Methodological Appendices
Appendix A: data collection and analysis strategies and reflections
This appendix contains more detailed information about the methodological approach adopted in this study and the strategies for collecting and analysing the empirical data. It consists of three parts: (1) an account of the fieldwork and data drawn upon, (2) the interview schedule, and (3) the coding scheme for commemorative posters and speeches. The appendix also presents some reflections on the carrying out of my research. The key question guiding this book is the extent to which the mem- ory of Bloody Sunday has undergone change over time and the context and social forces shaping this memory “career”. To help answer this question I employed a methodological design involving the collection of archival, interview, participant observation and visual data. Different chapters employ different kinds of data. Chapter 2 mainly draws on secondary sources to present an account of Bloody Sunday’s historical context. Chapters 3, 4 and 5 all employ archival data alongside inter- view data and chapters three, four and six involve the use of participant observation data supplemented by interviews. The data for this book was collected over a six-month period of field- work in Derry in the summer of 2004 and was supplemented by data collected during return visits to Derry for the Bloody Sunday commem- oration from 2004 to 2009. During the fieldwork stage in 2004 I chose to live in the Bogside because I felt that this would help me to learn more about the immediate physical environment in which Bloody Sunday took place. When people asked me what I was doing I told them that I was a graduate student at the University of Notre Dame and that I was doing research on Bloody Sunday. I turn first to the collection of the archival data. A wide range of archival material was analysed in this study, includ- ing pamphlets, posters, brochures, film footage, letters of correspond- ence, minute books, press releases, and newspaper articles. Initially, I identified archives with potential relevance to my research through the Directory of Irish Archives and via informal conversations with other researchers.1 As a result of this I visited five archival repositories: the
161 162 Methodological Appendices
Northern Ireland Political Collection at the Linenhall Library, Belfast, the Ulster Television archive in Belfast, the Radio Teilifis Éireann (RTÉ) Archives, Donnybrook, Dublin, the archives of Derry City Council, and the National Library of Ireland, Dublin. In the Linenhall Northern Ireland Political Collection I examined the Bloody Sunday boxes, Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association boxes, Civil Liberties Organizations boxes, Civil Rights Organizations boxes, Murals box, Provisional Sinn Féin boxes, Northern Ireland Office Cuttings Files (Londonderry Civil Rights March 30.1.1972, Civil Rights Association, Bogside and Creggan, Londonderry, Londonderry Development Commission, People’s Democracy boxes. In the RTÉ and Ulster Television archive I examined film footage – mostly from news bulletins – of Bloody Sunday commemoration marches. After contacting the RTÉ archivist identifying the mater- ial I needed, it was posted to my address. By contrast, I conducted my archival research in the UTV archive in person. I also carried out documentary research in the Central Library, Derry, where I exam- ined the library’s newspaper clippings collection on the following topics: Bloody Sunday clippings and other relevant material, Murals, Bogside, Bogside Artists, Artists, Bogside, Gasyard, Brandywell, Bogside Community Association News file, Creggan News file and Creggan Magazines (General) file. I also examined the library’s micro- film archive of the Derry Journal and Londonderry Sentinel newspapers for media coverage of Bloody Sunday commemorative activity from 1972 to 2009. Additional newspaper research was carried out in the Belfast Central Newspaper Library. In Derry City Council’s Harbour Museum archive I examined the Bridget Bond collection, the minute books of the Londonderry Development Commission 1972–3, and let- ters of correspondence of the Londonderry Development Commission 1972–3. In addition to this, I examined commemorative posters, bro- chures and other ephemera held in the Museum of Free Derry, then located at the Gasworks, Bogside, Derry. I also carried out research in the National Library of Ireland, Dublin, where I examined its micro- film archive of the Evening Press, Sunday Business Post, and Irish Daily Star newspapers. For secondary sources on Bloody Sunday I visited the libraries of the Queen’s University Belfast and the University of Ulster (Magee and Coleraine). Following Hill’s observation that ‘researchers continually reshape their understanding of the past as they fit, sort, shift, and reinterpret more and more data into evolving sociohistorical frameworks – guided by theory and creative sparks of insight’,2 I approached the archive Methodological Appendices 163 in an iterative way. By this is meant that as I visited each archive on a number of different occasions I attempted to make sense of earlier examinations of the material in the light of new finds or new data. I also thought of the archival and interview data collection not as mutually exclusive but as processes that guided each other. I used the interviews as an ‘auxiliary method’,3 in conjunction with the archival data collection in that new data that emerged through one guided the collection of data through the other. For example, early on in my field- work key informants made reference to commemorative activity such as the Guildhall stained-glass window that I did not know about from my earlier archival work and this led me to follow up debates around this in my later archival visits. By ‘triangulating’ the data in this way, new and unanticipated questions, angles, complexities and insights continually emerged in the back-and-forth dialogue between the interviews and the archival work. My archival searches were not always as productive as I expected. At times I spent many hours working my way through archival boxes and folders with a disappointingly meagre yield in terms of material rele- vant to my research focus. At other times, though, my first encoun- ter of the day with archival material – often in a box of unsorted documents – turned out to be crucially important. The chance dis- covery in the Linenhall library of typed letters of correspondence between NICRA and the Londonderry Development Commission, for example, about the planning for the Rossville Street memorial rep- 4 resented a kind of archival “epiphany”. I was fortunate to be able to photocopy these archival finds in the Linenhall library and then bring them home with me to read in the comfort of my rented student housing. The availability of photocopying facilities also allowed me to make quick progress through the archival material though some- times I found myself rushing through it so eager was I for more new discoveries. I also found that the socially constructed categories of the archive were sometimes more disabling than enabling of my research endeav- ours. For example, very few of the items listed in the Linenhall’s “find- 5 ing aid” mentioned Bloody Sunday and my initial visit to the archive suggested – on the face of it anyhow – that few subsequent visits would be needed. Experienced archival researchers would know differently. Initially I constructed a list of people and organizations – Bridget Bond, NICRA, Bogside Community Association, for example – and this helped me to think about what boxes might contain relevant information about Bloody Sunday even if they were not categorized as “Bloody 164 Methodological Appendices
Sunday” boxes. This task of getting behind the archive’s categorizations represented a challenging and at the same time pleasant experience and led to several archival “epiphanies”. It also brought into focus the ideological agendas embodied in archives and that they are not neces- sarily neutral repositories of the past. As Sturken observes ‘the archive determines what will speak for history’,6 and what gets preserved and what does not. After several months of visiting the archives I then set about the difficult task of making sense of it and putting it together – and integrating it with the interview data – to tell an interesting story about remembrance and commemoration. The archival data analysis process involved the organization of the material in a temporal and topical way.7 I organized the archival mater- ial by topic – such as the march, the Guildhall stained-glass window, the murals, the memorial and so on, and with respect to the march which was the main focus of the present paper, I organized the mater- ial temporally, that is by decade. I also constructed a spatiotemporal chronology of Bloody Sunday commemorative events to help me get a better sense of the spatial and temporal distribution of commemorative activity over more than thirty years (see appendix). My analysis of com- memorative speeches and posters was guided by the coding scheme set forth in appendix C. Archival data document what happened in relation to the past but it is not as well positioned to tell us about how people felt about the past. Asking questions of people helps to fill this gap. Interview data for this study comes from thirty-one in-depth, semi-structured interviews car- ried out with members of the victims’ families, memory choreographers, former civil rights activists, participants in Bloody Sunday commem- orative events, and community leaders over a six-month period of field- work in Derry in 2004. Further interviews took place at the 2005 and 2008 commemoration. Interview questions included questions about respondents’ background, involvement in Bloody Sunday commemora- tions, and attitudes and opinions about various sites of Bloody Sunday memory. All the interviews were conducted by me and in person. Interviewees were identified through the archival research and through snowball sampling. In general, I found the interviewees to be very comfortable answering questions about Bloody Sunday. Many of my interviewees were highly experienced in speaking in public about the event through their involvement in the Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign and had no difficulty at all in speaking openly about it. All the interviewees thanked me for the interview and for the opportunity to speak about Bloody Methodological Appendices 165
Sunday. Occasionally, interviewees found it difficult to talk about their dead relative and one interviewee began to cry during an interview, though happily continued to answer my questions. Some interviewees seemed to find the interview an outlet for expressing deep feelings about the event. One respondent, for example, told me that in the interview – which seemed to generate data rather than simply being a source of data collection – he relayed feelings and emotions that he buried within himself and seemed to think that I was startled by it: ‘have you been shell shocked? I didn’t particularly mean to do it. I didn’t even realize I felt all this till I started talking about it ... suddenly this stuff welled up here.’8 Because of the politically and emotionally charged nature of the event, other respondents asked to say certain things off-the-record – when this happened I turned off the dictaphone and turned it on again when they were happy to speak again on the record. These interviews followed an interview schedule (see Appendix B) but were flexible enough to take account of different levels of know- ledge of the memorial and other sites of memory among interviewees. Because I was interested in a particular group of people – those directly involved in organizing Bloody Sunday commemoration events or those involved in controversies associated with it – I followed a purposive snowball sampling procedure after making first contact with memory choreographers.9 Referrals by one interviewee led me to contact others. Interviewees were also identified through the archival data collection. In other interviews I sought to maximize variation among respondents by asking questions of people who differed in terms of age, gender, political orientations, and religious beliefs. The interviews took place in different contexts – interviewee’s place of work, home, public locations such as the riverfront and restaurants, and the Bloody Sunday Centre. Prior to each interview respondents were asked to sign a consent form indicating their voluntary participation in it. After each interview – each of which was recorded – with the consent of the interviewee – using either a digital dictaphone or tape-recorder – I transcribed them and I carefully read and re-read each transcription, identified “meaning units” or passages about the same issue in them and from this isolated different analytical constructs.10 The transcribing yielded about 180 single-spaced pages of data. After each interview I also wrote up brief fieldnotes about each one including things like the physical setting, whether I felt at ease or not, whether the interview was interrupted by phone calls or other distrac- tions, and the rapport I developed with the interviewee. In keeping with the back-and-forth nature of the relationship between theory and data in qualitative research the data analysis did not proceed in a straightfor- 166 Methodological Appendices ward way.11 I was continually pushed back into reading the transcripts by my reading of the theoretical literature and vice versa. I also draw on participant observation during the annual Bloody S u nd ay c o m me mo r at io n s f r o m 2 0 0 4 to 2 0 0 9 a nd c o m me mo r at i ve e ve nt s organised as part of the “Bloody Sunday Weekend”, a week-long pro- gramme of seminars, film screenings, quizzes, lectures and exhibitions that constitute the commemorative programme. I attended ex hibitions, watched film screenings, listened to panel discussions, shared cups of tea with staff at the Bloody Sunday Centre, participated in the com- memorative march and Sunday morning memorial service, attended the final sittings of the Saville Inquiry, listened to Bloody Sunday lec- tures, and shared a pint with team members at Bloody Sunday fun- draising quizzes. I attended Ancient Order of Hibernians events and watched people viewing the Bloody Sunday exhibition. I made sure that when attending events on the commemorative programme that I arrived early and stayed on after them to hear what people had to say informally. I also spent some time in the Bloody Sunday Centre (then located on Shipquay Street) speaking informally to its staff and relatives of the Bloody Sunday dead over cups of warm tea. I wrote notes about ideas and insights that came to me while observing and participating in these various events. Finally, I took photographs of commemorative events – with a digital camera – and some of these are used in the book. Taken together, the collection and analysis of archival, interview, par- ticipation observation, and visual data allowed me to put together an original and empirically grounded account of commemorative change over time.
