to the Commission of Inquiry into Assakio Crisis 2012. Ossowska, Maria. Social determinants of Moral Ideas. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul LTD, 1971. Pail, M. Consensus and Conflict in African Cities: An Introduction to Sociology. London: Longman Group Limited, 1977. Para, Allu. A Memo to the Commission of Inquiry on Ethnic Violence in 2012. Print. Religious Intolerance: A Thread to Nigerian Unity. Jos: Stefanos Foundation, 2010. Report by the Commission of Inquiry into Assakio Crisis 2012. Roberts. A Memo by the Resident of Plateau Province to the Resident of Benue Province in 1951. Robertson, R. Ed. Sociology of Religion. NY: penguin Books Ltd, 1969. 246 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Rose, A. Theory and Method in Social Science. Minnesota: University Press, 1954. Salawu, B. Ethno-Religious Conflicts in Nigeria: Causal Analysis and Proposals for New Management Strategies. European Journal of Social Sciences – Vol 13, No 2. Department of Sociology, University of Ilorin, Nigeria, 2010. Sidanius, J. et al. “The Interface between Ethnic and National Attachment: Ethnic Pluralism or Ethnic Dominance?” Public Opinion Quarterly. Vol 61, Spring 1997. Silk, Mark. Notes on Judeo Christian Tradition in America. America 36 (1), 1972. Takaya, Bala. The structure of Conflict in Nigerian Federalism. Article in Nigerian Federalism, Volume 3, Jos: IGSR, 2001. Wamwere, Koigi W. Negative Ethnicity. London: Seven Stories Press, 2003. Wilson, B. Religion in Secular Society. London: Watts, 1966. Zanuwa, Shuaibu D. A memo presented to the Commission of Inquiry into Assakio Violence 2012

247 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

An Evaluation of the Role of Total Quality Management on Bank Performance: A Case of Selected Banks in Taraba State, Nigeria.

Mohammed Zaiyanu email: [email protected]. Tell. +2348033653302

Hamisu Idris email:[email protected]. Tell: +2348067041066 &

Mansur Bello email: [email protected]. Tell: +2348065914300 Department of Business Administration. Taraba State University Jalingo Abstract The paper examines the role of total quality management on banks performance in Taraba state, Nigeria. Survey method was employed through the use of questionnaires which were distributed to the banks managers, employees and customers in Jalingo metropolitan of Taraba state, Nigeria. Based on the research findings the study recommend that, the banks should make moves for strong awareness of total quality management (QM) by organizing workshops and seminars. Secondly, training of bank staff should be in such a way that will boost the achievement of the quality management in the banks. Thirdly, personnel quality skills and participation should be carried out using good development program through publicity. Fourthly, Management should be concerned in continuous monitoring of the growth of quality management at different departments of the banks. Fifthly, Assessment measures should be taken in all the banks and quality improvement approach should be evolved to cover all the feature of banking transactions. Also International Quality standard like the ISO 9000 could be invented as moderator for acceptability of the activities of the commercial banks. Finally, consultants should be hired on criteria to be applied for the international standard for measuring the quality of service of the banks. Introduction Freeman-Bell and Grover, (1994)define quality management as the way in which an organization determines and implements systems to ensure that quality, in the sense that specifications, are met or achieved. Others define quality management more broadly as all activities of the overall 248 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies management function that determine the quality policy, objectives and responsibilities, and implement them by means such as quality planning, quality control, quality assurance and quality improvement within the quality system (The British Standards BS EN ISO 8402:1995).Dean & Bowen, (1994); Wilkinson et al., (1998); Dale et al., 2000; Dale, (2003) and Iwaardeen et al., (2006)conclusion regarding quality management agrees that quality management consist of three central parts; customer orientation, method of which it can be managed, and uninterrupted development which seek to manage an organization's processes to progress and change these processes in response to changes. In any organization irrespective of size, quality management is an instrument that has to be used to improved performance. Different scholars have refine quality management it referred to as strategic quality management. Recent studies, especially those of Cua et al. (2001),Sousa and Voss (2002) and Kaynak (2003), highlight the magnitude of fundamental relationships between quality management practices. Moreover, a number of authors (Anderson et al.,1995; Flynn et al., 1995a; Mohman et al., 1995; Choi and Eboch, 1998; Terziovski and Samson, 1999; Cua et al., 2001; Douglas and Judge, 2001; Kaynak, 2003) recommended appositive relationship between TQM practice and organizational performance. On the other hand, conflicting reports have been written in relation to the efficiency of TQM programs, For instance, report that ninety percent of employee relations enhancement, operation process, customer satisfaction, and financial performance depend on TQM (Rategan 1992).Perhaps, Burrows (1992) states that 95 percent breakdown for initiated TQM programs. Authors differ on how they see the relations between quality management standard and performance. Other authors assume that there is a hierarchy in the quality management practices, and that infrastructure practices have a positive outcome on performance (Flynn et al., 1995a; Anderson et al., 1995). Objectives: The paper is designed to consider the relationship of quality management performance of Guarantee Trust Bank, Fidelity Bank, Zenith International plc and Union Bank Plc. This study intends to provide avenue at which the quality of service rendered by the banks would be improved. The unnecessary long queues typically require for serious management concern. This paper aims at studying how the bank run, and also sees how performance can be improved using quality management standard (QMS). The following objectives will be thoroughly pursued: (i) To find out how the departments in banks work with one another in

249 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies services delivery (ii) To evaluate the participation of top management, middle and supervisory levels in Implementation of quality management. (iii) To find out the effect of QM information on the level of patronage.

Theoretical framework, literature review and hypotheses: Studies about quality management standard in businesses such as banking, telecommunication, hotel etc. (ISO9000-2005) identifies eight principles of quality management standard which can be used by management to achieve organizational performance. This include the following; (i) Customer focus; (ii) Leadership; (iii) Involvement of people; (iv)Process approach; (v) System approach to management; (vi) Continual improvement; (vii) Factual approach to decision making and (viii) Mutually beneficial supplier relationships. The eight principles of quality management standard structure the basis for the quality management standards in the International Standard Organization (ISO 9000). The ISO9004:2009 Standard [SANS, 2009] expands on this and says that Principle(vii)Factual Approach to Decisions Making - implies that successful decisions making is based on data analysis and information. This has a number of advantages: (i) Informed decisions; (ii) An improved skill to exhibit the success of past decisions through reference to factual records; (iii) The improved skill to review, short comings opinions and decisions (iv) Applying the principle of factual approach to decision making typically leads to: Ensuring that data and other information are adequately correct and reliable; providing data available to those who require it; analyzing data and information by means of suitable approach to make decisions and take actions based on factual analysis, balanced with understanding and intuition. The factual approach to decision-making forms the basis of several quality management standards. Customer Satisfaction: Customer satisfaction has been acknowledged as an instrument for achieving a business goal (Yi, 1990; Morgan et al., 2005; Chen et al., 2012). Customer satisfaction is a special asset for organizational managers because the way and manner enterprises offer satisfactions to their customers, the more impact they will drive from it. There are two ways of defining customer satisfaction (Chang and Chen, 2009): the transaction- specific approach considers the psychological response by customers to their recent experience with a supplier, product, or service. The collective customer satisfaction depends on the customer's general experience from particular company. 250 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Several researchers have create relationship between quality management and customer satisfaction (e.g. Carlson and O'Cass, 2010; Chang and Wang, 2011; Gounaris et al., 2010; Kim et al., 2009; Lin and Sun, 2009). Zhao and Dholakia (2009) acknowledge more than a few relationships between quality standard attributes and customer satisfaction. Furthermore, the relation from flow to customer satisfaction were made by some scholars (e.g. Bridges and Florsheim, 2008; Dawson et al., 1990; Zhou and Lu, 2011). This study acknowledges that both quality and flow are important to understand any consumer buying behavior because customer satisfaction decides a consumer buying and loyalty. On the other hand also study were also carried out which integrate customer satisfaction and flow to relationship intention (Koufaris, 2002; Posselt and Gerstner, 2005; Richard and Chandra, 2005; Smith and Sivakumar, 2004). Performance: Organizational performance measurement has become more crucial for the survival of banks in today's global environment (Brah Tee, and Rao2002). Therefore the growth of performance capacity system that satisfies the organization business need is essential to enable the company to meet its desired business performance. Performance measurement will permit organizations to focus interest to the area they are deficient (Skrinjar, 2008). Business performance has been calibrated with financial measures, operational measures, service performance and customer satisfaction measures by including multiple aspects of performance. Many scholars have proposed that diverse quality measures will impact positively to business performance. Literature has acknowledged diverse variables used for measuring organizational performance as presented below.

251 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Conceptual Framework: A conceptual framework can be defined as a set of broad ideas and principles taken from relevant fields of enquiry and used to structure a subsequent presentation (Bogdan, 2007). The conceptual framework is used to show the relationship between the independent variables and dependent variable. In this study, the independent variables are top management support, capacity enhancement, information technology. The dependent variable is the bank performance. The impression of quality performance is the top priority of businesses operations. Based on the research conducted concerning the link between certain variables of quality management and performance, others such studies have been committed to planning and performance of organizations (Aram and Cowen, 1990; Wijewardena et al., 2004; Yusuf and Saffu, 2005), human resource management and performance (Huselid, 1994; Huang, 2001; Marlow and Hannon, 2000), and leadership and firm performance (Anderson and Sohal, 1999), As well as on relationship between quality management and quality performance. Nearly every one of them is based on practical studies (Ahire and Golhar, 1996; Dow et al., 1999; Flynn et al., 1994). So also (Adam, 1994; Powell, 1995; Samson and Terziovski, 1999) connected performance measures to quality products. The conceptual framework planned in this study is developed based on the already stated models which will be assessed by banks in Nigeria for high level management support, capacity improvement, information technology and control procedures. The dependent variable is performance, which will be measured by many indicators. In selecting performance indicator, it is always difficult to choose which one to use for the research. Because there are methodological issues. The performance indicators for this study include profitability, customer satisfaction, and employee self-esteem, cost reduction, product quality and market share. Some of these performance indicators have been used in previous studies (Yusuf and Saffu, 2005; Lerner and Almor, 2002; Saffu and Manu, 2004).

252 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Top Management Support The research considered high level management support and dedication on the way it promotes organizational performance by showing much emphasis on enterprises. This is in relation to how top managers in an organization guide the business in setting organizational values, guidelines and performance prospect. Study reveal that quality leadership enhances organizational performance (Anderson and Sohal, 1999). Evans emphasized that leadership of an organization that encourages quality and high performance “lead to strategic vision and comprehensive values which serve as a center for all business decisions at all levels of the organization, and that the vision and values turn around within customers. Capacity Enhancement Employees of an organization are the most valuable resources in their organization. When a business has skilled personnel in its mix, these will boost the capacity of organization in the face of others. They can be more innovative. The major objective is, to what extent has the workforce been improved and realized through the human resource practices, commitment of workers, teamwork and training in the company. According to Tari et al. (2007), the management of human resource is one of the reasons that has a large impact on quality outcomes. Employee empowerment improves internal and external quality results (Yoo et al., 2006). Also Samson and Terziovski (1999), a commonly heard statement from the top management is, “people are our critical resources” and “people are everything”. As a result, it led to an expectation that this construct will have a significant effect on the organizational performance. The success of quality management systems and their adoption relies more on executive commitment, open organization and employee empowerment, (Wanjau, 2012). Information Technology Most organizations are using information technology (IT) as the instrument of total quality to improve their performance. Consequently, studies have been conducted to show quality management (QM) and IT contribute to organizational performance. Furthermore, management of most organizations has the required capabilities to quality and also needs ITs; it becomes important to combine QM and IT. Information is an essential resource for quality management. Moreover, organization, either large or small, believe that information systems are keys to their (quality) achievement. Information technology contributes, to the enhancement of performance and influences organizational structure. It assist organization to get information easily, also this improve decision- making. 253 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Literature on total quality management sees that an organization that again and again collects and analyzes information efficiently will be more successful than those that do not (Samson and Terziovski, 1999). Perhaps, the main effect of information and analysis has a direct and important effect on both operational and financial performances (Lakhal et al., 2006). Core communicative technologies (CCTs) such as development portals with email, twitter, Linkert, Instagram technology equipment's, facilitate project teams to seek client or customers and supplier commitment in major plan decisions that lead to improvements in the quality of project decisions. It is also help to disseminate information within the employee and project team members. Further technologies, such as groupware plus instant messaging software, facilitate assignment more simple during tracking of projects and advance project visibility (Carte and Chidambaram, 2004). Control Measures This aspect emphases on the way and manner managers in organization joint technology, tools, process, materials, and people engage in a production process. It encompasses process management which involves the systems and procedures for establishing quality in a number of organizations program. Furthermore, this attracts more attention from management by using different tools and techniques (Sharma and Kodali, 2008). Consequently, organizational managers are more curious on evaluation and improved processes for quality productivity. This is supported by Tari et al. (2007). Process management influences continuous improvement and leads to quality outcomes. The incorporation of process management and continuous quality improvement together results in quality products and services (Tata et al., 2000). Methodology: The tool used for this study is the questionnaires. The tools used for data collection has been selected in order to make possible for the researcher to control the challenges that usually occurred during data collection and guarantee validity and reliability. Structured questionnaires were used for data collection. The questions were designed for banks managers, Bank employees and Bank Customers the selected banks within Jalingo city. The questions were simply designed and arranged categorically for clear understanding and quick administration. The study focuses on 85 bank employees, 18 managers and 300 customers who were served with respective questionnaires. All the questionnaires were filled and returned because it was administered at the banking hall of the selected banks. Perhaps, its shows a high response; thus the capability of the information collected. 254 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Hypothesis: The study hypotheses the following: H0: There is no significant distinction on the way application of quality management QM principles amongst four banks. H1: There is significant difference in the application of quality management QM principles amongst four Banks. The analysis of variance is used to test this hypothesis. The respective total quality management principles are as follows: (a). Customer focus (b). Leadership (c). Involment of people (d). Process approach (E). System approach (f). Continual improvement (g). Factual approach to decision (h). mutually beneficial supplier relationship

