VI. Men and the Man Box – a Commentary Dr Michael Flood

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VI. Men and the Man Box – a Commentary Dr Michael Flood VI. Men and the Man Box – A commentary Dr Michael Flood The Man Box provides invaluable data on men and The Man Box survey follows a well-established tradition masculinities in Australia. As the first nationally of quantitative measurement of men’s attitudes representative study of the gender-related attitudes towards masculinity. Like other, influential measures and behaviours of young Australian men, it offers an of masculinity ideology such as the Masculinity Role informative snapshot of young men’s experiences and Norms Inventory (Levant, Hirsch, Celentano, & Cozza, perceptions of gender and the norms of manhood that 1992) and Male Role Norms Scale (Thompson & Pleck, structure these. 1986), it assesses men’s agreement with a series of ‘men should’ statements. Another, widely used measure, the Conformity to Masculine Norms Inventory (James R Men and gender Mahalik et al., 2003), instead focuses on men’s individual masculine beliefs, couched in ‘I’ statements, in addition We have known for a long time that men and boys to asking young men about the social pressures they are as implicated in gender as women and girls – that percieve about masculinity, although The Man Box men’s lives are shaped, as much as women’s, by gender. survey also asks about men’s own endorsement of ‘Gender’, defined simply, refers to the meanings given beliefs about manhood. to being male and female and the social organisation of men’s and women’s lives. Five decades of scholarship The notion of the ‘Man Box’ names influential and have documented extensively that gender is socially restrictive norms of manhood. The ‘Act Like a Man’ box constructed – it is the outcome of social forces and or ‘Man Box’ has been a common teaching tool in efforts relations. Boys and men learn to be ‘proper’ men for over the past three decades to engage men and boys in example through parental socialisation, peer groups, critical reflections on men and gender (Kivel, 2007). The schools and universities and other institutions, sports, ‘box’ names the qualities men are expected to show, the communities, and media and popular culture. rewards they earn for doing so, and the punishments they are dealt if they step ‘outside’ the box. It emphasises One of the key insights of contemporary scholarship that these dominant standards are restrictive and on gender is that in any particular context particular limiting for men, as well as harmful for women. Individual definitions and images of womanhood and manhood qualities in the Man Box are not necessarily bad, and are dominant. Whether in a country, a community, or a indeed some may be useful or desirable in some more local setting, particular versions of femininity and contexts. On the other hand, some of the qualities are masculinity will be the most celebrated, most desirable negative in themselves, the range of qualities available and most influential representations of how to be to men is narrow, and men are expected not to deviate female and male. There are dominant forms of gender from them. The Man Box norms also sustain forms in media representations, but also in most settings, of privilege and unfair advantage for men, and men’s institutions and contexts. This is true for example of attitudes and behaviours that underpin inequality schools, sporting clubs, workplaces, faith institutions, between man and women. The reference to ‘acting like a governments, and so on. In other words, particular ways man’ makes the point that masculinity is a ‘performance’, of being a boy and man are dominant, while others are a set of qualities and behaviours practised in stigmatised, punished, or silenced. These dominant particular contexts. constructions of gender shape boys’ and men’s lives. Boys and young men may conform to the dominant form Before exploring the findings in this report, three further of masculinity, or they may resist it or fail its expectations, points are relevant. First, dominant constructions of but all live in its shadow. masculinity are not all powerful, and there may be other influential ideals of masculinity in circulation. Second, Various terms have been coined for dominant dominant ideals are not static – they may change over constructions of masculinity. Influential Australian time. Third, men’s actual lives do not necessarily conform sociologist Raewyn Connell wrote of ‘hegemonic to dominant ideals of manhood, and typically there is a masculinity’ (R.W. Connell, 1987), and this term has gap between men’s lives and these. The findings of this been taken up very widely in scholarship on men report bear out of each of these points, as I return and masculinities around the globe (R. W. Connell & to later. Messerschmidt, 2005). The term superceded older terms such as ‘sex role’ and ‘gender role’, and indeed This survey, The Man Box, provides crucial information involved a rejection of the simplistic assumptions which on contemporary Australian norms of manhood – on had accompanied these older terms. New terms for both perceived social norms of manhood, and on young dominant constructions of masculinity have emerged men’s own norms of manhood. What does it tell us? outside academia too, such as ‘toxic masculinity’ (Flood, 2018b). 