Appendix B: interview Schedule
Preliminary questions Can you tell me about yourself? How long have you been involved in organizing Bloody Sunday commemorations? Can you tell me about this?
Bloody Sunday memorial Around the early 1970s was there any conflict about its location, design or other aspects of its planning? How much involvement of the Bloody Sunday families was there in its planning? Methodological Appendices 167
How has the memorial changed over time? What changes were made to the memorial in the 1990s? How did you go about making these changes and why? What does the memorial mean to you?
Bloody Sunday march Can you remember the first Bloody Sunday march you attended? What was the earliest march you remember? How were the early marches different from the later ones? To what extent are you involved in organizing the march? What does this involvement entail? What major changes have occurred in the organization of the march since the 1970s? What does the march mean to you?
Guildhall Stained-Glass Window Can you remember if there was much debate about what form the Guildhall memorial would take? How involved were the families of the dead in its planning? Why was the window erected in the 1980s? What does the window mean to you?
Bloody Sunday Murals Who was involved in the planning of the murals? Were any associated with controversy? If so, can you tell me about this? How was the controversy resolved? What do the murals mean to you?
Bloody Sunday Commemoration Why do you think Bloody Sunday has been talked about in global terms in recent times? What is the likely future of the commemoration? What impact will the outcome of the Saville Inquiry have on it? How much confidence do you have in the Saville Inquiry?
Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign When and how did the BSJC begin? Who came on board and why? 168 Methodological Appendices
Appendix C: coding scheme for Bloody Sunday commemorative posters and speeches
Commemorative posters coding scheme
This coding scheme has to do with the Bloody Sunday commemorative posters and the images, colours and words depicted on them.
1. Colour: has to do with colours employed in poster. 2. Image: has to do with whether poster displays positive, negative or neutral imagery. 3. Orientation: has to do with whether poster makes mention of local/ national or global events/circumstances. 4. Presentism: has to do with whether poster makes reference to present-day concerns/issues. 5. Complexity: has to do with whether poster employs one or two images or several layered images.
Commemorative speeches coding scheme
This coding scheme has to do with the Bloody Sunday commemorative speeches given at the rally at the end of the annual march.
1. Presentism: has to do with whether speech makes reference to present-day concerns/issues. 2. External Critique: has to do with whether speech criticises external organization or entity e.g. Irish Catholic bishops, SDLP, Irish state, British state. 3. Emotion: has to do with whether speech makes reference to emotions with a positive, negative or neutral valency. 4. Orientation: has to do with whether speech makes mention of local or global events/figures/trends. 5. Culpability: has to do with whether speech makes mention of actors responsible for the events of Bloody Sunday. 6. Philosophical Concepts: has to do with whether speech makes reference to abstract ideas e.g. freedom, truth, justice, healing, peace, civil rights. 7. Nationalist Grievances: has to do with whether speech makes reference to nationalist grievances or goals e.g. British withdrawal, United Ireland. Methodological Appendices 169
8. Othering: has to do with whether speech makes reference to us vs. them differences e.g. Protestants vs. Catholics. 9. History: has to do with whether speech makes reference to histor- ical events or figures in Irish history. 10. Exceptionalism: has to do with whether speech makes reference to extent to which Bloody Sunday was different or not from other events. Notes
Preface
1. Zerubavel 1997. 2. Conway 2003. 3. Walton 1992. 4. Conway 2005. 5. Bodnar 1994. 6. Spillman & Conway 2007. 7. Ragin 1992. 8. For discussion of the stranger from a sociological perspective see Simmel’s classic work (Simmel 1950). 9. Olick & Robbins 1998. 10. Dunn 2000; Hayes & Campbell 2005; Herron & Lynch 2007; Dawson 2007, 2005. 11. Hayes & Campbell 2005. 12. Mullan 2002; Pringle & Jacobson 2001. 13. Bloody Sunday (Paul Greengrass 2002). 14. McCann 2006. 15. Dawson 2005. 16. Dawson 2007. 17. Dunn 2000. 18. Herron & Lynch 2007. 19. McBride 2001.
1 Introduction: Actors, Contexts and Temporality
1. On the Holocaust as a collective action frame or storyline, see Stein (1998). The Holocaust refers to the systematic mass killing of European Jews by Germany during the Nazi era between 1933 and 1945. The names of histor- ical events like “Bloody Sunday” and “the Holocaust” have become cultural shorthands – or ‘referent image[s]’ (Binder 1993) for human horror (Boyer 1996; Irwin-Zarecka 1994). The invocation of the Holocaust very soon after Bloody Sunday was an ideologically freighted cultural schema that helped to make the strange familiar (Alexander 2003a; Kane 1997; Leavy 2007; Levy and Sznaider 2005; Polletta 1998) Zerubavel sees the drawing of historical analogies and comparisons as a discursive exercise in preserv- ing historical continuity between past and present and as an example of mnemonic typification (Zerubavel 2003b, p. 51). The analogy between the Holocaust and Bloody Sunday is a false or unsuccessful one when one con- siders the vast difference between the two events in terms of the number of people who lost their lives and the nature of their deaths. Fine argues that magnitude, metaphoric continuity, analogous causation and comparable
170 Notes 171
consequences represent the major bases for comparing historical events (Fine & Beim 2007). 2. Derry Journal, 1 February 1972, p. 3. 3. There are many already existing “Bloody Sunday” events in world history. One of these took place in Selma, Alabama, on 7 March 1965 during the American civil rights struggle. As a civil rights march was taking place, it was attacked by police and seventeen people were seriously injured. An earlier “Bloody Sunday” in Irish history occurred in November 1920 when spectators at a Gaelic football match in Dublin came under fire from British soldiers. Other days in the week have been prefixed with ‘bloody’ to give Bloody Monday, Bloody Friday and so on. To my knowledge, the earliest reference to a ‘bloody’ event in Irish history is the rebellion of Sir Phelim O’Neill in 1641 (Fitzpatrick 1903). Thanks to Michael Hill for his archival research about ‘bloody’ events in global history. 4. Derry News, 31 January 2005, p. 9. 5. For an interesting discussion of “moral recovery” in the context of Japanese and German attempts to commemorate their respective difficult pasts, see Hashimoto (1999). 6. Faus 2008. 7. Nippert-Eng 1996. 8. Sunday World, 29 January, 1978. 9. An Phoblacht, 16 January 1976. 10. The concept of field comes from the work of Pierre Bourdieu. See Bourdieu and Wacquant (1992). 11. Jacobs 1996. 12. Longley 2001. 13. Mullan 2002. 14. Winter 2006, p. 136. 15. For more detail on previous usages of the concept see Irwin-Zarecka (1994) and Jordan (2006). The concept of memory work is analogous to the con- cept of identity work (Schwalbe & Mason-Schrock 1996) found in the social psychology literature. 16. In my thinking about these different levels of memory work, I drew upon Lewis and Weigert’s interesting typology of time delineating between self time, interactional time, institutional time, and cyclic time (Lewis & Weigert 1981). I also found King-Ó Riain’s levels of ‘race work’ useful (King-Ó Riain 2006). Thanks to Seán Ó Riain for suggesting that memory work be con- ceived in terms of different levels of analysis. 17. Halbwachs 1992. 18. Irwin-Zarecka 1994. 19. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002, p. 32. 20. Foster 2001, p. 33. 21. Fine 2001. 22. Irwin-Zarecka 1994. 23. Lewis & Weigert 1982. 24. Burton & Carlen 1979. 25. McCann 2006; Dawson 2007. 26. Dawson 2007. 27. Viterna & Fallon 2008. 172 Notes
28. Ryan & Gamson 2006. 29. Granovetter 1973; McPherson, Smith-Lovin & Brashears 2006. 30. ‘Mexican duo visit Derry’, Derry Journal, 11 June 1996, p. 15. 31. Durkheim 1995. 32. Brekhus 2008; Weigert 1991. 33. Durkheim 1995. 34. Kertzer 1988. 35. Kane, 1997. 36. Schudson 1989. 37. Kane 1997; Schudson 1989. 38. Turner 1974; Gusfield & Michalowicz 1984; Kane 1997; Schudson 1989; Zubrzycki 2006. 39. Pfaff & Yang 2001. 40. Jacobs 1996, p. 1266. For more on “talk” as an aspect of identity work see Schwalbe & Mason-Schrock (1996). 41. Spillman & Conway 2007. 42. Schwartz 1991b. 43. Olick & Robbins 1998. 44. Olick & Robbins 1998; Fine & Beim 2007. 45. Fine & Beim 2007. 46. Fine & Beim 2007, p. 5. 47. Emigh 1997. For an example of comparative historical sociology using nega- tive cases see Skocpol (1979). 48. Skocpol 1979; Pierson & Skocpol, n.d. 49. Skocpol 1979. 50. Schwartz & Schuman 2005. Kansteiner (2002) urges students of collective memory to pay more attention to commemorative reception as against the standard emphasis on commemorative symbolism. 51. Zhang & Schwartz 2003; Schwartz 1996; Beiner 2007a; Spillman 1998. 52. Gillis 1994; Schwartz 1996; Rappaport 1998; Cole 2001; Sturken 1997; Middleton & Edwards 1990; Kansteiner 2002; Climo & Cattell 2002; Olick 2008. 53. Eyerman 2001, 2004. 54. Lowenthal 1986; Coser 1992b; Olick 1999. 55. Schwartz 1991b, 1996. 56. Warner 1959; Zhang & Schwartz 2003. 57. Li-Chun Lin 2007. 58. Olick 1992. 59. Olick & Robbins 1998. 60. Beiner 2007b, p. 368. 61. Roach, 1996. 62. Bryan 2000. 63. Schwartz 1991b, p. 234; Swidler & Arditti 1994, p. 309. 64. Lang & Lang 1988. 65. Latour 1988. 66. Olick & Levy 1997. 67. Spillman 1997. 68. Schwartz 1991a, 1997. 69. Schudson 1989. Notes 173
70. Zerubavel 1997; Viterna 2006. 71. Longley 2001. 72. Zerubavel 2003b, p. 105. 73. Zubrzycki 2006. 74. The concept “sites of memory” circulates widely in the collective memory literature. It comes from the work of Pierre Nora (1989). 75. Tarrow 2005. 76. Cerulo 1995. 77. Rivera 2008. 78. Hirsch 2008. 79. McKittrick et al. 2001.