Banks A B C D E F G H Total Guarantee Trust 4 3 2 2 2 2 4 2 21 Fidelity 3 3 3 2 1 3 3 3 21 Zenith 5 3 3 2 1 2 2 3 21 Union 2 4 4 3 1 3 2 2 21 Total 14 13 12 11 05 10 11 10 84

T A=14, TB=13, TC=12, TD=11, TE=05, TF=10, TG=11, TH=10

? T=14+13+09+09+08+10+11+10 = 84

? T= 84/4(8) =84/32=220.5

RK

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 ? ? ?? ??= 4 +3 +2 +2 +2 +3 +4 +2 =66 x j = 4 + 3 + 2 + 2 + 2 + 3 + 4 + 2 = 66 SSC =220.5-66

=150.5

142 132 122 112 102 52 842 SSC= + + + + + - 4 4 4 4 4 4 14 49+42.25+36+30.25+25+6.25 – 220.5

269.25-220.5=48.1

SSE=150.5 – 48.1 = 102.4

255 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Source D.E.H SS Mean SE Amount 5 48.1 9.62 column Problems 26 102.4 3.3032 within Total 31 150.5

?????? 9.62 D H= MSC = = 2.9123 ?MSE????? 3.3032 Let a = 0.05 we have K= 9, r= 1 Ea(r-1) u(r-1) and F O.O.O.O (5.21) =8.71 Since Dh

SUMMARY, RCOMMENDAT1ONS AND CONCLUSION: Based on the work carried out on these four Commercial Banks. We acknowledge that quality management plays excellence role on organization performance. The goals of the above institutions is written in understandable language for communication among employees of the financial institutions. The analysis found that each of the commercial banks has a technique of feedback where banking operations are completely opposed to quality goals. Quality standard is to the benefit of all the customers of the prospective banks. The degree of level of customers and banks personnel education determines to alarge extent the success of QM application. The banks have quality-training programs that are meant to achieve the quality objectives of the organization. The quality of staff, computerization, manner of employees to work, knowledge of organizations objectives, motivation as well as the contribution of the employees indecision making all determine the quality of banking dealings from the case studies. A number of responses from the banks show that factual error of banking transaction and ineffective customer relation have been the key challenges of quality that are raised by the many customers of the banks. Profitability of operation; Asset structure and attainment of target and the cost of operation are other factors that are paramount for evaluating the performance of the banks. Quality Management is an operation management philosophy that involves all the employees of the banks. The business environment determines the QM improvement and realization

256 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Recommendation: Based on the summary above, the following suggestion are recommended: (i) The banks should make moves for strong awareness of (Q.M) by organizing workshop and seminars. (ii) Training of bank staff should be in such a way that will boost the achievement of the quality management in the banks. (iii)Personnel quality skills and participation should be carry out using good development program through publicity.(iv) Management should be concerned in continuous monitoring of the growth of quality management at different department of the banks. (v)Assessment measures should be taken in all the banks.(vi)Quality improvement approach should be evolved to cover all the feature of banking transaction. (vii) International Quality Standard like the ISO 9000 could be conceived as moderator for acceptability of the activities of the commercial banks. (viii) Consultants should be hired on criteria to be applied for the international standard for measuring the quality of service of the banks. Conclusion: The wealth of a nation, according to Deming, depends on its people, management and government. Once any of the criteria for TQM implementation is absent in any banks, it is not likely whether the bank will not be axed down by customers of a bank. Perhaps, based on the test conducted, organizational goals and objectives ought to be such that is circulated so that each member of staff shall be able to, in person, evaluate his or her input. This paper submits that the bank customers, bank employees and management must work heartily together to accomplish the quality standard expected of them by their respective banking public.

References: Ahire, S., Waller, M. and Golhar, D. Y. (1995). Quality management in TQM firms: An Empirical Study. International Journal of Quality and Reliability Management, 13, pp 8-27. Ahire, S.L. and O'Shaughnessy, K.C. (1998), “The Role of Top Management Commitment in Quality Akhal,L., Pasin, F.,& Limam, M. (2006). Quality Management Practices and their Impact on Performance. International Journal of Quality & Reliability Management, 23(6), 625-646. Brah, S.A., Tee, S.S.L. and Rao, B.M. (2002).Relationship between TQM and performance of Singapore companies. International Journal of Quality and Reliability Management 9(4): 356-379. Carte, T., & Chidambaram, L. (2004). A capabilities-based theory of Technology Deployment in Diverse Teams: Leapfrogging the Pitfalls of Diversity and leveraging its Potential with

257 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Collaborative Technology. Journal of the Association for Information Systems, 5(11), 4. Chen, C. (2008). Quality Management Practices and Quality Results: A Comparison of Manufacturing and Service sectors in Taiwan. Managing Service Quality, Vol. 8 No.1, pp.46-54. Cua, K. O., McKone, K. E., & Schroeder, R. G. (2001).Relationships between implementation of TQM, JIT, and TPM and manufacturing performance. Journal of Operations Management, 19(6), 675-694. Dean, J. W., & Bowen, D. E. (1994). Management theory and total quality: improving research and practice through theory development. Academy of management review, 19(3), 392-418. Deming, W.E (1986) Out of the crisis Cambridge mass: MIT Centre for Advanced Engineering study Freeman-Bell, G., & Grover, R. (1994).The use of quality management in local authorities. Local Government Studies, 20(4), 554-569. Giritlioglu, I., Jones, E., & Avcikurt, C. (2014). Measuring food and beverage service quality in spa hotels: A case Study in Balýkesir, Turkey. International Journal of Contemporary Hospitality Management, 26(2), 183-204. IOSR(20014)The Effect of Quality Management System on the Performance of Food Processing Firm in Kenya Journal of Business Management Vol.16, No.5, pp61-72. ISO, E. (1995). 8402: 1995.Quality Management and Quality Assurance- Vocabulary. Lassâad, L., Federico, P. and Mohamed, L.(2006),"Quality Management Practices and their Impact Management: An Empirical Analysis of the Auto Parts Industry”, International Journal of Olabode, A.J (2003).The Impact of Total Quality Management on Banks Performance in Nigeria. A Journal of Department of Business Administration, 3(1). Rahim, H., Amjad, A., Yomna, k.(2015)Service Quality and Customer Satisfaction of a UAE-based airline: An Empirical Investigation. Journal of Transport Management 42,167-1756

258 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Factors Militating the Development of Jos Museum and its Role in the Preservation of Historical and Religious Heritage

Gideon Y. Tambiyi, PhD Department of Religion and Philosophy University of Jos, Nigeria

and Anuye, Steve Paul Department of History and Diplomatic Studies, Taraba State University, Jalingo.

Abstract It is obvious that a museum, since prehistoric studies, has purposefully provided space for processing, storage and display of historical, archaeological and ethnographic as well as modern art objects and relaxation. The Jos museum was founded within this historical objective. But it becomes obvious that the essence of the Jos museum seems to be losing its relevance and it is capable of meeting the proposed essence of being a museum. Looking at the set-up of the Jos museum, one laments over the maintenance culture embedded in the preservation and sustenance of the subjects (animals and artefacts). The aim of this paper is to explore the roleswhich Jos museum plays in the preservation of cultural, historical and religious knowledge. Using the historical analytical method, the study uses primary and secondary sources for data collection and systematic observations in order to underscore factors or problems militating against the museum and the possible solutions for alleviating such problems. This work revives the intended aim for starting the Jos museum and urges the need to support its activities and growth for national development. Only then that our cultural and religious values and identities can be preserved for the next generation in the midst of a technological century and the centuries to come. Keywords:Museum, Plateau State, Animals, artefacts, Jos Museum Introduction In the developed nations, museum has been one of the most important aspects of society. A lot of attention is devoted to its development because it contributes to the understanding of ancient cultures and civilization of the people. This aspect of the society has been of interest to both nationals and tourists and has served as a major means of transmission of historical, cultural and religious knowledge and values to the younger generation. Museum has been considered as a non-profit, permanent institution in the service of society and its development, open to the public, which 259 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies acquires, conserves, researches, communicates, and exhibits for purposes of education, study and enjoyment, tangible and intangible heritage of humanity and its environment. Museum has become a permanent activity of man in the society and the activities of the museum has been spear- headed by the government and private sectors or collectors. However, Nigeria has not been able to place itself in the midst of countries who value cultural heritages. Even when there is museum activity in a particular State, accessing the activities of the museum are restricted from the public. Amadi G. Azuwueze laments that it is unfortunate that some state governments in Nigeria are either blocking the museum from the public or removing parts of it. Azuwueze goes on to state that the museum is an institution, can be considered as the oldest human institutions; its right should be not be tampered with. The concern for this work is not far from that of Azuwueze i.e. lack of access to museums and the maintenance of the museums are significant to the preservation of cultural and religious heritages in Nigeria. This work surveys a brief world history of a museum and how it got to Nigeria. It specifically concentrates on Jos museum and zoo and discusses the maintenance culture adopted to sustain these artefacts in Nigeria. It compares the museum activities in developed nations like the National Archaeological Museum (Greece), the National Palace Museum (Taiwan), The State Hermitage Museum (Russia), the Musuem of the Bible (California, US), Vatican City (Italy), Galleria degli Uffizi (Italy), the Natural History Museum (London), the Louvre (Paris), The British Museum (London) and many in South Africa etc. with the ones in Nigeria in order to show relevance and enthusiasm. It also discusses factors militating against the effectiveness of museum in Nigeria and also suggested possible solutions to curb those problems. A Brief History of Museum The word 'Museum' is derived from Greek word Mouseion which means abode, home or temple of the Muses and where the daughters of Zeus. The king of Olympia gods lived. Since they were good at music, poetry and dancing. They helped men to forget their sorrows and anxieties through these activities, Hence, mouseion came to be associated with a place where people's mind found rest and peace from every affairs. The Greeks believed that knowledge could be gained by worshipping these goddesses who protected and encouraged Greek art –dancing, history, drama, love oratory, religion etc. Museums have a long history going back to the 3rd century B.C., when the first known museum was opened in the University of Alexandria in Egypt, by Ptolemy Alphonsus Soter, although scholars believe the idea 260 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies was borrowed Demetrius of Phalerum. Azuwueze asserts that a museum has a lecture hall, a library, books, a courtyard, an astronomical garden, a collection of cultural and natural objects and a botanical garden and headed by a priest, assisted by a writer, an astronomer, a mathematician and physician. The Romans took over such a civilization from the Greeks and imbibed a lot of religious orientation to museological activities. The Greco-Roman world laid emphasis on education, religion, and politics. Such an understanding moved to the Dark Ages. Azuwueze surveys museums in the dark Ages, the Medieval society and shows the effects of these periods on the development of Museums. To him, there were practices of collecting objects by the Roman Catholic Church and kept them in monasteries and the monks kept records in scrolls, parchments and papyri. Princes and kings also kept records. The West experienced the rebirth of classical times which witnessed great collection of artefacts in both arts and science. This renaissance period witnessed the exploration and discovery of new continent, decline of the repressive Feudal system, growth in commerce, invention of printing, knowledge of compass, gunpowder, review of classical learning and wisdom, after a long period of cultural decline and stagnation. There were a lot of effects on museum; collections were widened, diversified nature of objects, and religion was de-emphasized. The sixteenth century witnessed a different dimension of museum activities. A lot of kings and princes began to have their private collections. These were headed by the Italians. For example, Medici of Florence. The Portuguese, Spaniards and the entire world became interested as the kings started collecting their private collections. For example, King Matthias of Hungary, King Augustus of Saxony, Basilius Amer Bach, Sir Robert Cotton, Elias Ashmole and John Tradescant and his son. There were also collections of animals, paintings and manuscripts. The Amators has cabinets or Wunder Kammer or gallery. In the seventeenth century, there were museum activities. There were collections in religion, science and politics. People handed over their collections to others for safety. Basel Museum in 1672 became the first public museum after it was acquired from the Catholic Church. There was also the nationalization of private collections. Also, the Ashmolean Museum became the second public museum in 1681from the collections of Elias Ashmole and the Tradescants and handed over to Oxford University. From the Age of Enlightenment, different types of museum surfaced and there was emphasis on the growth of natural history. The British Museum became the third public museum in 1759 from the collections of