46 Ideals of manhood in Australia far higher proportions perceive societal messages that men must ‘act strong’ and ‘fight back when pushed’. Do young men in Australia agree that the Man Box is an Traditional definitions of masculinity have hardly accurate account of social expectations of manhood? disappeared among young men in Australia. Strength, The Man Box, as represented in the survey used toughness, aggressive responses to challenge, perpetual here, defines being a man in terms of seven qualities: sexual readiness, and emotional stoicism continue to self-sufficiency, toughness, physical attractiveness, define manhood, at least as far as these young men’s rigid gender roles, heterosexuality and homophobia, perceptions of societal norms are concerned. Yet many hypersexuality, and aggression and control over women. young men also believe that contemporary men also are Young men in Australia agree that societal norms for expected to contribute to household work and parenting manhood include the expectation that men will act and to be comfortable around gay men (but not strong and tough, be the primary income earner, and not actually be gay themselves). say no to sex. Here, they echo the “Guy Code”, the ideas Personal support for the Man Box about ‘real men’ documented in interviews with young American men aged 17-26 (Kimmel & Davis, 2011). Lower If the above findings tell us about young men’s proportions agree that societal norms for manhood perceptions of societal norms of manhood, then what include non-involvement in household work and care about young men’s own, personal understandings of of children, using violence to get respect, and shunning manhood? To what extent do young men themselves gay men. So if it was once true that dominant definitions accept or endorse the masculine expectations of manhood in Australia included such expectations, they perceive? then these are weakening. They have not disappeared Research on men and gender finds a consistent gap altogether, but around two thirds of young men reject between perceived social norms of manhood and men’s these. While one-third or close to half show a troubling own attitudes about being a man. In any society or endorsement of male aggression, decision-making, and culture, the lived or performed genders of the majority control of women, most do not endorse these of men do not need necessarily to correspond to the patriarchal norms. culturally dominant ideal. Most men live in a state of Young men’s perceptions of masculine social tension with, or distance from, the dominant masculinity expectations seem contradictory or ambivalent, for of their culture or community (R.W. Connell, 2000). example for homophobia, paid work and parenting, The Man Box survey finds two important patterns and violence. On homophobia, although just under half here. First, in line with other scholarship, there is a (47 per cent) agree that society tells them “A gay guy significant gap between young men’s perception of is not a ‘real man’”, two-thirds (64 per cent) agree that societal support for the Man Box rules and their own society tell them friendships between heterosexual and endorsement of these rules. While young men agree gay men are ‘normal’. This may represent what others that many of the traditional messages of the Man Box have described as contradictory trends regarding are part of contemporary societal expectations of homophobia among young men: on the one hand, manhood, they are less likely to support such messages increased support for same-sex marriage and comfort themselves. This accords with other research suggesting with gay men as friends, and on the other, the continued that the dominant code of manhood “is perpetuated by policing of masculinity through homophobia (Bridges & men’s need for approval from other men, secret shame Pascoe, 2016). Homophobia continues to be a key means about not living up to the masculine ideal, and the false through which young men socialize each other into perception that most men believe in it” normatively masculine behaviours, practices, attitudes, (Berkowitz, 2011, p. 162). and dispositions, including through homophobic joking and demonstrations of heterosexual prowess and power. This data shows that young men’s own views of masculinity are more progressive than the social norms Young men’s perceptions of breadwinning and care work they perceive. The biggest gaps between societal norms also seem contradictory, with simultaneous support for (as perceived) and personal attitudes were for the ideas men as primary breadwinners and as skilled in domestic that a ‘real man’ would never say no to sex, men should work and caring for children.
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