2 Bloody Sunday in Historical Perspective
1. For a detailed account of the history of the IRA see English (2003) and Taylor (1997). For more detail on storytelling in relation to Irish experiences of colonialism see Kane (1997). 2. Turner 1974. 3. Foster 2001. 4. Nelson 2008. See Gibbons (2001a) for more detail on the global horizons of Irish nationalists. 5. For more detail about the historical position of the Irish Catholic Church see Dillon (1993). 6. For more on constructions of Irishness among eighteenth- and nineteenth- century British political elites see de Nie (2004). 7. O’Toole 1997. 8. Ó Tuathaigh 2007. 9. Ibid. 10. Nelson 2008. 11. Coleman 1999. 12. Ó Tuathaigh 2007. 13. Conway 2008. 14. Kennedy, Giblin & McHugh 1988. See also Ryan (2000). 15. Fitzgerald 2005. See also McCann, 1993. 16. Fitzgerald 2005; Kennedy, Giblin & McHugh 1988. 17. O’Sullivan 2006; O’Hearn 1998. 18. Lee 1989. See also Ferriter (2005). 19. O’Driscoll 2008, p. 65. 20. Swidler 1986. 21. Ó Dóchartaigh 1997; Bryan 2000; English 2003; Dunn 2000. 22. Ó Dóchartaigh, 1997. For more on state repression as a response to collective action in Northern Ireland and employing Derry as a case study see White (1989). 23. Tarrow 2005, p. 17. 24. McAdam, Tarrow & Tilly 2001, p. 41. 25. Tarrow 2005. 26. Polletta 1998. 27. Ó Dóchartaigh 1997; Bryan 2000; Purdie 1990. 174 Notes
28. Purdie argues that NICRA was born at a conference in Maghera, County Derry, 13–14 August 1967 (see Purdie 1990). Founding members of NICRA were former members of organizations such as the Irish Workers League, the Connolly Association, the Belfast Trades Council, the Communist Party of Northern Ireland. The Wolfe Tone Societies were formed in 1964 to organize the commemoration of the birth of Wolfe Tone. 29. Farrell 1976, p. 245. 30. People’s Democracy was founded at the Queen’s University Belfast by a group of students. It organized a seventy-five-mile march from Derry to Belfast in January 1969 that was violently broken up at Burntollet Bridge outside Derry by the RUC and the B-Specials, eventually reaching its destin- ation, the Guildhall Square in Derry city centre. 31. Purdie 1990; see also Sandage (1993). 32. Feldman 1991. 33. Clearly, detailed and extensive historical accounts of the event already exist (Mullan 1997; McCann 1992, 1993, 1998; McClean 1997; Pringle & Jacobson 2001; Grimaldi & North 1998; Walsh 1999, 2000; Faus 2008), so my purpose here is to provide a brief capsule summary of it. 34. Fine 2001, p. 10. 35. Pfaff and Yang 2001, p. 550. 36. See Nell McCafferty’s account of Peggy Deery’s life and family (McCafferty 1988). 37. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (2 February 2009). 38. Merton 1936. 39. Walsh 2000. 40. ‘Derry numbed and restless in aftermath of killings’, Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 5. 41. ‘Derry numbed and restless in aftermath of killings’, Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 5. 42. Derry Journal, 28 January 1992, Bloody Sunday supplement, p. 12. 43. Derry Journal, 1 February 1972, p. 1. 44. Mullan 2002. 45. New York Times, 1 February 1972, p. 36. 46. Derry Journal, 1 February 1972, p. 1. 47. Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 1. 48. See Nell McCafferty’s report in the Irish Times, 3 February 1972, p. 6, enti- tled ‘Misery and loneliness descend on Derry’. 49. Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 5. 50. Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 1. 51. Taoiseach is the Irish term for Prime Minister. 52. Irish Times, 1 February 1972, p. 5. 53. See Fine (2001) for more detail on the concept of multiple audiences. 54. Rivera 2008. 55. Widgery 1972. Such is the importance of the Widgery Report that it was included in a recent collection of canonical written texts in Irish history (Aldous & Puirseil 2008). Early legal textual critiques of the Widgery Report include Boyle (1972) and Dash (1973). Walsh (1999) was a later textual critique. 56. Widgery 1972, p. 39. 57. O’Toole 2008, p. 6. Notes 175
58. Widgery 1972, p. 38. 59. From the author’s fieldnotes (September 2004). 60. Zerubavel 1995, p. 11. 61. Purdie 1990, p. 4. 62. McCafferty 1988, p. 14. 63. Republican News, 28 January 1978, p. 12. 64. Ruane & Todd 1996. 65. General and excellent overviews of Northern Irish society are to be found in Rose (1971), Lyons (1971), Lee (1989) and Whyte (1990). For an account from an explicitly Marxist perspective see McCann (1993). For a more recent engagement with changes specifically within Irish republicanism see Bean (2007) and Maillot (2005). An interesting ethnography of group distinction in a nationalist workplace and engaging with the role of memory in prolong- ing inter-group conflict and shaping everyday social relations can be found in Kelleher (2003). 66. Feldman 1991. 67. English, 2003. 68. Girvin 1999. See also English (2003). 69. Fitzgerald 2005. 70. English 2003, p. 10. 71. Maillot 2005. 72. Evans & Sinnott 1999. 73. For the British Prime Minister’s full statement and more detail on the Saville Inquiry see
3 A ‘Simple People Who Want a Simple Memorial’
1. Belfast Telegraph, 3 October 1973, LHNIPC NIO Cuttings Files, Londonderry Civil Rights March. 2. Fine 2001; Teeger & Vinitzky-Seroussi 2007; Jordan 2006; Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991; Olick & Robbins 1998. 3. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 176 Notes
4. The concept of settled/unsettled society used here comes from the work of Ann Swidler (Swidler 2001). 5. For a comprehensive history of the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association see Purdie (1990). NICRA was the key organizer of civil rights marches in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Founded in August 1966, it was broad church made up of socialists, trade unionists, communists and republicans, and advocated for the civil rights of Protestants and Catholics alike. Its main ideological opponent was Provisional Sinn Féin, the political arm of the Irish Republican Army (‘the Provos’), a republican paramilitary organization whose chief goal is a united Ireland. The term “the Provos” relates to a split in the republican movement in 1969 between the left-wing Official IRA, also known as “the Stickies” or “the Officials”, and the militant Provisional IRA, also known as “the Provos”. 6. Irwin-Zarecka 1994, p. 141. 7. Teeger & Vinitzky-Seroussi 2007; Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002; Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991; Schwartz & Bayma 1999; Gregory & Lewis 1988. 8. Teeger & Vinitzky-Seroussi 2007; Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002; Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991; Misztal 2003. 9. Bell 2006. 10. Alexander 2003; Bell 2006. 11. Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991, p. 379; Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 12. Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991. 13. Kertzer 1988, p. 69. 14. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 15. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002, p. 43. 16. Simon 2003, p. 125. 17. Ray 2006. 18. Brewer 2006; Graham & Whelan 2007; Longley 2001; Lundy and McGovern 2001; Hamber 2007; Ray 2006. 19. Ardoyne Commemoration Project, 2002. 20. McKittrick et al 2001; Graham & Whelan 2007; Longley 2001. 21. Lundy & McGovern 2007. 22. Bloomfield 1998; Graham & Whelan 2007. 23. The full Bloomfield report (1998) is available online at
unveiling of the Bloody Sunday memorial. She remains, however, one of the largely ignored and unsung heroes of the civil rights movement in Northern Ireland. Nell McCafferty, in the preface of a collection of some of her writ- ings, said of Bridget Bond that she ‘started the fight for Civil Rights when it was neither fashionable nor popular’ (McCafferty 1984, p. 7). A former member of DCRA described her as ‘an incredible incredible human being and a very liberated woman. Bridget really was civil rights in Derry. On reflection it was amazing because she was a female, which was amazing. It was a very male period and when Bridget spoke everybody listened’ (inter- view with author, 31 January 2005). He went on to say that “unfortunately Bridget died before anybody really got a significant interview she had so much to tell” (Interview with author, 31 January 2005). 27. NICRA bulletin, 13 February 1972, LHNIPC, NICRA box 2. 28. Derry Journal, 8 February 1972, p. 6. 29. Evening Press, 21 July 1972, p. 6. 30. Moriarty, 1997; Gregory & Lewis, 1988. 31. LHNIPC, NICRA box 15. 32. LHNIPC, NICRA box 15. 33. Letter, NICRA to Harrow NICRA, February 21, 1973, LHNIPC, NICRA box 15. 34. Irish Times, January 24, 1973, p. 11. 35. Irish News, ‘Can this help peace?’, December 20, 1972, NIO Cuttings Files, Londonderry Civil Rights March. 36. Minutes of meeting of regional executive of DCRA, 3 January 1973, Bridget Bond Collection, Derry City Council archives, Derry, Northern Ireland. 37. Minutes of meeting of regional executive of DCRA, March 11, 1973, Derry City Council Archives, Derry, Northern Ireland. 38. Letter, Stewart to NIHE, May 10, 1972, LHNIPC NICRA box 5. 39. Jordan 2006. 40. Interview with author, 23 July 2004. 41. The Londonderry Development Commission replaced the Londonderry Corporation in 1970. 42. Letter, Stewart to Mackinder, 8 June 1972, LHNIPC, NICRA Box 5. 43. Letter, Mackinder to Stewart, 9 June 1972, LHNIPC, NICRA box 5. 44. Letter, Armstrong to NICRA, n.d., LHNIPC NICRA box 5. 45. Letter, Armstrong to NICRA, n.d., LHNIPC NICRA box 5. 46. The photographs survive in the Bridget Bond collection in Derry City Council’s archive. 47. Daily Telegraph, 4 October 1973, LHNIPC, NIO Cuttings Files, Londonderry Civil Rights March. 48. Irish Independent, January 16, 1974, LHNIPC, NIO Cuttings Files, Londonderry Civil Rights March. 49. Sturken 2007, p. 272. 50. Irish Times, 22 January 1973, p. 9. 51. Thomas Kinsella’ poem ‘Butcher’s Dozen’ is arguably the best-known Bloody Sunday poem. But other Irish poets have also penned poems in memory of Bloody Sunday. Seamus Heaney, a Nobel prize winner for literature, wrote two poems about Bloody Sunday, ‘The Casualty’ and ‘The Road to Derry’. The latter contained the memorable line ‘and in the dirt lay justice like an 178 Notes