261 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Sir Reuben Cotton, Sir Albert Harley and Mr. Hans Sloane. The fourth museum was Hermitage Musuem in Russia in 1764. Subsequently, Louvre museum in Paris opened in 1793 and became public in 1808. The Altes museum in Prussian by Frederick William of Prusssia in 1803 came to existence. Museum became a place of scholarship in the 19th century. There were a lot of fairs and exhibitions organized and attended by many people. During the 20th century, visiting the museum became a right and not a privilege, the curators became sensitive to the needs of the people, and it started giving quality of services to communities. Job opportunities surfaced and museology as a science of museum was started. Education was re-emphasized through the various exhibitions. Such influence led to the founding of the Charleston Museum in South Carolina and that of Mr Peale Willson of Philadelphia and that of Smithsonian Institution in 1858 and the National Museum of America. Over the years, however, museum culture has spread to nearly every part of the world and today it has become uncommon to find any country that does not have a museum, no matter how small it may be. This implies that the concept of the museum has become a global concept that has survived up to the 21st century. Africa was not left out in the effort to own museums. Culture to the Africans is life. The rich cultural and natural heritages of the Africans made it easier for the creation of museums. Africa is filled with natural surroundings. Also, colonization made it easier for African museums and the need to conserve the wild animals and the environment. Today, there are many museums in many African countries such as South Africa, Ghana, Zimbabwe, Kenya etc. Founding, Growth and Management of Jos Museum It is worth nothing that Museum development in Nigeria began during the colonial period. The British colonial administration thought it necessary to establish a Museum in Jos in 1952- This is because of the discoveries through mining activities of artifacts such as terra-cotta Figurines, Iron Implements (Hoe and Cutlass) which dated the development of iron making in Nigeria. It is obvious that the establishment of museum in any given society is significant in developing nations. The importance attached to any museum object derives its value in cultural and historical context which may span over areas such as religion, education, politics, economy and warfare. It is most unfortunate however, that many Nigerians to date have not yet realized the importance of museums to the society. To such people, museums are associated with artifacts and monuments, which are regarded as old and useless objects, meant for incineration. This type of impression

262 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies attached to museums has such affect that most of the objects which would have been very useful in the general enlightenment and education of the public suffer from deterioration. The traditional role of museums is to collect objects and materials of cultural, religious and historical importance, preserve them, research into them and present them to the public for the purpose of education and enjoyment bearing these in mind, Museums are institutions created in the public interest. They engage their visitors, foster deeper understanding and promote the enjoyment and sharing of authentic cultural and natural heritage. Museums acquire, preserve, research, interpret and exhibit the tangible and intangible evidence of society and nature. The museum as an institution tells the story of man the world over and how humanity has survived in its environment over the years. It houses things created by nature and by man and in our modern society it houses the cultural soul of the nation. It holds the cultural wealth of the nation in trust for all generations and by its function and unique position, it has become the cultural conscience of the nation. The National Museum Jos, under the auspices of the National Commission for Museums and Monuments, is the largest and second oldest in Nigeria. This Museum was founded in 1952 to house the accidental archaeological findings discovered as a result of tin mining activities around the Jos Plateau in the 1940s. In an effort to understand the background for starting the Museum, Azgaku Bala Charles states that it was the presence of Tin Mining that accounted for the original Archaeological interest in the area and in fact gave rise to the existence of Jos Museum. A large number of objects collections in the mining industries were rescued and this formed the basis of the museum. Jos Museum is the second oldest Museum in Nigeria after small range of exhibits and facilities. The National Museum in Jos was commissioned in 1952 by Bernard Fagg, a British archaeologist and museum curator, and is recognized as one of the best museums in the country. It has one large exhibition hall and two smaller ones. The museum is renowned for its archaeology and its Pottery Hall has an exceptional collection of finely crafted clay artworks from all over Nigeria. It is Nigeria's first major museum of antiquities and the second museum established in the country (after the one in Esie, near Ilorin). The museum is home to some fine specimens of Nok terracotta heads and artefacts dating from between 500 BC and 200 AD. Further explaining the growth or establishment of Jos museum, Nzrewunwain Azgaku Bala's work states that, the Jos Museum is the second museum in Nigeria after the small Museum at Esie, near llorin which opened

263 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in 1945. It is the second largest Museum in the country, for many years Jos was the headquarters of the Federal Department of Antiquities until this was eventually transferred to Lagos. It offers a wide range of exhibits and facilities for visitors. It is also the principal research station for the department. It was by the combined efforts of Bernard Fagg, Government Archaeologist and K.C. Murray, surveyor of Antiquities that led to the development of the Jos Museum in 1952. In addition, Bala asserts that Tin Mining for which Jos is Famous was responsible for the foundation of the Museum. It was the collection of objects dug up during mining operation in the 1920's and 1930's that attracted the first Archeologist to the area. The Jos Museum was first opened to the public in 1952, (Museum Journal 1978). The establishment of the Museum can be attributed to the discovery on Southern Zaria in 1944 of the two thousand years old terra-cotta of the Nok culture. This is the mining area around Jos also presented urgent needs and in fact resulted in the opening in 1952 of the Jos museum as the archaeological branch of the Nigeria Museum. The Museum contains the Nok Terra-Cottas, Ife bronze heads, Benin and Yoruba brass work, woodcarvings from all over the country. It also, contains books written by northern scholars, rubes, masks, stone and iron implements, which encouraged as part of the Museum. There is also, a Museum zoo which was developed on the grounds of the museum in 1955. In discussing the Jos Museum, one of the notable work which is worth mentioning is that of Azgaku Bala Charles who discusses the guide to the Museum, the gallery, the library, the administrative section, the Centre for Museum Studies, the bright of Benin, staff accommodation, zoo and the relevance of the Museum to the community. Charles discusses that the zoological garden was established in 1957 as an additional attraction to the Museum. The Museum have also serve as a center of studies, research and other purposes. The Jos Museum has expanded its programmes, which include the training of personnel's on different field of Museum. As a result of the joint effort of Nigerian government, and the United State of American, a UNESCO training school was established in 1963. These students come within Nigeria and other African countries. The organization trained techniques, such as, the pottery Museum, zoo Museum, Open-air Museum, Transport and Mining Architecture Museum, etc. Museum serves as an educational resources center for both young and old in our community. Museum supply concrete basis for conceptual thinking. They make learning more permanent and through their various programmes enlighten its community on the functions of the Museum. The Museum educational unit organizes out of school holiday activities in the Museum.

264 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The unit also organizes symposia and discussion groups or debate for students as well as the general public to educate them on the Museum objects. Through these and many other ways, the education unit in a Museum is helping children and even adults to enjoy and profit from the great cultural heritage, which she possesses. Problems Militating against the Effectiveness of Jos Museum The essence of starting a museum has always been for education, study and enjoyment as outlined by International Council of Museum (ICOM) in 2007. It depends on the collections it has acquires. These artefacts could be cultural and natural heritages of a country which has aesthetic, historical, scientific, socio-cultural and technological values. Museums exist for the public and seek to satisfy the populace through the management, research and dissemination of information gathered on collections in the most favourable manner.Some of the Problems militating against the effectiveness of Jos Museum are: 1. Museums were not supported by Colonial Administration: The colonial administrators started the idea of the Museum in Nigeria, particularly the Jos Museum. However, this administration did not support the activities of the Museum to ensure continuity. These people withdrew from supporting the affairs of the Jos Museum. 2. Funding:The major factor is lack of enough working capital. The Jos Museum has been the property of the government. It is very clear that the funding of the museum has been low to enable it function effectively. This depends on the interest the government has on the museum. Nigeria is not the only country that owns museums. When one visits museums in other African countries, one appreciates the efforts put in place for the progress of the culture and history of the country or society. There is need for more funding of the Jos Museum for effectiveness. 3. Capable and Effective Staffing: Some of the staff working in the Jos Museum are enjoying their jobs. Most of them have not considered working in the Museum as part of life. Some of them are concerned about the money. They do not have the passion for the work. There would need to employ capable staffing for effective who are qualified have passion for transmitting the knowledge of the past and interpreting such knowledge to the modern person. 4. Illegal trafficking of Objects and Animals: There are many artefacts that are being discovered and sold by persons. Some of the

265 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

these are artefacts are supposed to be properties of the government of sold to the government to safeguard the history of the people. However, one discovers that people don't even know the importance of those artefacts and sells them for the money. Money is not everything when enlightened. Preserving the history behind those artefacts would help the modern generation know about the history of the religious and cultural heritage rather than selling to illegal traffickers who take them out of the country. 5. Lack of understanding of the Mission for starting Museums: People did not know the reasons for starting museums in our societies. The current staff of the Jos Museum need to be reoriented on the mission of starting museum and compare the Jos Museum with other museums around the world to create awareness and spark interest in them and make them appreciate the work they do at the Jos Museum. 6. Poor Maintenance Culture of Objects and Animals: when one visits the Jos Museum, the maintenance culture is very challenging. Just like most of the organizations and institutions in Nigeria, the Jos Museum needs to step up its maintenance culture of handling these objects and collections. When the writers visited the Jos Museum and Zoo in April, 2019, the decapitating nature of items was disturbing. The animals rely at the mercy of visitors to feed most of the times. There was no water for the aquatic animals. This can be organized to get water for them during the dry season to aid their lifespan. It was a pity that most of the aquatic animals could not survive the hot weather and climate of the dry season. These are to be taken seriously to enable visitors appreciate the beauty of nature at the Jos Museum. 7. Societal Perception of Arts and culture: The perception of art in Nigeria is very poor, in spite of the progress made in art appreciation in the last few years. We must acknowledge that there are many art institutions in Nigeria today and that more galleries and art centers are springing up. Also many more activities and festivals have become part of the art calendar in Nigeria. But to a great extent, art and society in Nigeria are still divorced from each other. If art and aesthetics have no place in the general scheme of things, their appreciation will remain the exclusive preserve of a few elites. This situation is in contradistinction to what obtained in pre-colonial times when art belonged to almost every western

266 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

educated elite. Jos environment and society is not far from being affected by this factor. There is a need for orientation for the society to understanding cultural and religious significance of owning these artefacts and storing them for the future. Possible Suggestionsto alleviate these Problems 1. Networking: Interest on artefacts in the society would contribute immensely to the development of the Jos museum. There should be a special networking programme that would enable the staff understanding the concept of running a museum and be able to connect with the international communities and attend meetings on the maintenance of museum. 2. Need for International Bodies: although it has not been easy but having international bodies contribute to the growth of this museum would revive the focus for the Jos museum. Such an understanding among people who have been out of the country and have seen standard museums would spend some among of time mobilizing support for the museum. We thereby call the international bodies to come for its aid as means to preserve cultural and religious heritages. There are bodies like the Global Heritage Fund who are working hard to prevent the destruction of monumental sites and artefacts through some funding programmes. Relating with institutions as this, would draw their attention and interest to support the museum. 3. Funding by Government: Jos museum was not founded as a private collection unit. It has always remained a government project and property. Therefore, government has been responsible for its growth and maintenance. It has not been easy with the funding of the museum in terms of staff welfare, acquisition of objects, and facilities. Recently, the Plateau State Government has been considering the sustainability of culture over the past years and reviving people's interest in cultural activities and festivals by the current administration. We plead on the Government of Plateau State and the Federal Government to still step up on their support for the Jos museum in order to sustain it. With this, Jos museum would adequately achieve its intended aims for establishment in 1952. 4. Support from Individuals: apart from the government, individuals have played vital roles in the development of museums. The Jos museum cannot be an exception when supported. People who have interest in ancient cultural and religious artefacts and 267 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

collections are summoned to help ensure the growth and maintenance of the museum. We call individuals to support the activities of the museum to ensure its growth and enable it rise to standard museums in the West or in countries like South Africa. This would be a collective effort. 5. Support from Private Bodies and NGOs: Enlightenment private bodies and NGOs on the national significance of a place as the Jos museum would contribute to raising support for its maintenance and growth. There are many private bodies and NGOs who are willing to support projects as this. But there is need to inform and enlighten them on the significance of these collections on national cultural and religious heritages. 6. Creating Awareness Programmes to the Public: The management of the Jos museum needs to deliberately create awareness to the general public through printing of flyers and bill boards, social platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, LinkedIn and standard website in order create awareness to the public. These mediums would enable the museum post its recent activities and attract followership. 7. Ensure Safety of the Objects: Discoveries are being made every day even in Nigeria and on the Plateau. Some of the people who discover these artefacts sometimes do not know what to do with them. It is duty of the museum to encourage the society to submit these artefacts under their custody and the museum must ensure the safety of these artefacts under their care. We must ensure that laws governing the selling of cultural and religious heritages are enacted on the culprit who purchase these cultural and religious artefacts and illegally sell them beyond Nigeria's borders. We must build trust and working relationship with the public to enable them submit their artefacts under the care of the museum. This would promote growth and attract new artefacts to Jos museum. Conclusion The essence of establishing the Jos museum has been to sustain cultural and religious heritages in Nigeria. The Jos museum, as important as it is, has witnessed growth over the years and government has been able to sustain it. However, it is obvious that there is much to be done to promote the activities of the museum to compete with standard museums in the world, which should be the focus in the 21st century. These would mean there is the need to alleviate the factors that are militating against the growth and maintenance 268 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies of the museum, a dimension that is missing in recent modern research about the Jos museum. This work revives the intended aim for starting the Jos museum and urges the need to support its activities and growth for national development. Only then that our cultural and religious values and identities can be preserved for the next generation in the midst of a technological world in the 21st century and the centuries to come.

References Arinze, Emmanuel N. “The Role of the Museum in Society”, in Public lecture at the National Museum, Georgetown, Guyana Monday, May 17, 1999. Azuwueze, Amadi G. An Introduction to Museology: Historical Development of Museum for Schools and Colleges. MATKOL Press, 2018. Binkat, Manji Jennifer. Documentation in Museum Settings: Meaning, Scope and Procedures. MATKOL Press, 2018. Carroll, Scott Th. Passages: The Experience. Marion, Indiana: Triangle Publishing, 2012 Charles, Azgaku Bala. “The Development Of Jos Museum Since The C o l o n i a l P e r i o d ” http://www.globalacademicgroup.com/journals/the%20nigerian%2 0academic%20forum/Azgaku80.pdf [Accessed 1st June, 2019]. Choat, Malcolm. “The Epistolary Culture of Monasticism between Literature and Papyri” Cistercian Studies Quarterly 48:2 (2013), pp. 227-37. Evans, T. V. and D. D. Obbink eds. The Language of the Papyri. Oxford: University Press, 2010. Gobin, Gonap Elisha, Clement Ukay Anake, Nesla Ruth Asheazi. “People's Perception of Tourist Facilities on the Jos Plateau, Nigeria” International Journal of Innovative Research and Development 6:7 (2017), pp. 219-230. Greenlee,J. Harold. Scribes, Scrolls and Scriptures. Carlisle: Paternoster Press, 1996. “ H o w M u s e u m s b e n e f i t S o c i e t y , ” http://www.museumsmanitoba.com/en/how-museums-benefit- society[Accessed 24th May, 2019]. Jemkur, J. F. Nok Terracotta. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University Press, 1992. Meinardus, Otto F. A. Monks and Monasteries of the Egyptian Deserts Rev. Ed. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1992. O n u m b a , Z a c c h e u s . “ D i b i a e z u e M e m o r i a l L i b r a r i e s , ”

269 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

https://zodml.org/content/national-museum-jos#.XNqcG44zZPY [Accessed 24th May, 2019]. Osifo, Dorothy Hannatu and Victor Chuks Nwokedi. “Patterns of Newspaper Collection Usage: A Case Study of National Museum L i b r a r y , J o s , N i g e r i a . ” https://www.jaistonline.org/vol9_no1_Osifo_Nwokedi.pdf [Accessed 1st June, 2019]. “Role of Museum in the Preservation of Knowledge”, https://iproject.com.ng/library-science/role-of-museum-in-the- preservation-of-knowledge/index.html [Accessed 24th May, 2019]. Turner, E. G. The Typology of the Early Codex. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977.

e.

270 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Islamic Model for Peace and Conflict Resolution inInterpersonal Disputes

Maunde Usman Muhammad Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo [email protected] +2347033087888 Adamu Alhaji Sa'idu Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo [email protected] +2348033671755 Lawan Abdullahi Muhammad Department of Islamic Studies, Faculty of Arts, Taraba State University, Jalingo [email protected] +2348133038583

Abstract Conflict is an inevitable phenomenon of human life. Everyone strives for peace, which can be established only on the absence of conflict. So, naturally, the presence of various conflicts in our life cycle, from the very personal level to the greater field of international arena, and the process to avoid or resolve these have been taken as a major concern by the social thinkers and Philosophers. In this context, Muslim scholars also give their thoughtful suggestions on the principles and methods of conflict resolution according to the Islamic ideology that basically consists of the Quran and Sunnah (tradition of the Prophet pbuh). This paper tries to outlinesome core Islamic principles that would be of enormous service in the process of conflict resolution and management in the society. The paper will highlight some examples about the conventional and Islamic processes of conflict resolution. The methodological approach used in this paper is descriptive, prescriptive and analystic, while the method of data collection is historical and empirical. Key words: Conflict, Islamic, Model, Peace

Introduction

Islam, literally derives from the word Silm, means peace and happiness of here and hereafter. It is the only revealed religion accepted by Allah, the Creator of the whole universe. By the revelation, the Holy Quran guides all the acts of mankind, even from the personal deeds to the international

271 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies conducts. Hence, the unavoidable conflict and consequently the notion of peace are also directed in Islam. In fact, right in Heaven and in the very beginning of humanity, the creation of Adam and Eve, we see the conflict between Lucifer and God, Adam-Eve and Satan (devil). According to the Quran, Allah Himself declared their enmity. From then, human civilization did not go without conflicts, battles and disputes.

As a result of the forgoing, Allah gives complete principles in resolving conflicts, which are underlying in the Quran and Hadith, traditions of prophet (pbuh). Prophet Muhammad (pbuh) delivered all these rules and regulations and practiced these in his own life when needed. This proves the effectiveness of Islamic rules in resolving disputes and in the maintenanceof peace in any given societyas well as the perfection of Islam as the absolute religion of Allah, the Almighty (M`aluf, 1976).

Methodology

This paper is completely organized based on the published secondary data and evidences. The paper largely takes the documentation of history into account. Arguments in favour of and against any conflict are critically analysed without changing the reality. This study does not manipulate anything from the history and makes an attempt to examine the contributions of Islam to the civilization in resolving disputes and maintaining peace. However, the paper does not incorporate all the dimensions of conflict due to the expense of the field. The paper tries to categorize conflicts into various types, and eventually evaluates the method used by Islam on the basis of current policy for interpersonal disputes resolution.

Conceptual Clarification

The major concepts used in this paper, which need clarification are

Peace, Con?ict and Con?ict Management

Peace: From the beginning of human history until the contemporary modern world, peace has remained one of the basic requirements and goals of human beings. According to Webster's dictionary, peace has the following characteristics:Condition of harmony or calm;Absence of social disorder;Condition of security;Maintenance of order through law or convention within a society;Abolition of war;State of compromise after con?ict or hostility.

272 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

According to John Galtung, peace means nonexistenceof planned collective violence and collection of ethics ofinternational community of nations.

Conflict:The word 'con?ict'is derived from the Latin word,con?igerewhich means tohit collectively. A con?ict ariseswhen a party thinks that its interests are being damagedby another party, that is, when interests of two parties clashand they cannot enjoy advantages at the same time.It is obvious that a con?ict is unavoidable becauseeveryone has a di?erent set of beliefs, standards andcode of conduct, which directs its dealings and inspiration. Some writers highlight three conditions that cancreate con?ict (Mustapha, 2011).

i. When the partiesconcerned cannot reach agreement.

ii. If interdependence exists among parties that built reciprocal pressure over each other.

iii. A shortage of resources (Mustapha, 2011).

Some scholars take an optimistic view of con?ict. Intheir opinion, it can play a role in individual progressand development of society. We can learn from diversitiesand opposite opinions. It can generate new dimensionsof thinking and prepare us to handle these di?erences ina way that may lead us towards progress and advantage.

Conflict Management:Con?ict Management Strategy means the use of formaltechniques of dialogue or negotiation, adjudication ormediation in order to settle a dispute or con?ict by thoseinvolved in it or by a third party(Mustapha, 2011).These techniques arealso called con?ict resolution methods or strategies.Some scholars describe five types of strategies to resolve a con?ict, such as avoiding, accommodating, forcing, collaborating, and compromising.Generally, there are three phases to resolve a con? ict,namely avoidance, decreasing the severity of con? ict andresolution.

Because the nature of con?ict does not remain the samein di?erent eras and situations, various methods, techniques or strategies of its resolution are used dependingon its nature and time. Con?ict can be basically resolvedin two ways, using either violent or peaceful methods.Thus, there are many types and varieties of con?ict resolution or management strategies. Peaceful methods, likenegotiation, dialogue, arbitration, mediation and adjudication

273 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies are, however, desirable strategies for maintainingdurable peace in the world) David, 1992).

The Islamic Concept of Peace

Islamic concept of peace is summarized in elements, Tawhid (unity of all humankind); fitrah (upholding peace as a duty for every Muslim); al-adl, justice, which is the backbone of peace because without justice there can be no peace; afu, forgiveness [….]; rahma, compassion and rahim, mercy”. These elements resonate with the concept of positive peace and of 'just peace' as methods to “reduce violence and destructive cycles of social interactivity and at the same time increase justice in any human relationship” (Mohammed, 1996).

Zulum, justice, is used 114 times in the Qur'an and, although its elements are never clearly enunciated, there are at least 3 domains in which this concept is used: reciprocity of relationships among men and with God, a process by which equality is achieved among diverse elements, and the variety of contexts and circumstances through which justice can be enacted and displayed, rather than clearly defined (Mohammed, 1996).

The just person is adl meaning, “to set straight”, “to be balanced” because he/she keeps his/her human relationships in balance and engages with others at many levels on the basis of reciprocity. The concept of haqq, meaning “right” or “duty”, but also “reality” and “truth”, refers to the variety of obligations regulating human existence and determining a person's place in society and their authority (Rosen, 2000, p.156). “[….] justice, or 'giving what is due' and 'establishing the truth'.… Consequently, justice is deviated from when the exactness of 'preserving the middle' is lost, through a twist this way or that… [The] maxim, usually attributed to Muhammad, was a commonplace among medieval intellectuals: 'the middle of things is the best'. It is the middle in which the two, separated from each other [….] merge and come to harmony, producing a unity that makes genuine sense” (Mohammed, 1996).

One of the interpretations of jihad is of a struggle against injustice and structural violence. In the Arab world, we find a number of examples of structural violence in political regimes. Power succession is one of the most debated processes since the beginning of Islam, when, after the death of the Prophet, the early Muslim community dividedinto Shia and Sunni over the issue of Prophet Muhammad successor.(Mohammed, 1996).

274 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

There is agreement in Islamic on viewing the Islamic leader as a 'protector' and 'custodian' of faith and an executor of Islamic law. The choice of a leader should happen through consultation and a pledge of obedience, but there is no official process. Religion and its manipulation are commonly used to justify the rise to power of leaders, while some see the overpowering of opponents as a legitimate way of gaining primacy. “Power is not the privilege of an office; it is rather a social asset, an attribute of a general standing in society” (Yassine, 2014).

Western ideas of state and sovereignty were superimposed on these concepts. Post-colonial state borders left Arab leaders and communities with the task to democratically rule themselves without the centuries of adjustments and violence that the West underwent before submitting itself to these same concepts. For this reason, Pan-Arab and Pan-Islamic ideologies emerged to contrast the Western concept of boundaries, while tribal ties justified interstate meddling (Mustafa, 2011).

Many regimes, that were imposed or that took over power, tried to adopt some democratic elements to legitimize their presence. They did so by manipulating narratives and succeeded because of mostly condescending and closely knit societies, which, on the basis of the Islamic concepts of unity and consensus in the umma, community, and the concept of asabiyya, ethnic or religious group bond (IbnKhaldun, cited by Yassine-Hamdan, Pearson, 2014, p.28), did not oppose regimes and ideologies until very recently in the Arab Uprisings. Up until then, the “public” as a source of legitimacy in democracy, hadn't emerged yet as a political force Interestingly enough, the first fora for discussion were mosques and religious gatherings. Religion, as a common unifying value framework across geographical divides, represented a tool and a means to voice dissent towards repressive political regimes. As in the case of Iran, religion carried the banner of the revolution, while groups like Hezbollah, Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood strengthened their social and political stance by providing the community with services neglected by the state (Mustafa, 2011).

The Principles of Islamic Peacebuilding

Islamic peace building efforts at all levels reaffirm five basic principles as follows:

1. All of humanity has a common origin, and human dignity must be

275 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies recognized and respected, regardless of religion, ethnicity, or tribe. 2. The diversity among people encapsulates the richness of traditions. 3. Muslims striving to improve the world must cooperate, collaborate and engage in dialogue with others and among themselves to foster peace. 4. To be actively involved with one's tradition means not to lead exclusivity, hermetic lives, but to be engaged with others in a respectful manner. 5. Practicing good deeds and striving toward justice must be present in everyday dealing with all human beings. These essential principles do not contradict Western conflict resolution approaches; rather, the astounding similarities and overlapping themes among Islamic and Western peacebuilding efforts create opportunities for more common ground in working toward ending conflict (Mustafa, 2011). How to understoodpeace in an Islamic context The concept of peace in the Islamic tradition is considered in four interrelated contexts as follows: 1. The metaphysical-spiritual context, in which peace as one of the names of God is seen as an essential part of God's creation and assigned substantive value. 2. The philosophical-theological context, within which the question of evil is addressed as a cosmic, ethical, and social problem. 3. The political-legal context, the proper locus of classical legal and juristic discussions of war, rebellion, oppression, and political order and disorder. 4. The socio-cultural context, which reveals the parameters of the Muslim experience of religious and cultural diversity in communities of other faiths and cultural traditions. Examining these four interdependent concepts moves beyond the minimal definition of peace as absence of conflict, and emphasizes the need for a comprehensive examination of Islamic peacebuilding and the cultivation of a culture of peace (Mohammed, 1996). Different ways of understanding and interpretation of the concept of Jihad The different legal and ethical articulations of war and peace that have emerged in Islamic thought testify to the different and conflicting ways of reading and interpreting some of the key Qur'anic verses dealing with this topic. The struggle to achieve a just social order has acquired greater urgency among Muslims today in the post-September 11th era. The lament frequently (and rightly) heard today is that the term jihad has been “hijacked” by Muslim extremists, and its broad spectrum of ethical and spiritual meaning basically jettisoned to focus on its combative aspects only