acorn in winter’; the poem was reproduced in a special Bloody Sunday com- memorative newspaper supplement carried in the Derry Journal to mark the 25th anniversary. Literary critic Seamus Deane, author of the novel Reading in the Dark, wrote After Derry, 30 January 1972. Plays by Brian Friel (The Freedom of the City), Lawrence McClenaghan (The Long Auld Road), Patricia Mulkeen (Just Another Sunday) and Frank McGuinness (Carthaginians) also remember the events of 30 January 1972. There is no shortage of popu- lar music remembering Bloody Sunday either: U2’s song ‘Sunday Bloody Sunday’ is perhaps the best known, and one through which many people first come to hear about Bloody Sunday, but there are others such as Christy Moore’s ‘Minds Locked Shut’, John Lennon’s ‘Sunday Bloody Sunday’ and songs by less well-known bands such as Blackthorn (‘London’s Derry’), the Cardiff Red Choir (‘Derry Streets’), and Dinkeas (‘The Derry Massacre’). For more detail on literary and theatrical representations of the event see Herron and Lynch (2007). 52. Minutes of meeting of regional executive of DCRA, 4 January 1973, Bridget Bond Collection, Derry City Council Archives, Derry. 53. Charles Morrison was a member of the DCRA and he and Michael Harkin had worked together in the NIHE (Interview with author, 31 January 2005). 54. Derry Journal, 25 January 1974, p. 5. Thanks to Charles Morrison for bring- ing this photograph to my attention. 55. Leaflet issued by relatives of the Bloody Sunday martyrs and the Executive Committee of NICRA, LHNIPC, NICRA box 1. 56. NICRA memo, LHNIPC, NICRA box 24. 57. Derry Journal, 11 January 1974, p. 9. 58. Daily Telegraph, 4 October 1973, LHNIPC, NIO Cuttings Files, Londonderry Civil Rights March. 59. NICRA Notes for Stewards, LHNIPC, NICRA box 2. 60. Irish Times, 28 January 1974, p. 1. 61. Derry Journal, 29 January 1974, p. 1. 62. Londonderry Sentinel, 30 January 1974, p. 9. 63. This curious feature of the memorial was not given much attention by mem- ory choreographers when I asked them about its design. It may be explained by the fact that the membership of NICRA came from both the Protestant and Catholic communities although it was predominately Catholic. 64. Jeffrey 2000, p. 107. 65. Sturken 2007, p. 114. 66. Interview with author, 19 August 2004. 67. Winter 1995. 68. Beiner 2007, p. 253. 69. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 2 February 1984, p. 8. 70. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002a; Jordan 2006. 71. Derry Journal, 7 April 1998, p. 4. 72. Kurasawa 2007, p. 32. 73. Derry Journal, 1 June 1993, p. 5. 74. Derry Journal, 1 June 1993, p. 5. 75. Free Derry Wall refers to the gable end of a house, now simply a wall, in the Bogside area of Derry city that was painted with the slogan Notes 179
“You Are Now Entering Free Derry”. The area in and around this wall is known as “Free Derry Corner” and is distinguished by the sheer “amount of history” that took place there (Walton 2001, p. 249). Writing about the Bogside in the year before Bloody Sunday, Seamus Deane characterized it as more a condition than a street (Deane 1971) and drew attention to its ‘ghetto atmosphere’ (Deane 1971, p. 1a) and how the geography of Derry city reflected and reinforced its religious and class distinctions. 76. Derry Journal, 8 August 1994, p. 5; Derry Journal, 6 June 1995, p. 11. 77. Irwin-Zarecka 1994. 78. Yoneyama 1999. 79. Walton 2001, p. 5. 80. Sturken 2007. 81. Interview with author, 29 July 2004. 82. Interview with author, 23 July 2004. 83. Warner 1959, p. 280. 84. Foote 2003. 85. Scott 1996, p. 385. 86. Yoneyama 1999, p. 180. 87. The Widgery Tribunal, which sat in Coleraine from 21 February to 14 March 1972, was established by the British government to unveil what happened on Bloody Sunday. This report became the official state memory of the event. Because it paid little attention to – and was fundamentally at odds with – the vernacular nationalist memory, Luke Gibbons describes it as an example of ‘history without the talking cure’ (Gibbons 1998).The Saville Inquiry – also known as the Bloody Sunday Inquiry – was formally established by British Prime Minister Tony Blair, in January 1998, and sat from April 1998 to November 2004. This inquiry represented an attempt to unveil ‘what happened’ on Bloody Sunday – as against ‘what is said to have happened’ (Trouillot 1995, p. 13) in the earlier 1972 Widgery Tribunal chaired by Lord Widgery – and to rewrite the official British state mem- ory of the event. More detail is available at
104. Emigh 1997, p. 649. 105. Jordan 2006. For more examples of successful and unsuccessful commemoration see Walkowitz & Knauer 2004.
4 On the March
1. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (28 January 2007). 2. For representative examples see Irwin-Zarecka 1994; Bodnar 1991; Misztal, 2003; Spillman 1997; Igarashi 2000; Cole 2001; Winter 1995a, 1995b; Wertsch 2002. For a review of the collective memory literature from a specif- ically sociological vantage point see Olick & Robbins 1998. See also Jedlowski 2001. 3. For more on this see Connerton (1989). Work by Stoller (1994), Lee (2000), and Kleinman & Kleinman (1994) also uses Connerton’s analysis as a con- ceptual jumping-off point. 4. The distinction between settled/unsettled cultures used here comes from the work of Ann Swidler (2001). 5. Connerton 1989, p. 4. 6. Connerton 1989, p. 4. 7. An effort to critique and extend Connerton’s analysis can be found in Spillman & Conway (2007). 8. Connerton 1989, p. 72. 9. Connerton 1989, p. 45. 10. Connerton 1989, p. 45. 11. Halbwachs 1992. Also see Schwartz (1991b, pp. 221–36). 12. NICRA’s ‘repertoire of contention’ (McAdam, Tarrow & Tilly 2001, p. 41) included marches and sit-ins. In the 1970s, because of the reaction of the British state to its political claim-making around housing and job discrim- ination, law and order issues came to the fore. For a classic account of the organization see Purdie (1990). See also Ó Dochartaigh (1997). 13. See Kertzer (1988). 14. For more detail see Jarman (1997). See also Bryan (2000). 15. For an example of this see Kelleher (2003). 16. See Jarman (1997). 17. Zerubavel 2003a. 18. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes, 28 January 2007. 19. Durkheim 1995. 20. See Jarman 1997; Kertzer 1988; Roach, 1996. See also Gibbons (2001); Withers (1996). 21. Derry Journal, 27 January 1978. 22. NICRA press statement, 1 January 1973, LHNIPC, NICRA box 1. 23. Republican News, 4 February 1978, p. 6. 24. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 3 February 1979, p. 6. 25. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 26. Derry Journal, 10 December 1974, p. 6. 27. NICRA press statement, 1 January 1973, LHNIPC, NICRA box 1. 28. NICRA press statement, 1 January 1973, LHNIPC, NICRA box 1. 29. NICRA press statement, 1 January 1973, LHNIPC, NICRA box 1. Notes 181