276 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

(Mohammed, 1996). Outlining some of the variant ways of understanding the sacred text, Mohammed's (1996) book discusses the arguments within Muslim scholarship over the language of peace and reconciliation, examining how these arguments have addressed specifically the ways in which terrorists such as Osama bin Laden exploit Qur'anic language to serve their causes. The debates on language reflect critical efforts by grand muftis, qadis and many others who are profoundly disgusted at the distortion of sacred texts to push back against those who justify terrorism. For example, the al- Qaeda leadership has consistently defined themselves as mujahidun or participants in jihad since before the horrendous attacks of 9/11. This misuse of the term, legally, theologically and politically, has been the cause of much debate among Muslim religious leaders (Mohammed, 1996). Prescribed Islamic Strategies for Effective Peace building and Skills Development To develop effective peacebuilding skills for Muslim religious leaders, it is necessary to expand more practical models to implement peacebuilding work. Religious leaders in conflict zones require skills that enable them to evaluate, negotiate and mediate conflict, and ultimately institute structural change. Seven major areas for skills transmission are needed for Muslim religious leaders engaging in peacebuilding as follows: 1. organization management; 2. understanding the source of the conflict; 3. mediation and negotiation; 4. strategic planning for intervention and transformation; 5. acquiring knowledge of all parties involved; 6. understanding the art of engagement; and, 7. training in the complexities of building sustainable peace. Muslim religious leaders need to expand their skills and capacity building in these areas while ensuring they are not co-opted by the political agendas of national and international organizations. A skills- enhancement approach will enrich their knowledge of peacebuilding and position them in the wider field of peacebuilding efforts. Their roles do not have to be restricted to a specific religious institution or limited to one community. Some strategic and recommendations, or categories that must be addressed in order to develop the institutional capacity to prevent conflict and encourage peace. Among the most remarkable strategies, recommendations and categories

277 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies in preventing conflict in order to encourage peace are the following: 1. Economic Development; 2. Human Development; 3. Mitigating Violence and Fostering a Culture of Peace; 4. Synchronized Multi-Dimensional Peacebuilding; 5. Conflict Resolution and Peacebuilding Training for Religious Leaders; 6. Civil Society and NGO Support; 7. Self-Critical Problem-Solving Skills; 8. Reducing Ideological Support for Radicalism; 9. Peace Education and Curriculum Reform; and, 10. Truth Commissions and Transitional Justice (Rashid, 2005). Exploring Islamic Sources or strategies for conflict resolution In developing models for dispute resolution within the Islamicsetting, it is important to recognize two methodological parameters.First, the discussion of dispute resolution within the Islamic settingremoves the focus of the research from the realm of jurisprudence to therealm of inter- disciplinary research, from legality to morality, from theletter of law to its spirit, and from application of law to the pursuit ofjustice. The focus of such research no longer remains to be legalinterpretations and precedents, which have been labored over anddocumented by legal scholars over the centuries and are known in theIslamic heritage as Fiqh. Fiqhbecomes only a part of a larger researchwhich encompasses culture, history, sociology, and psychology. Forexample, the Qur'an provides several rules related to divorce situationsand conditions. Usually, these Qur'anic verses include four elements: 1)a description of a divorce situation; 2) a rule related to a certain aspect ofthe divorce (i.e., financial arrangements as a result of the divorce,custody or nursing children); 3) a description of the civility andmannerism which parties should maintain during the process of divorce;and, 4) a reminder to the parties that they are accountable to theirCreator for their actions (Khan,1983). Fiqhusually focuses on the first two elements:the situation and the rule; together they make the Islamic law. Disputeresolution, on the other hand, attempts to maximize the benefit to theparties of applying not only the first two elements, but also the third andfourth elements which relate to morality,

278 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies justice and accountability (Khan,1983). Dispute resolution, thus, attempts to operate within the larger Islamicworld view, not just within its traditional legal system. The second methodological parameter emphasizes the social justiceand social change functions of dispute resolution in relation to Islamictheory and Islamic culture. In such research, it is necessary todistinguish between Islamic theory consisting of the main sources ofIslam, Qur'an and Sunnah, and the Islamic culture which has developedover centuries of integrating the Islamic theory with cultural andtraditional practices in different parts of the world. This distinction isvital because Islamic culture does not necessarily follow its sources inthe Islamic theory. The mixing of Islamic theory with elements ofexisting cultures has often led to depriving Islam of its egalitarian,democratic drive. Abuses of power by Islamic rulers, and abuses againstwomen and minorities, at times, were triggered by inherent tribal andtraditional norms, which overshadowed the pure Islamic message, orforced extreme interpretations of the sources in order to justify thesepractices. If the dispute resolution as a social movement is considered tobe an agent for social change, it will be the responsibility of Islamicdispute resolution professionals to restore the Islamic principles ofequality, justice and freedom through their practice. Therefore, in thisresearch, it will be necessary to adhere only to Islamic sources, usinginterpretations which are consistent with the spirit of Islamforexample, in interpreting several of the Qur'anic verses and Hadithrelated to the issue (Khan,1983). Conflict Intervention Models Third party intervention has been the central focus of conflictresolution studies. How a third party, such as a mediator, intervenes,when, and with what purpose are all issues that are included in theconflict literature. In broad terms, the literature on third partyintervention defines certain activities that must be performed by thirdparty; namely: 1. Analysis of the conflict: This includes identification of partiesand issues and assessment of the conflict stage; as well as an assessmentof the parties' relationships. 2. Intervention method: This could include assessment of all, someor one of the third party intervention models. These models usually varybased on the extent to which they include elements of coercion(arbitration vs. mediation), and their emphasis on substantive issues, orwhat is called “relationship issues” (such as perceptions, trust andattitudes). Mediation is an example of the former, and consultation is anexample of the latter

279 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

(Barash&Webel 2002). Agreement: This is usually the final stage in which parties reachan agreement over their substantive issues. This activity usuallyincludes other sub-activities that aim at ensuring the implementation ofthe agreement. The western literature on conflict intervention describes a varietyof interventions which vary according to the degree of control assignedto the primary parties, from private decision making by the parties,through third party assisted models such as mediation and arbitration, toadjudication and extra-legal coerced decision making.All these modelsare based on how much decision-making is in the hands of the primaryparties compared to decision-making put into the hands of the thirdparty. Other theorists distinguished between intervention types based onthe ethics of intervention; others on the suitability of intervention to thestage of conflict(Barash&Webel, 2002). Principles of an Islamic Conflict Intervention Model An Islamic model for conflict intervention needs to reflect values,goals and processes as described in Islamic theory. The model also mustrespond to the specific needs and circumstances of the Muslim culture.In this respect, an Islamic model of intervention should be guided bythree principles: 1. Restoring to Islam its messages of justice, freedom and equality. 2. Engaging the community in the intervention and resolutionprocesses. 3. Adjusting the intervention techniques according to the conflictsituation, and its stages (Ahmad, 1997). The Islamic model will be discussed within these three principles,taking the form of a “dialogue” between the supporting Islamic sourcesand the relevant western literature. These principles are derived fromIslamic sources, especially the Holy Qur'an, and also have support in thewestern literature. This supporting western literature reflects the workof theorists in the field of conflict analysis and resolution who havegrounded their intervention models in ethical frameworksand otherswho have expanded their intervention models either by utilizingcontingency models, or by engaging various roles, in addition tomediation, which could solidify the intervention process. But before discussing these three intervention principles, it isnecessary to state in some detail certain assumptions about Islam as avalue system, and how it has been operating on group and individuallevels over the centuries. This discussion is useful, especially incomparison to the underlying values which shape the Nigerian models of conflict intervention (Ahmad 1997).

280 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Islam, the Religion of Modelling It is important to clarify an element of Islam that is so present inpeople's hearts and minds, yet seems to always escape those who writeabout Islamic culture, especially the secular writers. For the majority ofMuslims, passionate sentiment attaches them to their Islamic heritage.The history of early Islam, as taught to the young at home, school,mosque and in the community, is rich with examples of self-sacrifice,courage, solidarity, love and compassion, justice and equality. EveryMuslim seems to be able to identify with this heritage, and almost to feela sense of ownership of this heritage. This heritage is not subject to theconfusing scholarly interpretations, or the abusive institutions that haveovershadowed the social and political history of Islam. Rather, itrepresents to Muslims the pure ideals of their religion. These ideals alsorepresent a reality that once existed, of which any Muslim proudly feelsthat she/he is an integral part; that is, every Muslim owns this heritage, andthis heritage is part of what every Muslim is. This “love” relationshipwith their Islamic religious heritage always provided continuity andmomentum to Muslim societies, in spite of political and socialinstitutions that strayed too far from that heritage. Islam offers its followers a wide range of attitude and behaviourmodels applicable in different situations. These models are prescribedin, and extracted from, divine sources.The success of a Muslim, then,is based on her or his striving to model attitudes and behaviours after theones presented in Qur'an andSunnah. Islam, thus, is a process of acceptable religion (Ahmad, 1997).These varying interpretations lead naturally to a range of modelsfor attitudes and behaviours, from tolerance of diversity to exclusiveness.Therefore, those who believe that Islam promotes tolerance and diversityare likely to model their behaviour towards non-Muslims to reflect suchvalues. Alternatively, those who believe that anyone who does notbelieve in Islam is in violation, are likely to model their attitudes andbehaviours accordingly. Yet, both groups believe that they are properlymodellingIslamic values and principles. Each believes to be therighteous ones. Other examples of such variations in modelling arighteous Islamic life exist with all spheres of life, sometimes withnegative implications, such as the treatment of women because ofpatriarchal modes of behaviour (Ahmad, 1997). The second obstacle to the process of modelling is the intermixtureof religious and traditional values, attitudes and behaviours. Over thecenturies, Islam came to co-exist with other value systems, especiallythe traditional ones. And, as the Islamic expansion quickly took theshape of a state, its rulers incorporated institutions and techniques in useby the 281 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies existing empires of the time such as the Byzantine and Sassanidempires. Several of the traditions and institutions were not necessarilyconsistent with the basic divine value system; yet they persisted over theyears until they became so enmeshed with Islamic history that manypeople, even Muslims, believed that they were part of their systemsanctioned by Qur'an and Sunnah. The practice of slave dynasties, rituals associated with marriage, funerals, institutionalized violenceagainst women, and the practice of female gentile mutilation areexamples of traditions and institutions that not only were foreign toIslam, but also contradictory to Islamic divine values. Yet, in somenations, majorities of Muslims believe that they are rooted in Islam (Ahmad, 1997). The third obstacle to modelling process is perhaps a consequence ofthe first two factors. As we have seen, several schools of thought havedifferent interpretations for various issues; and, institutions and practicespersisted that were not consistent with Islamic principles. Consequently,over the years a process of selective recall of certain Qur'anic verses ortaking prophetic practices or statements out of context spread amongMuslims. In such cases, average people use a selected statement from aQur'anic verse, or a part of a Prophetic statement or action, in order tosupport a certain practice or institution. Selective recall is often usedwhenever it is necessary to justify excesses or misperceptions (Ahmad, 1997). Principles ofIntervention in the Light of these Assumptions Restoring to Islam its Messages of Justice, Freedom and EqualityA conflict intervener within an Islamic setting should know and beable to recognize this modelling practice when it occurs in conflict. Yet,all Muslims do not necessarily adhere to their religion and religiousnorms when they are confronted with conflict situations. Muslims liveall over the world in societies influenced by various value systems.Modern and traditional value systems usually exist simultaneously withIslamic value systems. In their daily life affairs and when confrontedwith conflict situations, individual adaptations vary. Not all Muslimsadhere to the same extent to Islamic values and norms. Many Muslims,especially those living in the United States, may adhere more to secularmodern value systems, especially in their interpersonal matters, ratherthan Islamic values. Therefore, a preliminary task for interveners is toassess parties' position regarding various value systems, keeping inmind that just because parties belong to the Islamic religion does notmean that they expect or want an application of an Islamic conflictresolution model.Moreover, just as the modelling process has been negativelyaffected by practices which diluted Islam of its messages of equality andits intent on social justice, conflict situations reflect these practices andthese misperceptions as well. 282 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

An intervener needs to assist parties inclarifying and correcting beliefs and attitudes which are influenced bythese negative practices and misperceptions. The intervener may be ableto provide the information needed in this regard, or s/he may seek theassistance of other individuals in the community (i.e., religious scholars,or community leaders) who may be in a better position to assist partiesin this regard (Abdallafin, 2000). The role of dispute interveners in restoring to Islam the messagesof justice, equality and freedom, was described in the Qur'an on severaloccasions. Almost all stories in the Qur'an indicated that the Prophetsconfronted societies which had institutionalized social, economic orpolitical unjust and unfair practices. Those who wanted to maintainthe status quo usually rejected the message of a prophet because theygrew accustomed to certain norms and practices, and were not about tochange them. A Prophet's mission was usually to lead these societiesaway from distorted beliefs and practices, towards justice, compassionand equality. The mission of the Prophet Muhammad was noexception. And as Muslims aspire to model their behaviour after Qur'anand Sunnah, it becomes the task of Muslim conflict interveners toreplicate the process of restoring the Islamic principles by clarifyingtoconflicted parties themisperceptions and negative practices that for longhave influenced their lives (Abdallafin, 2000). Conclusions The development of an Islamic model for conflict intervention ininterpersonal disputes could benefit from two sources: the establishedvalues, norms and regulations in Islamic sources, and the rich literaturethat has developed in the west on the subject of conflict intervention.Islamic interveners, like their counterparts in the west, face the challengeof grounding their work in the ideals which their societies are built upon.In both worlds, deviations from the ideal have caused damage to theinstitutions and to the individuals (i.e., racism in the west and thesubordination of women in Islamic societies). The practice of disputeresolution provides hope to these societies that their ideals may berestored via careful application of intervention techniques. In addition,Muslim interveners face the great challenge of correcting the modellingprocess, which is characteristic of Islamic life. Their challenge is topush their communities forward while clearing their Islamic values andprinciples from centuries-long confusion, and pollution. Islamic intervention models need not to mimic the popular Nigerian model of mediation. That model is effective only when thecultural and individual conditions which make it possible are present.Only to that extent could such model be implemented as part of a largerIslamic intervention model. Other efforts in the western literature, suchas the ones described throughout this

283 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies paper, provide more suitablemodels to be considered within the Islamic setting because of theirrecognition of the interdependence and relatedness of the Islamiccommunities, and their consistency with Islamic principles and values. The ideas presented in this paper set the fundamental principles onwhich the Islamic model for interpersonal conflict intervention could beconstructed: restoring Islamic principles of justice, equality andfreedom; engaging the community, and; adjustingthe interventiontechniques to the conflict situation and stages, and at the same time adhere completely to the Islamicsources (Qur'an and Sunnah). More extensive work will need to bedone in order to complete a comprehensive, detailed, framework ofintervention. Such a framework, it is hoped, will draw upon the manyadvantages present in Islamic theory and culture, which are yet to beexplored or articulated for use in conflict intervention.

References

AbdallafinA., (2002), doc 9/16/2002 6:39 am182 journal of law & religion [vol.Xv] 9/16 Abdul Rahim A., The 200 Hadith (Abu Dhabi Printing &Publg. 1988). Abdallah Y. A., (1983), The Holy Qur'an: Text, Translation and Commentary Amana Corp. 983. Ahmad H., (1997), (eds)“Bias in Western Social Schools of Thought”Our Heritage is the Point of Departure for Development in The Question of Bias, International Institute of Islamic Thought, Kano Al-Bukhari, M., (1987), Sahih al-Bukhari. Hamdaan Publications. Barash, D.P. &Webel, C.P., (2002),Peace and Conflict Studies, California: Sage Publications,Inc. David A., Conflict Mediation Across Cultures, Westminster/John Knox, 1992. Jacob B., (1984),Social Conflicts and Third Parties Strategies of Conflict Resolution, Westview Press London. James B., (1966), “Cross-Cultural Comparability”, International Journal of Psychology.London, U.K, Volume 5, Number 9, September, 2011 Khan, M.A., (1983),Muhammd The Final Messenger. Lahore, Pakistan. M`aluf, L. (1976), Al-Munjid. Arabic Dictionary. Beirut: Dar al Mashriq, Mohammed A., (1996), “Conflict Resolution in an Islamic Context”PeaceResearch, Education and Development, Peace and Change Publ. Dhaka, Indonesia 284 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Mustafa M., “An Analysis on the Practices of Prophet Muhammad (Pbuh)in Resolving Conflicts”,109 110 Journal of the Bangladesh Association of Young Researcher (JBAYR), Volume 1, Number 1, January 2011 Rashid, H.U. (2005). An Introduction to Peace and Conflict Studies,Dhaka: The University Press Limited.

285 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Ruling Class as Agent of Capitalist Exploitation in Nigeria

Larry, Steve Ibuomo Department of History and Diplomacy, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State.

&

Abah Danladi Department of History & International Studies Kogi State University Anyigba Email: [email protected]

Abstract This work examines the activities of the Nigerian Ruling Class as it concerns the exploitation and pillage of the country by international monopoly capitalists. The work tries to capture the fact that Nigeria has been subjected to untold manipulation, exploitation and subjugation through the active connivance of the privileged classes in Nigeria.In earnest, the study deals with the class character of the state and the control of the state by the ruling class both for its interest and for the international capitalists. The main aim of this study, therefore, is to find out the role the ruling class has played and is playing in Nigeria's underdevelopment. The methodology applied in this study is the secondary type. The data were derived mainly from journals, newspapers, and books.

Introduction Capitalism is an economic system or mode of production that evolved historically from the contradictions that characterized the feudal mode of production (Marx and Engels, 1973). Prominent among the features of this mode of production is the uneven distribution of the means of production. This uneven distribution of the means of production is a result of the process of primitive accumulation of capital in which a small group obtains the monopoly of the means of production, while the rest of the population who have no means of production scramble for wage labour. During the feudal system, the aristocrats excluded peasants and merchants from the political arrangements. The sustained struggle of these groups destroyed the feudal relations and into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and political constitution adopted by a social and political sway of the bourgeois class (Marx and Engels). It therefore becomes obvious that different classes have been created; there

286 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies are those who possess the means of production known as bourgeoisie and those who do not have the means of production but possess only labour power, which they sell to the capitalist, known as the proleterait. These two classes of people are locked in an antagonistic relation of production. The bourgeoisie has “converted the physician, the lawyer, the poet, the man of science, into paid wage labourers” as opined by Marx and Engels. It is imperative to state that in the capitalist mode of production, the ownership and control of the means of production fall in the hands of the bourgeoisie. They also appropriate the surplus values that result from the production of goods and services. Consequently, domination, subjection, exploitation, and antagonism become the order of the day. The labourers or the proleteraits having sold labour to the bourgeoisie have, therefore, submitted to exploitation. The capitalist mode of production is centered on capital, which gives it prominence. Commodity production is aimed towards the market as exchange is the essence of production. As a free market economy, competition becomes essential. Each producer or capitalist struggle to make huge profits by producing much and able to dominate the market. Under the capitalist system, the nature of the capitalist productive relations, the crises in production relations and of over production are obvious. As capitalism developed, it became characterized by the concentration of capital. In this situation, a few capitalists dominated the economy through a few industries that controlled the market and made it difficult for few enterprenuers to get into production( Ake, 1981:18). Lenin observed that, given the concentration of production, capitalism shifted from free competition to monopoly (Lenin, 1975:14). The monopoly of capitalism set the situation in which the big capitalists got bigger and little ones were eliminated. We, therefore, had a gulf in wealth as capitalism proceeded from free competition to monopoly between the capitalists on the one hand and the workers and the few peasants on the other. The contradictions inherent in the capitalist mode of production in Europe and the formative years of capitalism were made evident by the vicious circle of crisis occasioned by over production and the exploitation of the proleterait class. This led to the twin problems of profusion of all conditions of reproduction and all sorts of unsold commodities on the market and bankrupt capitalists and starving masses of workers denied everything (Marx, 1969:303). The starving masses who were denied everything as they could not afford them usually became aggressive to their oppressors. It was under these conditions that the capitalist system matured to become a dominant economic system in Europe. What has been explained above is the nature of capitalism in its 287 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies natural way of evolution in Europe. A different situation obtained in the Developing countries generally, and Nigeria in particular. The conditions of capitalism in the Developing countries took imperialism and colonialism to bring then about. Suffice it here to say that capitalism has been made to acquire global character because: The need of a constantly expanding market of its products chases the bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe (Marx and Engels). This transplanting of capitalism from Western Europe to Africa was made complete by imperialism, which disarticulated the economies and made them to be on the periphery of global capitalism (Ake, 1981:20). Composition of the Ruling Class in Nigeria When mention is made of the Nigerian ruling class, the obvious point of reference is the political class or classes that have control of the dominant institutions of the society. With this dominance, these classes perform all political functions, hold on to power, create and determine the socio-economic and political life of the rest of the society. It alone also has advantage over the entire society (Markovitz, 1977:20). While this is the general situation, the composition differs from society to society depending on the socio-economic and cultural milieu. Markovitz was identifies the components of the ruling class thus: a. Absentee bourgeoisie (foreign bourgeoisie) b. The c. The local capitalists ( commercial class) d. The traditional rulers e. The top echelon of the military and police officers These elements constitute the ruling class, which goes on to explain that there is no new social origin of the class. But, irrespective of diverse origin, they have a common position, which is the control of political and economic structures of the country for themselves and onbehalf of foreign capitalists. Before the dawn of Nigeria's independence, the dominant foreign ruling class in the country instituted certain political and economic structures that gave international capital hegemony in the country active connivance with local elements. These elements created the atmosphere that allowed international capitalism to exploit the country. The initial class elements that were utilized by the foreign bourgeoisie through indirect rule were the aristocratic institutions. In the north, the feudal lords were used to facilitate the siphoning of Nigeria's resources, as the traditional aristocrats in the west were handy for international capitalism, while in areas without such institutions, warrant chiefs, who constituted a privileged class, became of the local wing of the exploiting class. These were later joined by

288 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies the other indigenous capitalist farmers and merchants trading in kolanuts, smoked fish, livestock and import-export commodities (Onimode, 1983:12). The aforementioned class categories, through the Marketing Boards, collaborated with the colonial bourgeoisie to extract products from Nigerians. The different indigenous groups that showed capitalist inclinations had to be schooled to acquire the ways and mannerism of the capitalists. In order to imbibe its attitudes, orientation, and ideology, the children of the aristocrats were chosen for education so that “ the prestige due to their (social) origin should be backed up by respect, which possession of knowledge evokes” (Nicholson, 1970:37). One fact that stands tall is that all those in position of authority, and who decide what happens in society, are the ruling class, whether or not they own the means of production. Unarguably, all the elements have acquired and become owners of means of production through their participation in government. It has to be noted that politics has become the primary source of capital accumulation by Nigerians. They loot public funds when in office and use the same for private purposes, which is their main aim of getting into office. One factor necessitated the peculiar configuration of the Nigerian ruling class and elsewhere in the Third World. The bourgeoisie did not develop as Western Europe and North America because of the presence of the foreign bourgeoisie. Its presence could not allow the emergence of a domestic bourgeoisie. When the foreign power hesitantly left due to the pressure of nationalism, there was only the nascent petty bourgeoisie to take over. On leaving: It was to these capitalist recruits of petty bourgeois, intellectuals, comprador elements and petty businessmen that the colonialists handed over the ceremonial instruments of independence while they retained real powers (Oni and Onimode, 1975). In the light of the above, it has been observed that the struggle for independence in Nigeria was necessitated by the need to create a new ruling class by Nigerians and not necessarily by the desire to create a better society. This claim illuminated by Kwame Nkrumah when he asserted that the bourgeoisie is analogous to colonialists and settlers. He saw this as “ a small selfish money minded reactionary and minority among vast masses of oppressed and exploited people (Nkrumah, 1970:16-17). The Nigeria ruling class, therefore, became a configuration of different class elements that struggled for ascendancy.

289 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The Ruling Class and the Nigerian State Nigeria is a class society. Given the nature of her emergence in the throes of colonialism, certain social forces and structures were released and have characterized the society ever since. Colonialism created dependent structures, which the interest of the international monopoly capitalism holds to its advantage. The different bourgeois elements that walked into the shadows of the vacating foreign capitalists captured the structures and have so far used them to advance their class interest. In an exploiting society, no economic programme is neutral but only offers different benefits to certain class and burden on others (Oni and Onimode). Any economic policy articulated and sponsored by the capitalists seeks to protect and promote their dominant economic interest. At independence, the petty bourgeois class and elements which convened as political agitators were limited to the issue of political independence. The ruling class having occupied the state institutions now decide the type of policies the state must implement. Unfortunately, almost all state policies are pointed in the direction to serve the interest and frontiers of capitalists and capitalism. Very worrisomely, Frank (1967) observes that foreign and domestic capitalists exploitation that underlie policies cause mass poverty and inequality. The state, therefore, represents the interest of a particular class. It is directly concerned with discriminatory and exploitative resources allocation in favour of both foreign and local capitalists. Regrettably, the state, being an organ of the dominant class, is used to propagate policies favourable to the ruling class. According to Nkrumah: The locus of political power is the state, which reflects the interest of a certain class or classes…the state then is the expression of dominance of one class over others (Nkrumah, 1970:17). The class that possesses the state represents an ideology of capitalism and as such is having an unholy alliance with international capitalism. The possession and control of the state power put the class in vantage position to organize society for the promotion of its class interest. Consequently the accumulation of capital is being facilitated by the state. As capitalist instruments, according to Bjorn Beckham, “the Nigerian state is busy promoting a capitalist development” (Beckham, 1982:37). He further asserts that the indigenization policy is one way the Nigerian bourgeoisie, for its own class reasons, wanted a bigger share of the profitable foreign-controlled business operations in Nigeria. At any point in time, there is constantly a class war being waged between the ruling classes and the masses. Regrettably, even though the state mediates in the conflict, it operates in favour of the ruling class. The ruling class cannot, and does not, treat with kid gloves any attempt by the oppressed and exploited class to undermine its interest. 290 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Law and order and their maintenance by the state reflect the class character and nature of the state. Put differently, the law and order advocated by the state reflects its class character. This is exemplified in a concrete situation where lumpenproleterait attacks the bourgeoisie and its property, “which the state replied with massive shooting without trial of prisoners” (Backham) in the obvious class war. A case in point is the Niger Delta where the state used its machinery to repel several protests against oil companies that led to the destruction of lives as well as properties of the host communities. This clearly portrays the character of the state and the centrality of its role in class antagonism. The ruling class has been injurious to the oppressed people. This casts it as “the most brutally oppressive and unbecoming …” (Beckham, 1981:17). The acceptance of the continuation of the neo-colonial political economy is being influenced by the class content of the domestic ruling class and the state. The continued under-development of Nigeria is seen in the sustenance of the international class alliance to defend their class interest in the Nigerian economy. When, therefore, the ruling class is acting the state policy decisions, it is in the effort to safeguard the interest of the class the state represents, which in this case is the capitalist class. As already pointed out, the Nigerian ruling class has so far acted its holistic role in the Nigerian economy. The ruling class shares class interest with its foreign mentor, and so is involved in acquisition and plunder of Nigeria's resources. During the colonial period, the local bourgeoisie had to be schooled to acquire the attitude and characteristics of the colonizing bourgeois. This was to let it fit into the class of the mentor so as to be able to act its part at the periphery of international capitalism. The fact is that, the succeeding local ruling class had no clear idea of its' own as such, it had to step into the shadows of the imperialists. Invariably it has acquiesced and accepted the role of aiding international capitalists in exploiting Nigeria. It is just the structure instituted by the colonialists to take over political power in order to continue what itself was doing. It has been submitted that those who occupy the headship of state apparatus have made it also possible for capitalist exploitation to persist (Fanon, 1963:145). Being cast in the mould of the foreign capitalists, the local ruling class begin to sabotage the national economy. They set the pace for corruption, prevarication, division of stocks and black markets. The national ruling class assumes the position of second fiddle as the economy is teleguided and controlled by the foreigners. Frantz Fanon(1963) elucidates that the budget of Nigeria is balanced through loans and gifts while officials pay occasional visits to the foreign bourgeoisie to source for capital. This has given rise to the siphoning, by the ruling class, of capital overseas that would have been