30. Derry Journal, 28 January 1973. Suggested Text for Leaflet for Marchers at the 1974 NICRA commemoration, LHNIPC, NICRA box 24. NICRA press state- ment, 22 January 1974, LHNIPC, NICRA box 24. 31. Letter, NICRA to Alfie Byrne, New Zealand, 3 February 1976, LHNIPC NICRA box. 32. Jarman 1997, p. 150. 33. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 3 February 1983, 12. 34. McCann 1993, p. 40. 35. Derry Journal, 1 February 1983, p. 6. 36. James Wray, letter to the editor, Derry Journal, 4 February 1983, p. 11. 37. Derry Journal, 15 February 1983, p. 6. 38. Derry Journal, 8 February 1983, p. 6. 39. The Birmingham Six refers to six men who were imprisoned for the bomb- ing of two pubs in Birmingham on 21 November 1974. Their convictions were overturned in 1991 by the British Court of Appeal. 40. Derry Journal, 30 January 1990, p. 6. 41. Derry Journal, 6 February 1990, p. 8. 42. The Sentinel, 31 January 1990, p. 12. 43. Derry Journal, 30 January, p. 2. 44. Derry Journal, 30 January 1990, p. 9. 45. Londonderry Sentinel, 24 January 1990, p. 15. 46. Derry Journal, 2 February 1990, p. 3. 47. Olick 1999, p. 382. 48. Derry Journal, 24 January 1992, p. 1; Derry Journal, 31 January 1992. 49. Derry Journal, 31 January 1992. 50. Anonymous, letter to the editor, Derry Journal, 6 March 1992, p. 4. 51. Anonymous, letter to the editor, Derry Journal, 4 March 1997, p. 14. 52. Derry Journal, 31 January 1995, p. 2. 53. Irish News, 6 February 2003, 19. 54. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 7 February 2002, p. 10. 55. Jarman reports that some Twelfth (12 July) parades in the 1820s drew crowds of 50,000–60,000 (Jarman 1997, p. 53) and that Orange Order parades in the 1870s attracted up to 100,000 (ibid., 65). In Derry, the 1960 Apprentice Boys parade commemorating the siege of the city drew a crowd of 40,000 (Jarman 1997, p. 75). Michel-Rolph Trouillot reminds us that ‘commemo- rations feed on numbers’ (Trouillot 1995, p. 129) and that the ‘numbers game’ helps to underwrite public support for the political goals of com- memorative activity. 56. In 1991, a republican internment parade went to Belfast City Hall for the first time on its way to the Falls Road (Jarman 1997, p. 151). 57. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 30 January 1992, p. 1. 58. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 3 February 2000, p. 20. 59. Interview with author, 15 August 2004. 60. The Bogside artists, a group of Derry artists, put together a set of six life-size puppets of British paratroopers and hung them from the Derry Walls over- looking Free Derry Corner during the 1998 commemoration. The puppets were painted yellow to signify the cowardly actions of the soldiers (Kelly, Kelly & Hasson 2001). 61. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 6 February 1997, p. 10. 182 Notes
62. Interview with author, 20 October 2004. 63. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 6 February 1997, p. 11. 64. For more detail on the organization of public events using a comparative analysis and paying particular attention to their internal structuring – against the more common tendency to read rituals as texts from the outside – see Handelman 1990. For more on the use of non-tragic genre to com- memorate tragic events see Wagner-Pacifici 1996. 65. See Stoller 1994, pp. 634–48. 66. Irish News, 31 January 2000, p. 3. 67. Irish News, 6 February 2003, p. 19; Derry Journal, January 30, 2001, 11; Irish News, 29 January 2001, p. 4; An Phoblacht/Republican News, 4 February 1999, pp. 10–11; An Phoblacht/Republican News, 6 February 2003, p. 10. 68. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 6 February 2003, p. 11. 69. Derry Journal, 11 July 1997, p. 3. 70. A sub-committee of the BSI, the BSWC, organized the annual commem- orative events from 1992. For more detail on the origins and evolution of various organizations with Bloody Sunday in their title see Dawson (2007). 71. The Derry Journal reported that the newly formed group’s spokesperson, veteran civil rights activist Eamonn McCann, stated that ‘the group had been formed this year after the twentieth anniversary commemorations had revealed that the pain and anguish felt by the relatives was as strong as ever’ (Derry Journal, 17 April 1992, p. 2). The aims of the BSJC were threefold: (1) to campaign for the British government to acknowledge the innocence of the dead, (2) to repudiate Widgery’s Report, and (3) to pros- ecute the soldier’s responsible for the killings. See Dawson 2007 for more detail. 72. On 1 May 1993, the BSI was renamed the Pat Finucane Centre (1993). Commenting on the new PFC in 1993, Paul O’Connor stated that ‘the transition from the BSI to the PFC reflects the success in terms of work and profile which the Initiative has achieved over the past four years. Increasingly our workload has reflected a social justice and human rights agenda in addition to the issue of redressing the injustice of Bloody Sunday’ (Derry Journal, 30 April 1993, p. 2). He went on to say that since the establishment of the BSJC in 1993 ‘it has since become clear that real confusion has been created in the minds of many people with two groups working closely together with “Bloody Sunday” in their title. It is for this reason that members of the BSI decided to change the group’s name to the Pat Finucane Centre’ (Derry Journal, 30 April 1993, p. 2). The PFC, named after the human rights lawyer killed in February 1989 by the UDA in collusion with a British MI5 agent, was established as a human rights organization. 73. This organization is composed of members of the families of the Bloody Sunday dead, academics and local community activists. A more detailed account of the origins and development of the BSI and BSJC can be found in Dawson (2007). 74. Interview with author, 20 October 2004. 75. Interview with author, 13 August 2004. 76. Interview with author, 13 August 2004. 77. Interview with author, 20 August 2004. 78. Interview with author, 20 August 2004. Notes 183
5 ‘The Holocaust that was the Bogside of Sunday’
1. For an exhortation to collective memory scholars to pay more attention to local–global linkages see Jordan (2006). 2. Connerton 1989, p. 37. 3. Halbwachs 1992, p. 38. 4. Halbwachs 1992, p. 178. 5. Halbwachs 1992, p. 178. 6. Smith 1990, p. 180. 7. Smith 1990, p. 179. 8. Brenner 1999, p. 40. 9. Brenner 1999. 10. Giddens 1991, p. 17. 11. The full study is Boli & Thomas (1999). A shorter truncated version of this is contained in Meyer (2004). 12. Meyer 2004. 13. Meyer 2004; Cole 2005; Conway 2006. 14. Cole 2005. 15. Meyer & Rowan 1977, p. 341; Fourcade & Savelsberg 2006. 16. Savelsberg & King 2005. 17. Mazlish 2005; Ruodometof 2005. 18. Misztal 2003, p. 18; Bell 2006, p. 3. 19. Beck 2002, p. 31. 20. Jordan 2006, pp. 21–22. 21. Levy & Sznaider 2006, p. 20, 2002. 22. Levy & Sznaider 2006, p. 28. 23. Levy & Sznaider 2006, p. 182. 24. Levy & Sznaider 2006, p. 190. 25. Burawoy at al. 2000, p. 341. 26. Ben-Porat 2006. 27. Kurasawa 2007, p. 13. 28. Cole 2005; Kurasawa 2007. 29. Kurasawa 2007. 30. An Phoblacht, 1 February 1977, p. 1. 31. Armstrong & Crage 2006. 32. An Phoblacht, 18 January 1974, p. 7. 33. An Phoblacht, 3 February 1979. 34. An Phoblacht, 4 February 1982, p. 10. 35. Ferriter 2005. 36. Irish Times, 29 January 1973, p. 1 37. Irish Times, 29 January 1973, p. 1. 38. Armstrong & Crage 2006, p. 730. 39. Schudson 2001. 40. Assmann 1995. 41. Fishman 2004, p. 63. 42. Kurasawa 2007, p. xi. 43. The concepts of salience, valence and ownership come from the work of Jansen (2007). 44. Halas 2008, p. 111. 184 Notes
45. Derry Journal, 28 January 1992, p. 2. 46. Derry Journal, 3 February 1995. 47. Mullan 2002. 48. Interview with author, 15 August 2004. 49. The theme of the 2002 commemoration, “One World, Many Struggles”, foregrounded the similarities between the Bloody Sunday case and other examples of injustice across the globe, clearly invoking a global interpret- ation of the tragic events of January 1972. This slogan was a variation on the “one world, one struggle” slogan employed by civil rights activists in Northern Ireland in the late 1960s (Prince 2007, p. 2). 50. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (31 January 2009). 51. Armstrong and Crage 2006, p. 726. 52. Interview with author, 29 July 2004. 53. Interview with author, 29 July 2004. 54. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 55. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 56. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 57. Yoneyama 1999, p. 44. 58. Interview with author, 15 August 2004. 59. Interview with author, 9 August 2004. 60. Spillman 1998. 61. Assmann 1995. 62. Ben-Porat 2006. 63. Ruane & Todd 1996. 64. Fitzgerald 2005, p. 152; Ben-Porat 2006, p. 203. 65. Fitzgerald 2005; Ben-Porat 2006. 66. See the Derry City Council Tourism Development Strategy and Action Plan 2002–2006 http://www.derrycity.gov.uk/downloads/EconomicDevelopment/ Tourism%20DevelopmentStrategy%20and%20Action%20Plan1.pdf (accessed 1 February 2009). 67. Yoneyama 1999, p. 45. 68. Adams 2003; Derry Journal, 11 June 1996, p. 15. 69. Rolston 1991. 70. Brubaker & Feischmidt 2002, p. 740. 71. Ben-Porat 2006. 72. Fitzgerald 2005. 73. Brenner 1999; Ben-Porat 2006. 74. Ben-Porat 2005. 75. Fitzgerald 2005. 76. Fitzgerald 2005; Ben-Porat 2006. 77. O’Clery 1996; Cochrane 2007; Ben-Porat 2006. 78. Cochrane 2007; Ruane and Todd 1996. 79. Fitzgerald 2005; Ben-Porat 2005. 80. Cole 2005. 81. Gibbons 2005, p. 564. 82. Cole 2005, p. 479. 83. I owe this point to Rebecca King-Ó Riain. 84. ‘Time for Truth: Bogside to Basra’ 2005 Bloody Sunday commemorative pro- gramme (Bloody Sunday Trust, 2005). 85. Kurasawa 2007, p. 3. Notes 185