291 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies invested into productive ventures. Consequent to the foregoing, as the bourgeoisie, through multinational corporations, makes its profit, it then sends it abroad to acquire exotic commodities, which tallies with its acquired taste. This development has economically incapacitated the ruling class from nativity and has made them to recline into activities of managers of European and American enterprises. It, therefore, becomes a travesty of a true bourgeoisie as it is canalized into activities of the intermediaries between imperialism and the masses of the country, without the ability to engage in production, invention or even labour. Suffice it to say that those that are the ruling class, sharing the same interest with the foreign imperialists, cannot see the need to stop the exploitation. To do this is to commit class suicide. That is why it is the central and pivotal unit of the pillage of the Nigerian economy. State Control by the Ruling Class in Nigeria after independence In the capitalist society, the state is a necessity. It serves to regulate and promote capitalist development. The state plays a role as an instrument for promoting the conditions for accumulation of capital as well as “transforming existing social relations”(Beckham,1982:39). In the process of the transformation of old social relation, the bourgeoisie inevitably promotes capitalist accumulation and class formation. Following the attainment of political independence in Nigeria, members of the ruling class spawned from divers sectors and immediately took over the machinery of the state that was vacated by the colonial state. These ruling class members came from the merchants, aristocrats, army, colonial bureaucrats, and intellectual elements. The structures already established by the colonial authority were taken over by the ruling class. Such structures included financial institutions, marketing boards, government contracts, import licensing, among others, and the state officers served as the road to the acquisition and accumulation of capital by the local privileged class. The control of the state by the local ruling class became a way to launch its members to the bourgeois platform proper. Therefore, control over government decisions was seen as the road to success in business. Currently, the Nigerian state is involved in this accumulation. In all sectors of the economy, the state is promoting capitalist exploitation in connivance with multilateral institutions such as the International Monetary Fund and the World Bank. The state as a “major owner of the means of production and finance capital, invest in large-scale productive enterprises” either on its own or in partnership with foreign domestic private capital. Because the Nigerian ruling class controls the state, it has been able to use it to promote its members' interest through banks, development corporations and support 292 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies schemes. To fully protect the interest of the ruling class, states policies in Nigeria are such that they are skewed to promote the interests of the ruling class. Beckham contends that the Nigerian state is an organ of international capitalism since it is a continuation of the colonial one. The fact that the ruling class has been co-opted and made a peripheral bourgeoisie of international capitalism, its control of the state means it has to do it on behalf of the foreign capitalist and for itself. With this, therefore, the Nigerian state is seen as a comprador, one where state institutions and officials operate as agents of imperialism. The Nigerian state has been instrumental in organizing capitalism and its intervention in production, which has also given rise to class formation and class alliances. It has been stated that the executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the affairs of the whole ruling class. It is imperative to state that the control of the state apparatus is very important for the rationalization of the economic interest of those occupying the state structures. The possession of state institutions is seen as a means to acquire economic resources. The state has been the central point in the promotion of the interest of both international capitalists and the local ruling class. Its possession of the means of production has enabled it to own productive forces and the disposition of the same. The Nigerian state is performing the role so as to “establish, maintain, protect and expand the conditions of capitalist accumulation for foreign and local capitalists. It has become clear that the establishment and maintenance of law and order has remained the crucial role of the state principally to protect the bourgeois class and its property. And to do so, the state uses its machinery of coercion to obtain the “political stability” necessary for capitalist accumulation. Suffice it to say that the state is maintained and operated for the allocation and protection of natural resources. The state, therefore, has been effective in the distribution of natural resources in favour of the propertied class. This, it does through policy decisions backed by decrees and laws. The Indigenization Policy, Land Use Act, Privatization and Commercialization, Provision of Social and Infrastructures needed by private enterprises and others are some of the policies of the state in this direction. International capitalists groom the local ruling class to make conducive, the process of accumulation which is achieved by exploiting the masses. Beckham has posited that a local support system is capable of managing local contradictions and provides the appropriate conditions for international accumulation. One important role of the local ruling class is to subordinate the Nigerian society to the rules of international accumulation.

293 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The state becomes a veritable platform for this. In sum, the Nigerian state is that of imperialism.Imperialist social relations have been internalized and domesticated with the state as the vital part or point of the system of imperialist domination. This is seen through the romance between the state and the foreign multinational corporations. The state remains pivotal in serving the interest of the ruling class as the state intervenes in its favour. Conclusion This study has made it clear that the constituting elements or categories of the Nigerian ruling class are those whose interests are usually protected by the policies of the state. These include the foreign bourgeoisie, the bureaucrats, political office holders, the business or commercial class, the traditional aristocracy as well as officer corps of the military and police. These constitute the ruling class, and they use their control of state apparatus to enunciate policies and programmes that further their interest as a class. The study also reveals that the ruling class displays lack of political will to rule as it depends on the foreign bourgeoisie. It only functions to carry out the programmes and policies of its master. Virtually, all the economic and political activities that take place reflect the dictatorship of the foreigners. This is because of the critical link between it and the global capitalists as constituting the same class. The ruling class, therefore, is a structure of international capitalism strategically placed to mediate between it and the Nigerian masses. As observed in the course of the study, the ruling class could initiate policies that appear to be beneficial to the poor but in reality, the underlying interest is that of the ruling class. The ruling class uses all kinds of strategies to achieve its aims and objectives. It has been argued that the ruling class now “rents” the pauperized masses of Nigeria to stage make- believe solidarity visits, pro-government rallies and peaceful demonstrations. In the final analysis, therefore, the Nigerian ruling class has collaborated with international monopoly capitalists to exploit, marginalize and under-develop Nigeria and her people.

References Ake, C. (1981). A Political Economy of Africa. London: Longman. Beckham, B. (1981). “Imperialism and National Bourgeiosie”.ROAPE, (22), 7. Beckham, B. (1983). “Whose State? State and Capitalists Development in Nigeria”. ROAPE, (23), 37-45. Fanon, F. (1963).The Wretched of the Earth.Soffolk: Penquim Books.

294 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Frank, G.A. (1967). Capitalism and Underdevelopment in Latin America. Newyork: Monthly Review Press. Lewis, A. (1966). Politics in West Africa. London: Oxford University Press. Markovitz, I. (1977). Power and class in West Africa. New Jersey: Prentice Hall. Marx, K. (1969). Theories of Surplus Value, Vol. 11. London: Lawrence and Wish Hart. Marx, K. and F. Engels,(1973). Manifesto of the Communist Party. Peking: Foreign Languages Press. Nicholson, I.F. (1970). The Administration of Nigeria, 1900-1960. London: Oxford University Press. Nkrumah, K. (1970). Class Struggle in Africa.London: Panat Books. Oni, O. And B. Onimode. (1975). Economic Development in Nigeria: The Socialist Perspective. Ibadan: The Nigerian Academy of Arts, Science and Technology. Onimode, B. (1983). Imperialism and Underdevelopment in Nigeria. London: Zeb Press. Rodney, W.(1972). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa. London: BogleLe'ouventure Publications.

295 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Public Policy and Empowerment Programmes: An Assessment of N-Power in Taraba State

Isa Mohammed & Auwal Abubakar Chul 1Department of Political Science and International Relations, Faculty Management & Social Sciences Taraba State University, Jalingo Andeley Laasutu Naomi Department of International Relations and Diplomacy, Salem University, Lokoja, & , Ibrahim Nu'aimu Dan-Bala Department of Political Science Federal University, Wukari

Abstract There have been various empowerment programmes aimed at reducing youth unemployment and poverty in Nigeria by successive administrations. The N- Power is a job creation and empowerment initiative of the Federal Government of Nigeria. It is designed for both young graduates and non-graduates in order to harness their skills for innovation, entrepreneurship and productivity. The targeted sectors are in Nigeria's critical areas of needs in education, agriculture, health, technology, creative industry, construction and artisanal industries. This paper examines the performance of the N-Power programme in Taraba State considering the challenges of youth restiveness and the high level of unemployment rate bedeviling the state. The method of data collection in the study is secondary. The data collected are analyzed by way of qualitative descriptive analysis. The theoretical framework adopted for the paper is incrementalism theory otherwise called gradualism. The theory provides that new decisions are variants of past decisions known as new policies. Hence, empowerment programme like N-Power is derived from old policies aimed at poverty alleviation with very few incremental adjustment and changes by policy makers and governments. The paper finds that the N-Power programme is a temporary Social Investment Programme for two years that covers three major sectors; education, agriculture and health in Taraba State. The beneficiaries are paid N30, 000 monthly stipends through e-payment system. Some of the major challenges of the programme are; its concentration on only educated youths instead of all citizens, its solely urban oriented nature which its accessibility by the rural dwellers was difficult. The paper concludes with recommendations which include; inclusion of non-educated youths, extension of the programme beyond two years and more sectors should be added to make it multi-sectoral in reducing unemployment and poverty. Keywords: Assessment, Empowerment, N-Power, Programmes, Public Policy, Taraba State.

296 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Introduction There have been various empowerment programmes aimed at reducing youth unemployment and poverty in Nigeria by successive administrations. The N-Power is a job creation and empowerment initiative of the Federal Government of Nigeria. It is designed for both young graduates and non- graduates in order to harness their skills for innovation, entrepreneurship and productivity. The targeted sectors are in Nigeria's critical areas of needs in education, agriculture, technology, creative industry, construction and artisanal industries. The programme is supported by both government and the private sector and is approved for funding under the National Social Investment Programme (NSIP), as comprehensive support given to participants for skill acquisition and knowledge for economic empowerment and social development. There are modular programmes under the N-Power that will ensure that each participant will learn and practice most of what is necessary to find or create work. N-Power is open to young Nigerians who are between 18 and 35 years and have interest in the programme. The programme was set to train 500,000 Nigerians in different areas of vocational and technical education. All the N- Power Volunteer Corps are supposed to engage in training and continuous training skill development. In 2016, the Federal Government engaged 200,000 N-Power Volunteers. Subsequently, in 2017, the Federal Government enlisted 300,000 graduate participants in the programme in order to meet the targeted 500,000 beneficiaries needed nationwide as earlier planned. The two categories of the programme will last for two years only. The beneficiaries are entitled to N30, 000 monthly payments. The Federal Government has earmarked N500b for the entire N-Power programme as said by Laolu Akande, the Special Adviser to the Vice President on Media and Publicity on 8th June, 2016. Since the oil boom of the early 70s, Nigeria has remained a mono-cultural economy which has aggravated unemployment and poverty, especially among the youth demography. Unemployment is a major challenge in the Nigerian economy. The definition of unemployment covers persons between ages 15 and 64, who, during the reference period, are currently available for work, actively seeking for work but are without work. Nigeria with current population of about 200 million, which is 2.6% of the world population, has the 23.1% unemployment rate and is projected to 33% by 2020 (NBS, 2019). Nigeria is considered the poverty headquarters of the world with 87 million poor people who live below the poverty line (World Bank, 2018).

297 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

The various palliatives policies by the Federal Government since the return to democracy in 1999 are always aimed at empowering the people to reduce unemployment and poverty. For instance; National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), Subsidy Re-Investment Programme (SURE-P), and You-Win, among others. There is shortage of manpower in the education and health sectors and lack of will to go back to farm to boost agriculture among the youths. It is against this background that the impact of the N- Power programme in Taraba State will be examined holistically. This paper is divided into five sections. Section one covers conceptual clarification while section two highlights the theoretical frameworks used. The section three is on the methodology of the study. Section four presents data on the distribution of N-Power in Taraba State, and section five deals with the discussion of findings. The last part wraps up the paper with conclusion and recommendations. Conceptual Clarification Empowerment: The term originates from American Community Psychology and is associated with a social scientist, Julian Rappaport (1981). In social work, empowerment forms a practical approach of resource oriented intervention. Robert (2008) posits that empowerment is the capacity of individuals, groups, and/or communities to take control of the circumstances, exercise power and achieve their own goals, and the process by which, individually and collectively, they are able to help themselves and others to maximize the quality of their lives. In capability approach, empowerment is linked to wellbeing and livelihood of persons. Empowerment is divided into two; instrumental and intrinsic. The former is means to an end and the latter is an end in itself (Sen, 1999; 2001; Nussbaum, 2011). Hence, ideas and education for freedom is an empowerment and resources for general wellbeing are empowerment. This brings to fore the idea of skills acquisition and practical knowledge for development. Empowerment revolves around human development and power in society for social justice and progress. N-Power: Is one of the Federal Government's National Social Investment Programmes (NSIP) which is aimed at reducing unemployment and poverty, especially among the youths. The programme is for the youths aged 15-35 years those who are willing to participate in the economic and social development arenas. The programme is divided into two for graduates and non-graduates, which is for two years duration. There are eight (8) various sub-programmes of the N-Power that includes; N-Power agro, tax, build, creative, health, teach, tech hardware and software. However, in Taraba State only the three major sectors of N-Power of teach (to improve basic education), agro (to provide advisory and

298 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies extension services to farmers), and health (promote preventive healthcare) were considered and assessed. The aims of the N-Power Programme in Nigeria: a. To ensure the acquisition of the appropriate level of literacy, communicative and lifelong skills as well as ethical, moral, and civic values needed or laying solid foundation lifelong learning. b. To develop in the citizenry, a strong commitment to its vigorous promotion. c. To reduce drastically the incidence of drop-out from formal system, through improved relevance, quality and efficiency. Public Policy: It denotes the relationship of government and its environment. Policies whether at the level of individuals, governments or groups, involve choice among alternatives in order to solve a problem. Anderson (1975) states that public policy is a relatively stable, purposive cause of action followed by an actor or set of actors in dealing with a problem or matter of concern. Policy is a principle or rule to guide decision to achieve rational outcomes. According to Ikelegbe (1996), policy is a statement of what an organization wants to do, what it is doing, what it is not doing and what would not be done. Hence, Dye (1974) postulates that a policy is what government chooses to do or not to do. N-Power is a policy aimed at empowerment through human social development for progress. Nigeria is known for its youth bulge and high poverty rate which necessitates the formulation of empowerment programmes as temporary policies to cushion the effects of unemployment. Theoretical Framework The theoretical perspective in this study is anchored on incrementalism that is associated with the various writings and ideas of American Political Scientist, Charles Lindblom, who popularized the theory in policy sciences' cycle. This theory of decision making and analyzing public policy was known with different names:”Gradualism, Disjointed incrementalism and Science of muddling through” (Lindblom, 1951; 1959; 1964; 1975). Gradualism means a step by step process in understanding policy choices, while disjointed incrementalism stands for the analysis and evaluation of conditions and alternative responses to perceived conditions uncoordinated and occurs through society. The policy maker is perceived to be a person without the brain, time, information and money to fashion out truly new different policy; he or she accepts the policies of the past as satisfying and legitimate. Lindblom (1959), believes that no single actor will have sufficient information to make a rational policy decision. The disagreement with rational theory 299 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies stems from objectives and inadequate knowledge base. Incrementalism in this context means only limited selection of policy alternatives with infinitesimal changes in the status quo. The decision and policy maker saves time and resources. Hence, incrementalism ensures that policy choice is done on the basis of what is available without wasting much time. The theory challenges the rationalist comprehensive model for its rigidity as a root method rather than the incrementalism as the branch method. A successive limited comparison is better than comprehensive model (Simon, 1957, Landau, 1962). The underlining assumptions of the theory of incrementalism are numerous and they are basically opposite of the rational theory. Some of the major assumptions are as follows: 1. Incremental stages of making decisions through small changes. 2. The means and ends are closely interrelated and often inseparable. 3. Means oriented-using available means. 4. Step by step or sequential arrangement. 5. Human values are volatile and unpredictable in nature. 6. Environment the policy maker operates is continuous and in flux. 7. Decisions are affected by different groups in the political system. 8. There is no single best policy but rather a compromised policy. Therefore, successive Nigerian governments have tried different policies aimed at reducing unemployment rate, poverty alleviation and socio- economic transformation of the youths in the past. For example, National Poverty Eradication Programme (NAPEP), Subsidy Re-Investment Programme (SURE-P), and You-Win, among others. Hence, the N-Power is not so much different, but it is an incremental policy with different programmes designed to empower the Nigerian youths as in the past. Methodology In this study, qualitative descriptive analysis is used to analyze the data collected from the secondary sources. Hence, N-Power website, Taraba State Government website, Federal Government official documents and content analysis of government records were sought to search for available data on the subject matter. The data used in the study were gathered in March to November, 2018, for the purpose of this paper. Nevertheless, there was difficulty in the generation of data due to lack of accessibility and, in some instances, limitations from the programme officials

.

300 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Table 1: Distribution of N-Power beneficiaries by Local Government Areas in Taraba State

S/N Local Govt. N-Teach N-Agro N-Health Total Area 1 Ardo-Kola 134 17 08 159 2 Bali 49 06 13 68 3 Donga 178 45 17 240 4 34 25 08 67 5 Gashaka 91 07 13 111 6 Ibi 31 16 10 57 7 Jalingo 195 395 178 768 8 71 23 18 112 9 Kurmi 49 19 - 68 10 Lau 36 13 07 56 11 Sardauna 149 31 22 202 12 Takum 303 61 21 385 13 Ussa 188 48 13 249 14 Wukari 264 55 38 357 15 15 10 02 27 16 Zing 52 11 05 69 Total 1,839 782 373 Grand Total 2,995

Source: Data from Ministries of Education, Agriculture and Health Taraba State, Jalingo, 2018 The table 1 above shows the distribution of the N-Power by Local Government Areas and the three major programmes under study in N- Power Teach is 1,839, N-Power Agro is 782 and N-Power Health is 373. However, the distribution criteria are not clear but it is expected it follows the usual method that considers population size, qualified and interested candidates and political elites influence from the LGAs. The total number of the beneficiaries in the State of the entire programme is 2,995.

301 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Table 2: Distribution of N-Power beneficiaries by three Senatorial Zones in Taraba State

S/N Zone Beneficiaries Percentage % 1 Northern Zone 1,191 39.8% 2 Central Zone 516 17.2% 3 Southern Zone 1,288 43.0% 4 Total 2,995 100%

Source: Table 1 data analyzed by the authors. The table 2 above shows distribution of the N-Power programme beneficiaries by Zones in Taraba State. The beneficiaries are highest in the Southern Zone (comprising Wukari, Ibi, Donga, Ussa and Takum LGAs) with 43%. The Northern Zone (comprising of Jalingo, Yorro, Zing, Lau, Ardo-Kola and Karim Lamido LGAs) with 39.8% comes second in number of beneficiaries. And the Central Zone (comprising of Sardauna, Kurmi, Bali, Gashaka and Gassol LGAs) has 17.2%, being the least in the number of beneficiaries. By population size, the Southern Zone has the highest in the state, this may be considered as one of the factors that have contributed to the zone having the highest beneficiaries. Table 3: Distribution of N-Power beneficiaries by Sectors available in Taraba State

S/N Sector Beneficiaries Percentage % 1 N-Teach 1,839 61.4% 2 N-Agro 782 26.1% 3 N-Health 373 12.5% 4 Total 2,995 100%

Source: Table 1 data analyzed by the authors. The table 3 shows the distribution of N-Power beneficiaries by the sectors (N-Teach, N-Agro and N-Health) that are being assessed in the study. N- Teach with 1,839 beneficiaries has 61.4% which is the highest of the 3 programmes. N-Agro follows with 782 beneficiaries across the state, amounting to 26.1%. The least, however, is N-Health with 373 beneficiaries and 12.5%.

302 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Discussion of Findings The N-power programme is result oriented that is very much different from the SURE-P, Poverty Alleviation Programme and YouWin initiatives. It is targeted at reducing unemployment and poverty among the youths by way of providing temporary employment for two years. This is achieved through tapping from the beneficiaries' knowledge and empowering them with skills. The beneficiaries receive stipends of N30, 000 monthly from government through e-payment. In this study, all the 16 LGAs have benefitted from the N-Power programmes but unequally. Even though the N-Power programme is a Federal Government policy, it is being influenced by local politics. The analysis of the distribution of beneficiaries usually reflects political interests prevailing in the State despite the normal criteria based on population, interested and qualified candidates and accessibility of the N-Power websites and adherence to the guidelines. The table 1 above shows the beneficiaries' distribution according to LGAs across the state. The beneficiaries' distribution by the three programmes of N-Power; the N-Power Teach is 1,839, N-Power Agro is 782 and N-Power Health is 373. However, the three N-Power programmes were presented simultaneously in the table. The Local Government with the highest beneficiaries is Jalingo with 768 in all programmes. This is not unconnected with the fact that it is the State Capital. The Local Government with the least beneficiaries is Yorro with 27 in all programmes. The table 2 above indicates that the Southern Zone has the highest number of beneficiaries with 43% in all programmes followed by the Northern Zone 39.8 % and the least being the Central Zone with 17.2% respectively. The total number of the beneficiaries in the State of the entire programme is 2,995 people. The table 3 above shows that priority is given to education before agriculture, then health in the recruitment and implementation of the N- Power programme in Taraba State. This is seen in the wide margin that exists between the N-Teach which has 61.4% of the N-Power beneficiaries and other sectors of the N-Power in Taraba state. The percentage of the N-Teach is higher than that of the N-Agro (26.1%) and the N-Health (12.5%) put together. Before concluding the report on this study, it is worthy to bring to the fore an exemplary conduct exhibited by one of the beneficiary of the N-POWER scheme in Taraba State. A Taraban, 31 year old Daniel Joshua, had exhibited rare character, courage and patriotic attitude by rejecting two months payment into his account after he has left the N-Power programme when he secured a job with Central Bank of Nigeria Benin Branch. Joshua got the N- 303 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Power job in January, 2018, and worked till March in the year when he got the new appointment but received payment for April and May to his N- Power account. He promptly refunded the money back to N-Power account and said his Christian upbringing and guidance from his pastor taught him not to cheat or commit crime despite pressures from friends. He paid back N60, 000 to government when the N-Power office got the news and made it public and some good Nigerians donated N300, 000 to his account for his moral uprightness and integrity (N-Power, 2018). According to Taraba State N-Power coordinator, Mrs. Beatrice Kitchner, more than 30,000 people applied but only 3, 965 were successful. Most of the applicants were disqualified due to age (above 35 years), BVN challenges and those already working who applied. Conclusion This study examines the impact of the N-Power programme in Taraba State with a view to assessing the performance of the programme in creating job opportunities and poverty reduction. The programme is somewhat different from the previous empowerment initiatives of the Federal Government in three respects. First, the Federal Government directly manages the programme through online registration. Secondly, the payment of the beneficiaries is also done by the Federal Government through e-payment unlike other past empowerment programmes where State government is involved. Thirdly, the programme is for graduates and non-graduates who were given temporary employment for the period of two years. The beneficiaries are provided with computer devices that carries each programmes' basic applications requirements. In the area of reducing unemployment and poverty by the N-Power programme, it was found that the monthly stipends paid to the beneficiaries have increased their purchasing power and improved their skills, as well as expanded their knowledge base. This is a clear manifestation of the positive impact of the programme. In Taraba State, the influence of the elites to control the programme was curtailed as a result of the stringent measures put in place by the Federal Government to monitor its implementation. By and large, the long term objectives of the programme cannot be overemphasized through the skills and knowledge acquired by the beneficiaries. The three major sectors are on N-Power teach, agro and health in Taraba State. Therefore, the N-Power has impacted positively on the economy through the multiplier effect it has on poverty reduction and unemployment rate in Nigeria and Taraba State in particular.

304 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Recommendations In view of the above findings, the paper makes the following recommendations as it affects Taraba State and Nigeria at large: 1. Federal Government policy on N-Power should follow multi- sectoral approach where more sectors and stakeholders will be engaged in the programmme. 2. Prior to the implementation of the N-Power programme, the beneficiaries should undergo capacity building and ethical orientation training in order to know its aim and objectives. 3. Federal Government should create in all states of the federation a permanent Ministry for N-Power, Welfare and Rural Development. This is to ensure continuity in poverty alleviation and rural development. 4. There is need for public enlightenment of the N-Power programme at the rural areas so as to draw people massively to the programme. 5. Rural people should be drawn into the comprehensive design of the programme through bottom top approach in the conceptualization for effective participation. 6. There is need for a more even distribution of manpower and/or beneficiaries among the different sectors of the N-Power programme. This is to ensure that all sectors are boosted by the programme.

References Anderson, J. E. (1975). Public Policy Making. Third Edition. Holt Reinhert & Winston Publishers. Anderson, J. E. (1984). Public Policymaking. An Introduction. Boston: Houston Miffin Company. Ministry of Education Taraba State (2018). SUBEB: The N-Power Beneficiaries in Taraba State. Ministry of Agriculture in Taraba State (2018). The N-Power Beneficiaries in Taraba State. Ministry of Health in Taraba State (2018). The N-Power Beneficiaries in Taraba State. Mohammed, I. (2018). Youth Restiveness and Insecurity in Jalingo Metropolis. Jalingo Journal of Social Sciences Taraba State University Maiden Edition, December 2018 Vol. No. 1.Pp. 92-106. Lindblom, C. E. (1959). The Science of Muddling Through. Public Administration Review 19. 79-88.

305 Journal of Multi-Disciplinary Studies

Sen, A. (2001). Development as Freedom. Oxford New York: Oxford University Press. Rapaport, J. (1981). In Praise of Paradox: A Social Policy of Empowerment over Prevention. A m e r i c a n J o u r n a l o f Community Psychology, Vol. 9, pp. 1-25. Rapaport, J. (1984). Studies in Empowerment: Introduction to the issue. Prevention in Human Services. Vol. 3, pp. 1-7. Nussbaum, M. (2011). Creating Capabilities. The Human Development Approach. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press. Taraba Government Commends Buhari Over N-Power Programme (2018). www.tarabastate.gov.ng Retrieved 26/5/2018. N-Power Empowering Nigerian Youths for Prosperity (2018). Federal Government to Engage Jobless Graduate under the N-Power. www.npower.gov.ng Retrieved 20/5/2018. World Bank (2018). Nigeria's Poverty Crisis is worsening. www.dataworldbank.org Retrieved 28/7/2018.

306