86. Kurasawa 2007, p. 21. 87. Kurasawa 2007, p. 127. 88. Kurasawa 2007, pp. 130, 160. 89. Tarrow 2005, p. 121.
6 The Politics of Visual Memory
1. Schudson 1989. 2. Doss 2008. 3. Herron & Lynch 2007; Blaney 2007; Browne 2002; Sweeney 2005. 4. A number of newspapers carried commemorative supplements – using textual and visual material – to mark either the 20th or 25th anniversary commemo- rations. Among the newspapers carrying special pull-out supplements were the Derry Journal (Derry Journal, 31 January 1997; Derry Journal, 28 January 1992; Derry Journal, 1 February 2002), Irish News (Irish News, 30 January 1992), Sunday Tribune (Sunday Tribune, 12 January 1992), Sunday Business Post (Sunday Business Post, 25 January 1998), Irish Star (Irish Star, 22 January 2002), and An Phoblacht (An Phoblacht, 28 January 1978; An Phoblacht, 28 January 1980). Interestingly, and in line with Meyers’s Israeli study of commemorative sup- plements (Meyers 2002), most appeared in local, special-interest, or tabloid newspapers rather than national broadsheets. Earlier supplements appeared in An Phoblacht/Republican News in 1978 and 1980. Each of these newspapers tended to recycle a small number of canonical images of the event such as the handkerchief-waving Fr Daly and the thirteen coffins of the dead lying in repose in St Mary’s Catholic Church in the Creggan. The supplements also tended to include significant interviews with people associated with the event, either with the families of the dead or with political and cultural elites. Mentions of the official British state memory, official Irish state memory, or vernacular unionist memory were rare – almost all tended to privilege the vernacular nationalist memory. Photographs were sometimes included with- out a caption to anchor their meaning as if to say that they spoke for them- selves. For example, the Derry Journal supplement for the 20th anniversary reproduced the front-page of the 4 February 1974 which carried a photograph of the coffins of the dead lying before the altar of St Mary’s Church in the Creggan and the caption stated images like this ‘need no words to tell their story’. Reportage also tended to bear similarities to Holocaust photography (Zelizer 1998) – consider, for example, the Derry Journal supplement for the 25th anniversary commemoration carried the image of Father Tom O’Gara lit- erally looking at death in the face as he gazed at the body of Barney McGuigan lying in a pool of his own blood. The caption read ‘the ultimate atrocity: Father of six, Barney McGuigan, lies dead as a shocked Father Tom O’Gara looks on. This scene was only one of the many horrors witnessed on Bloody Sunday’ (Derry Journal, 31 January 1997, p. 1, Bloody Sunday 25th anniversary commemorative supplement). Such photographs of people bearing witness to death – rather than depicting dead bodies – were common in representa- tions of the Holocaust (Zelizer 1998). For an insightful analysis of newspaper commemorative supplements in the Israeli context see Meyers (2002). Compared with earlier supplements in An Phoblacht/Republican News in the late 1970s, more recent supplements tended to pay greater attention – in 186 Notes
keeping with the trajectory of political discourse examined in Chapter 5 – to other “massacres” claimed to be international political symbols such as Sharpeville and Sarejevo. The Irish Star supplement in 2002 makes explicit reference to these events. 5. Derry Journal 25 February 1997. 6. Interview with author, 29 July 2004. 7. Interview with author, 20 August 2004. 8. Interview with author, 15 August 2004. 9. Irwin-Zarecka 1994. 10. For more on temporal structures in organizations see Fine (1990). 11. Barthel 1996, p. 362. 12. Zolberg 1998. 13. In the summer of 2005, a new Museum of Free Derry was constructed and opened in Glenfada Park, about a hundred yards from the Bloody Sunday memorial. Dedicated to preserving the history of the Bogside, Bloody Sunday features as a central part of it. The museum consists of an exhibition area as well as a National Civil Rights Archive of over 10,000 items mostly related to the civil rights struggle. An earlier version of the Museum of Free Derry – located in the Bloody Sunday Centre first at Shipquay Street and then in Foyle Street – consisted of an exhibition space. This exhibition included a slideshow, shown in a dark room, with a four-part structure: (1) The Struggle for Civil Rights, (2) Events immediately proceeding Bloody Sunday, (3) Events on the day, and (4) The Impact of Bloody Sunday, various photographic images, and artefacts relating to the event, and like the current Museum of Free Derry, strongly appealed to the aural and visual senses. 14. Derry Journal, 28 July 2000, p. 14. 15. Doss 1999, p. 6. 16. See the Bloody Sunday Trust website at
27. Wegenstein 2002, p. 222. 28. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (2 February 2009). See also Derry Journal, 30 January 2009, p. 2. 29. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (2 February 2009). 30. Barthel 1996. 31. Interview with author, 23 July 2004. 32. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (8 August 2004). 33. Sturken 2007. 34. Interview with author, 2 February 2008. 35. Interview with author, 2 February 2008. 36. Interview with author, 2 February 2008. 37. Letter to editor, Derry Journal, 11 February 1997. 38. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (July 2004). 39. The Sentinel, 24 January 2001, p. 7. 40. Sluka 1992; Rolston 1991; Vannais 2001. 41. Wagner-Pacifici & Schwartz 1991, p. 413. 42. Interview with author, 4 August 2004. 43. Kurasawa 2007, p. 36. 44. Kelly, Kelly & Hasson 2001. 45. An Phoblacht/Republican News, 4 February 1993, p. 16; The Sentinel, 30 January 1992. 46. Woods 1995, p. 45. 47. Jordan 2006, p. 66. 48. Zolberg 1998. 49. Hot Press, 20 September 1995, LHNIPC, Murals box. 50. Derry Journal, 1 September 1995, p. 31. The Bogside Artists responded to Nell McCafferty’s criticisms in a multi-authored article in the November 1995 issue of a local magazine, Fingerpost. A photograph of the montage mural appears on the cover of the magazine and alongside the Bogside artists’ article. In this article the artists take issue with McCafferty’s claims and argue that their painting was based on photographs of the day. They go on to point out that Bridget Bond was depicted in the mural when Nell McCafferty saw it and that the mural attempts to represent an important event in Derry’s history (Fingerpost, November 1995, p. 16). The public debate about the mural gener- ated a number of citizens’ letters to the Derry Journal. One letter made the point that “the Troubles” in Northern Ireland was a male-dominated period and that representing the role of women in this period is a difficult endeavour (Derry Journal, 8 September 1995, p. 4). Another letter argued that women were underrepresented in the mural and that it should be re-painted (Derry Journal, 5 September 1995). A letter to the Londonderry Sentinel thanked the artists, the Duddy family, SF councillor Mitchell McLaughlin, Tony Doherty of the BSWC, and the local business woman who funded the mural (Londonderry Sentinel, 14 September 1995, p. 19). 51. Fingerpost, November 1995, p. 16. 52. Derry Journal, 5 September 1995, p. 11. 53. Hogan 1996. See also Giamo (2003). 54. Between December 1688 and August 1689, Derry was under a state of siege as the Protestant King William of Orange held out against the Jacobite army of King James. For more on the history of Derry see Hume (2002). 188 Notes
55. Smith 2003, p. 44. 56. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (July 2004). 57. McCaffrey 2003, p. 54. Sinn Féin first contested elections in Northern Ireland in 1981. See also Bean (2007). 58. McCaffrey 2003. 59. A reading of a selection of Sean Carr’s letters to the editor of the Derry Journal over the years suggests that he is a republican or, if not, is sympathetic to a republican way of thinking. 60. Derry Journal, 29 June 1984, p. 6. 61. The window was considered by the Cultural Sub-Committee, the Amenities and Leisure Committee, and the Finance and General Purposes Committee of Derry City Council. 62. Derry Journal, 25 January 1985, p. 4. 63. Derry Journal, 1 February 1985, p. 9. 64. Bourdieu & Passeron 1977. 65. Derry Journal, 22 January 1985, n.p. 66. Minutes of Derry City Council meeting, January 1986. 67. Londonderry Sentinel, 24 August 1988. 68. Feldman 1991, p. 262. 69. Derry Journal, 19 September, 1988. 70. Londonderry Sentinel, 30 January 1985, p. 13. 71. Widows’ Mite is an organization representing widows of men killed by the IRA and INLA in Derry. See Londonderry Sentinel, 30 January 1985, for more detail on the Widows’ Mite reaction to the Guildhall stained-glass window. 72. Derry Journal, 8 December 1989, p. 5. 73. Derry Journal, 15 December 1989, p. 4. 74. Walkowitz & Knauer 2004. 75. Hirsch 2008. 76. Zelizer 2002. 77. Olick & Robbins 1998. 78. Olick 1999. 79. See the Derry City Council, Tourism Development Strategy and Action Plan 2002–2006 available at
7 Conclusion: Trajectories of Memory
1. McCann 2006. 2. Commemorative posters in the 1970s and ‘80s tended to use the colour red – the colour of human violence (Cerulo 1995, p. 213). Cerulo argues Notes 189
that the elaborateness of expressions of national collective identity is linked to world-system location and ‘intranational focus’ (Cerulo 1995, p. 101). Her analysis predicts that peripherally located countries will adopt elabo- rate identity productions, and periods characterized by high intranational focus will involve symbolic production with low levels of elaborateness. The simplicity of early Bloody Sunday commemorative posters, directed at Irish nationalists united against the malevolent use of British state power, and the complexity of later commemorative posters, aimed at a more interna- tional audience, is largely consistent with this argument. 3. “Towards Justice” commemorative programme (Bloody Sunday Trust, 2006). 4. Yoneyama 1999. 5. Schwartz, Zerubavel & Barnett 1986, p. 160. In this work Schwartz, Zerubavel & Barnett make a distinction between instrumental and semiotic invocations of the past. 6. Jordan 2006; Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 7. Schwar t z 1997. 8. Levy and Sznaider’s work on Germany’s Holocaust memory tells us that the early post-war years were characterized by a focus on victimhood during which German people were reminded of their “sinned against” status at the hands of Communists and allied forces that resulted in the dislocation of Germans and the development of a national refugee crisis. In the 1960s this narrative shifted to one emphasizing German’s “sinner” status and its history of victimhood was disavowed. The 1990s was a period marked by a revisiting of an earlier refugee story invoking German victimhood but a clear attempt was made to reclaim this as a European-wide experience as well. So this period involved facing in both universalistic and particularistic directions. See Levy & Sznaider 2005. 9. Leavy 2007. 10. Leavy 2007. 11. The commemorative career of Australian national remembrance of Anzac Day – both in Australia and beyond in places such as Gallipoli, Turkey – appears to have taken on a similar pattern to the Bloody Sunday case with early low mnemonic activity in the 1970s followed, in the 1990s, by fresh intensive commemoration linked to wider trends in the development of tourism. For more detail on the Australian case see West (2008). 12. Schwartz 1997. Schwartz’s analysis shows that the Lincoln memorial was built in the 1920s, several decades after his death and not, as one might expect, in the late 1800s, and Lincoln Day events were much more common in the early 1900s than the late 1800s – closely resembling the temporal pattern of Bloody Sunday memory. 13. Japanese commemoration of the bombing of Hiroshima, for example, was initially framed in global terms and only later in national terms. Saito explains that this was linked to a quest to refurbish Japanese collective identity as it evolved from a violent to peaceful society and, within the city of Hiroshima, to difficulties experienced by survivors in remember- ing an event so recent. Geopolitical considerations mattered too, and particularly maintaining civil relations between Japan and the United States. 190 Notes
The later nationalization of Hiroshima memory is connected to the avail- ability of new technologies of memory, such as photographic images, with greater resonance than earlier ones like books in recalling memories of the past, the movement of Japan from an occupied state to an independent one but also, crucially, to the chance discovery in March 1954 of fish with radioactive traces which set off memories of once forgotten Hiroshima sur- vivors. Commemoration took the form of anti-nuclear demonstrations, the unveiling of a memorial, and a conference. This nationalizing of Hiroshima memory – which cut across party political lines – legitimized claims for redress from the state by survivors of the event and led to another form of commemoration, state-provided care for Hiroshima victims as a legitim- ation of their painful memories. See Saito (2006). 14. Olick 1998, p. 4. 15. Jansen 2007; Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 16. Armstrong & Crage 2006. 17. Schwartz 1997, p. 489. 18. Durkheim 1995. 19. The concepts of ownership, valence and salience come from the work of Jansen (2007). 20. Olick 1999. 21. Schudson 1993. 22. Wagner-Pacifici 1996. 23. Armstrong & Crage 2006, p. 727. 24. Cole 2005. 25. For more detail on world-system location and its relationship to symbolic production see Cerulo (1995). 26. Olick 1999. 27. Vinitzky-Seroussi 2002. 28. Zerubavel 2003b, p. 31. 29. Olick 1999, p. 400; Jansen 2007. 30. Paul Greengrass, Bloody Sunday (2002). 31. Yoneyama 1999, p. 134. 32. Weber 1978. 33. Burton & Carlen 1979. 34. Bloody Sunday commemoration programme (Bloody Sunday Trust, 2007). 35. Beim & Fine 2007. 36. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 37. Schudson 1989. 38. Wagner-Pacifici 1996. 39. Spillman 1998. 40. Stein 1998, p. 534. 41. Interview with author, 19 August 2004. 42. Schwartz & Schuman 2005; Schuman, Vinitzky-Seroussi & Vinokur 2003; Kansteiner 2002. 43. Interview with author, 20 August 2004. 44. This comes from the author’s fieldnotes (August 2004). 45. Savelsberg & King 2005. 46. Interview with author, 22 August 2004. 47. Scott & Zac 1993. Notes 191
48. Alexander 2003. 49. Alexander 2003b. 50. Alexander 2003a. 51. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 52. Hoskins 2004. 53. Interview with author, 26 July 2004. 54. Li-chun Lin 2007, p. 6. 55. Janssen, Kuipers & Verboord 2008. 56. Olick & Robbins 1998. 57. Griswold 1994.
Methodological Appendices
1. Helferty & Refaussé 2003. 2. Hill 1993, p. 68. 3. Kvale 1996, p. 98. 4. For more elaboration and examples of archival serendipity see Hill 2005. 5. Hill 1993. 6. Sturken 1997, p. 80. 7. Hill 1993. 8. Interview with author, 27 July 2004. 9. Sarantakos 1993, p. 77. 10. Weiss 2004. 11. MacLeod 1987. References
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Adams, Gerry, 83, 87, 88 Bloody Sunday Centre, 121 actors, and collective memory, Bloody Sunday Commemorative 146 –149 Committee, 86 Ahern, Bertie, 56, 104 Bloody Sunday Initiative (BSI), 86, 87, Alexander, Jeffrey, 156 103, 108–109 Amenities and Leisure Bloody Sunday Justice Campaign Committee, 136 (BSJC), 8–9, 56, 57, 118, 133, 148 American commemorative Bloody Sunday march, general activity, 127 properties, 76–79 American Indian movement, 100 Bloody Sunday memorial, 47–55, 110, An Phoblacht/Republican News, 34, 55, 123–124 80, 100 design, 51, 52 Ancient Order of Hibernians, 90, 114, design proposals, 49–50 129, 166 fundraising, 47–48 Anglo-Irish Agreement, 35, 114 inscription, 45, 54–55, 59 anti-colonialism, 4, 26 ownership of, 57 anti-imperialism, 4 plaque, 59–61 anti-internment march, 29–31 reception of, 62–64 Anzac Day, 146, 189n11 redesign, 61–62 archival data analysis process, 164 site, 49 archive, 103 transformations of, 55–62 Ardoyne commemoration, 45 unveiling of, 52–54 Armstrong, Elizabeth, 149 wreath, 50–51 Armstrong, Michael, 49 Bloody Sunday Memorial Garden Attwood, Alex, 88 proposal, 67 autobiographical memory, 6 Bloody Sunday memory, future of, 152–156 Ballyhaunis Civil Rights Bloody Sunday Trust (BST), 104, 123 Association, 48 Bloody Sunday Weekend Ballymurphy killings, 108, 156, 157 Committee, 104 Beck, Ulrich, 98 bodily social memory, 72 Beim, Aaron, 13 Bogside and Brandywell Development Beiner, Guy, 16, 55 Association (BBDA), 67 Belfast, 40 Bogside Community Association, 81 Belfast Agreement, 88 Bogside street mural, 120, 121, Belfast Central Newspaper 122, 141 Library, 162 Bond, Bridget, 9, 47, 48, 49, 51, 54, Best, William, 136 132, 176–177n26 Birmingham Six case, 85, 89 Bradley, M., 136 Blair, Tony, 37, 38, 179n87 Brady, Hugh, 135 “blanket protest,” 35 breach stage, in social Bloody Sunday (docudrama), 119, drama, 23 120, 152 Brennan, Brian, 54
207 208 Index
Britain, 26 contestation around memories, 45 political change, 110–111 contexts, and collective memory, British army, 137 149–150 Broadcasting Act, 36 controlled consensus model, 42 Brockway, Lord Fenner, 50, 51 Cooper, Ivan, 51 Byrne, Alfie, 83 Cope, John, 86 cosmopolitan memory, 98–99 Campaign for Social Justice, 29 Crage, Susanna, 149 Campbell, Gregory, 137 cultural activity, memory work as, Carr, Sean, 84, 135 10–12 Catholic Church leaders, 4 cultural form, of collective memory, “Catholic disadvantage,” 38, 39 158–160 Catholicism, 25 ceremonial conformity, 97 Daly, Edward, 4, 34, 51, 86 China, 45 data collection and analysis civic remembrance, 45 strategies, 17–18, 161–166 civil rights agenda, 28–35 Deane, Seamus, 178n51 civil rights movements, 33, 101 Democratic Unionist Party Claudy bombings, 156, 157 (DUP), 137 collective memory, 6, 11–12 demography, 26–27, 38, 109–110 actors and, 146 –149 Derry as campaigning, 105 anti-internment march, 29–30 comparative sociology of, 156–158 and civil rights agenda, 28–35 constructionist perspective, 15–16 as tourist site, 22, 57–58, 62, contexts and, 149–150 110, 140 continuity perspective, 16 Derry Citizen’s Action as cultural form, 158–160 Committee, 29 and globalization, literature Derry City Council, 67, 135 on, 96–99 Derry Civil Rights Association past–present nexus, 15–17 (DCRA), 48, 125, 152 temporality and, 150–151 Derry Housing Action Collins, Margo, 51 Committee, 29 colonialism, 23, 45 Derry Journal, 1, 32, 47, 51, 54, 56, 84, Columbine high school deaths, 146 87, 103, 132, 135, 162 commemorative change, direction Derry Memorial Fund, 48 of, 14–15 Derry Women’s Action commemorative discourses, temporal Committee, 75 trajectory of, 102–103 Devine, Pat, 85, 136, 137 commemorative posters, 188n2 Devlin, Bernadette, 51 coding scheme for, 168 difficult pasts commemorative speeches coding memories of, 41, 43–45, 151 scheme, 168–169 transformation of, 55–62 comparative sociology, of collective Directory of Irish Archives, 161 memory, 156–158 Dóchartaigh, Fionnbarra Ó, 132 Connerton, Paul, 70, 71–72, Doherty, Margaret, 2 92–93, 96 Doherty, Patrick, 31 consensual commemoration, 42 Doherty, Tony, 86, 133 constitutional nationalism, 4, 28, 37, Donaghy, Damien, 30–31 75, 147 Donaghy, Gerard, 31 Index 209
Downing Street Declaration, 37 Grimaldi, Fulvio, 131 Dublin commemoration, 101 Griswold, Wendy, 159 Dublin Wolfe Tone Society, 29 group identity, 96 Duddy, Jack, 31, 131 Guerrero killings, 10 Duddy, Kay, 126 Guildhall stained-glass window, Durkan, Mark, 88 120–121, 127, 133–138, 139, 140 Guy, Jim, 136 Easter rising, of 1916, 27 economic modernization, 27–28 Habour Museum archive, 162 embodied remembrance, 10, 70, 71, Halbwachs, Maurice, 6, 74, 96 78–79, 90, 92–93, 99 Harkin, Michael, 51 English, Michael, 67 Harrow NICRA, 48 Enola Gay exhibition, 133 Havord, Michael, 49 ethnic identity, 100 Heaney, Seamus, 177n51 Europe, 109 Heath, Edward, 33 Evans, Geoffrey, 38 Hiroshima remembrance, 59, 140, Evening Press, 162 146, 152, 189n13 Eyewitness Bloody Sunday, 104 historical perspective, Bloody Sunday in, 23–40 Federal Republic of Germany’s historical symbolism, 88–89 remembrance, 151 history, as storytelling, 24–28 film, 98, 120 Holocaust, 146, 170n1 Fine, Gary Alan, 13 The Holocaust and Memory in the Flags and Emblems (Display) Act Global Age, 98 (1954), 35 Hot Press, 132 Ford, General, 29 How Societies Remember, 70, 96 Foster, Roy, 24 human rights, 22, 99, 103, 108, 115, fragmented commemoration, 42, 67 150, 154–155 Frank, Anne, 99 Hume, John, 29, 83 Free Derry Corner, 57, 58, 62, 178n75 hunger strikes, 35 Free Derry Wall, 58, 178n75 identity, social construction of, 10 Gallagher, Hugh, 84, 136 individual-level memory work, 5–6 the Galway of the North, 57 industrialization, 26 gender omission, 132 of human rights discourse, 98 Gibbons, Luke, 179n87 of the past, 120–129 Giddens, Anthony, 98 institutional-level memory Gilmore, Hugh, 31 work, 5, 7 Glasgow commemorative parade, 100 Internet, 98 global city commemorative activity, interviews, 164–165 100–101 Irish- Americans, 127–129 globalization Irish Daily Star, 162 and collective memory, literature Irish Front, 75 on, 96–99 Irish Independence Party (IIP), 135 glocalization, 99 Irish News, 48 Good Friday Agreement, 37 Irish Prisoners of War Gortananama, 67 Committee, 100 Green, Len, 135 Irish Republican Army (IRA), 2, 23, Greengrass, Paul, 152 33, 35, 37, 148 210 Index
Irish Republican Army hegemonic phase, 75, (IRA) – continued 83–86 ceasefire, 86 origins and meaning, in Northern prisoners, 35 Ireland context, 75–76 Irish Times, 31, 32, 48, 54 pre-hegemonic phase, 74–75, Irwin-Zarecka, Iwona, 6, 43 79–83 Israel, 105 quest for power to define the truth, 75, 86–92 Jacobs, Ronald, 4 “Martyrs’ Memorial,” 55 Japan, 45 Mawhinney, Brian, 86 Johnson, John, 30, 31 McCafferty, Nell, 1, 31, 32, 33, 132, Jordan, Jennifer, 56, 67, 98 133, 153–154 justice claims, 9, 22, 92, 103, 107, McCann, Eamonn, 124, 125, 108, 129, 144, 154–155 182n71 McCaughey, Revd Terence, 51 Kelly, Michael, 31 McClean, P. J., 54 Kennedy, Edward, 56 McCorry, Kevin, 50, 79 Kertzer, David, 10, 44 McDaid, Michael, 31 King, Cecil, 50 McElhinney, Kevin, 31 King, Martin Luther, 29 McGonagle, Declan, 136 King, Ryan, 155 McGovern, Mark, 45 Kinsella, Thomas, 50, 177n51 McGuigan, Bernard, 31 Kurasawa, Fuyuki, 57, 116, 130 McGuinness, Dodie, 137 McKinney, Gerard, 31 Lagan, Frank, 30 McKinney, William, 31 legitimacy claims, 2, 4, 5, 7, 33, 34, McShane, Rory, 51 147, 149 meaning-making, in relation to Levy, David, 98, 99 Bloody Sunday, 16, 22, “the Liberator” see Daniel O’Connell 45, 150, 151 Lin, Li-chun, 157 memorialization politics, 43–46 Lincoln, Abraham, 146 memory assessment, problem Lincoln memorial, 189n12 of, 45 Linenhall Northern Ireland Political memory choreographers, 6, Collection, 43, 162 59, 143 London commemorative memory work march, 100 collective-level, 7 Londonderry Development as cultural activity, 10–12 Commission (LDC), 49, individual-level, 5–6 162, 163 institutional-level, 7 Londonderry Sentinel, 54, 162 as political activity, 8–9 Lost Lives, 45 scope and limits of, 12–14 Love, Charles, 84, 148 small-group level, 6 Lundy, Patricia, 46 as social activity, 9–10 Lynch, Jack, 32 social-level, 6, 62 Mexico, 10 Mackinder, J. C., 49 Meyer, John, 97 Magilligan Strand, 29–30 Milan commemoration, 100 march, 7, 63 Morrison, Charles, 51 global activity, 100–101 Morrow, Revd John, 48 Index 211
Mullan, Don, 104, 154 Orange societies, 26 multi-city commemorations, O’Sullivan, Donal, 32 100–101 Otherizing, 5 multi-level model, of memory work, 5–8 Palestine, 105–106 multivocal commemoration, 42 Palestine National Council, 100 Museum of Free Derry, 58, pan-nationalist front, 87 121–123, 138 paramilitaries, 33–34, 35, 37, 137 Myers, Kevin, 119 Park, Glenfada, 124 Pat Finucane Centre, 10, 89, 182n72 narratives, 98 path dependency, and and history, 24–28, 44 commemoration, 148, 151 Nash, William, 31 peace process, 5, 37, 46, 87, 93, 107, National Air and Space Museum, 140 110, 154 National Front, 100 Penal Law period see Plantation nationalists, 2, 3, 4, 19, 22, 34, 36, period 37–38, 57, 75, 76, 84, 97, Peoples, George, 136 91, 116 People’s Democracy (PD), 29, 75, Nelis, Mary, 57 174n30 New Ireland Forum, 37 People’s Gallery, 58 New Labour, 111 performative embodiment, 10, 11–12 New Lodge Six killings, 89 Plantation period, 25–26 New York Times, 32 political claim-making, 11, 21, 23, 45, Newcombe, Cathal, 50, 51 55, 74, 143 NICRA, 74, 75, 147, 163, 174, political discourse, 10, 11, 45 176n6 political efforts, permanent Northern Ireland, 27–28 solution, 37 civil rights movement, 29, 33 political mobilization, 8–9, 139 economic changes, 38–40 political pragmatism, 108–109, 116 marches, origins and meaning of, presentism, 94 75–76 Protestants, and Bloody Sunday, 4–5, political changes, 35–38, 42 19, 89, 103, 104 social changes, 38, 42 Provisional Irish Republic Army Northern Ireland Civil Rights (Provos), 28, 80, 85, 176n5 Association (NICRA), 4, 29, 33, Provisional Sinn Féin, 82, 176n5 42, 43, 47, 49, 55 public discourse, 44 Northern Ireland Housing Executive Public Order Act, 149 (NIHE), 49 Purdie, Bob, 33, 174n28 Northern Ireland Tourist Board, 140 Radio Telifís Éireann (RTÉ) O’Connell, Daniel, 25, 26 Archives, 162 O’Connell, William, 87 redressive action, in social drama, 23 O’Connor, Paul, 182 reintegration—schism, in social official memory, 3, 5, 9, 33, 34, 92, drama, 23 118, 129, 133–138, 139, 152 religion Official Unionist Party, 136 and Irish national identity, 25–26 Olick, Jeffrey, 86, 148, 151 as social framework of memory, 96 “Open Up The Files” campaign, 89 Republican News/An Phoblacht, 34, 55, Orange marches, 11 80, 100 212 Index republicans, 2, 4, 6, 9, 20, 33, 34–35, reintegration–irreparable schism 36, 37, 74–75, 81, 83, 93–94, 96, stage, 24 100–101, 103–104, 107–108, social-level memory work, 5, 110–111, 114, 115–116, 143, 6, 9–10 145–148 social modernization, 27–28 ritual re-enactment, of the past, Socialist Workers Party, 100 72–74 societal resources, access to, 26 Roach, Joseph, 17 South Africa, post-apartheid, 42 Robertson, Roland, 99 southern Irish society, 27–28, 103 Robinson, Mary, 57, 101 spatiotemporal chronology, Rossville Street memorial/mural, 3, xvi–xxii 10, 11, 20, 21, 58, 65, 67, 75, 93, Speaker’s Corner, 41 129–133, 139, 163 state-level memory work, 7 routinization, of memory work, Stein, Arlene, 153 106–107 Stewart, Edwina, 49, 51, 54 Rowan, Brian, 97 Stoller, Paul, 89 Royal Ulster Constabulary stories see narratives (RUC), 137 Sturken, Marita, 50, 127, 164 Ruane, Joseph, 40 Sunday (docudrama), 119, 120 Sunday Business Post, 162 Sands, Bobby, 36 Sunday World, 2 Savelsberg, Joachim, 155 symbolism, 10–11 Saville, Lord, 56, 58 Sznaider, Natan, 98, 99 Saville Inquiry, 7, 23, 33, 38, 89, 119, 148, 154, 157, 179n87 Taiwanese memory, work on, Schudson, Michael, 153 45–46 Schwartz, Barry, 17, 44, 130, 146 Teeger, Chana, 42 sectarian discrimination, 28, 38 temporality, and collective memory, sectarian seam, 40 150–151 Selma, 171n3 territorialization, 97, 98, 113 Sentinel, 85 thrupenny bit, 50 September 11 attacks, 127, 146 Todd, Jennifer, 40 Simon, Scott, 45 Toronto commemoration, 100 Sinn Féin (SF), 2, 4, 43, 47, 55, 74, 75, Troops Out Movement, 100 107, 135, 137, 147, 154 “the Troubles,” 2, 4, 23, 35, 145 and march, 83–86@3:versus truth claims, 8, 9, 21, 86–92, 103, NICRA, 74–75, 79–83 104, 108, 129, 145, 154–155 Sinnott, Richard, 38 Turner, Victor, 23–24, 35 small-group-level memory work, 5, 6 “the Twelfth,” 158 Smith, Anthony, 96 2:28 memorial, 45–46 Smith, Philip, 134 social calendar, 6 Ulster, 26 Social Democratic and Labour Party Ulster Defence Regiment (SDLP), 4, 28, 37, 75, 83–84, 87, (UDR), 137 136, 143 Ulster Television archive, 162 social drama, 23–24 unemployment, in Northern breach stage, 24 Ireland, 39 crisis stage, 24 unionists, 2, 11, 19, 37, 104, 126, redressive action stage, 24 136, 137, 155 Index 213 vernacular nationalist memory, 3, 34, Widgery Tribunal report, 3, 7, 23, 49, 54, 55, 59, 66, 124, 143, 33–34, 89, 179n87 145, 152 Widgery, Lord, 33, 60, 147 victimhood Widows’ Mite organization, 137 discourses, of Irish nationalists, 25 Wilford, Derek, 60 framing, 103, 144, 149, Winter, Jay, 4 189n8 Wolfe Tone Societies, 29, selective remembrance/forgetting 174n28 of, 45, 48, 75, 138, 155 world society theory, 97–98, 99, 117 Vietnam War, memory work on, 184 Wray, James, 31, 54, 83 Vinitzky-Seroussi, Vered, 42, 44, 45, 56, 64, 66 Yitzhak Rabin memorial, violence, for political change, 2–3, 4 44–45, 64 visual memory, 118–141 Yoneyama, Lisa, 59, 152 Young, John, 31 Wagner-Pacifici, Robin, 44, 130 Warner, W. Lyold, 59 Zambian Ndembu tribe, 23 Wegenstein, Bernadette, 125–126 Zerubavel, Eviatar, 33, 150–151 Westland Street mural, 131 Zolberg, Vera, 47, 120, 140