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Ulysses Hellmeister E a Cidade Jardim Dos Comerciários

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Ulysses Hellmeister E a Cidade Jardim Dos Comerciários 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE TAMING THE RIVER AND BUILDING THE CITY: INFRASTRUCTURE AND PUBLIC SPACE IN SANTIAGO DE CHILE 1750-1810 FERNANDO PÉREZ OYARZUN1 Address: Facultad de Arquitectura, Diseño y Estudios Urbanos. Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile. El Comendador 1970, Providencia, Santiago, Chile. e-mail: [email protected] ABSTRACT The paper poses the question about the possible relationships between infrastructure and public space. It examines the case of Santiago de Chile during the second half of the eighteenth century, when borbonic policies promoted a significant infrastructure building process. It underlines the ways in which they were made possible thanks to the availability of new technologies and human resources, including architects and military engineers. Special focus is made on those works connected to watercourses, particularly those attached to Mapocho River, including bridges and protecting walls (Tajamares) against the usual floods suffered by the city .The generation of public spaces connected to the Tajamares seem to have been intentional in a project that anticipates further operations happened during the 19th century, when the canalization of the river actually happened. 18th and 19th century attitudes question some of the current infrastructure constructions, in which specialization seems to dominate without much concern about the consequences of those infrastructures upon the urban fabric. This attitude causes the loose of the opportunity to detonate a more holistic and balanced urban development. INFRASTRUCTURE AND CITY FABRIC The role of infrastructure in urban development has been strongly underlined in contemporary city planning literature (Baxter, 2001). Massive effects of transport infrastructure, such as motorways, underground railways or service networks, upon urban form and life, seem today widely accepted. Infrastructure is not any more something located underground, which plays a material or technical service to buildings or public spaces. The tracing of new streets or sewage networks; the availability of water, gas or electricity has been many times responsible for orienting the city growing or even configuring the city fabric. Thus, infrastructure should be considered not the consequence of urban development but the cause of it. The complexity and sophistication of modern infrastructure has caused that it has become the subject of increasing technical specialization. The tracing of motorways 1 Fernando Pérez Oyarzun is professor at Universidad Católica de Chile. He currently runs the Doctorate Programme in Architecture and Urban Studies and The Cultural Heritage Centre. This paper is a result of an on going research Project financed by Fondecyt 1110481 under the tittle of “One city, two cathedrals; transformations in the cathedral ensemble and the urban modernization process of the late colonial period, 1730-1800”. 1 Cities, nations and regions in planning history or electric lines are nowadays in the hands of specialized engineers who have systematized the objectives, methods and solutions, which very frequently follow international standards. The technical precision gained in this approach, very frequently collides with a more holistic view about the urban project. Our cities often suffer being the result of a mere superimposition of a series of systems each one following its particular logic and not necessarily well articulated. Given the importance of infrastructure investments one can ask if is it possible to ask them some additional services to their primary technical objectives. Can therefore a new motorway be sensitive to public spaces, promote them or at least not damage them? That seems to be one of the challenges of present day planning. But is it this only a contemporary problem or a tension that can be detected in past times? At the same time one understands better the importance of infrastructure, one gets aware that, at least in part and probably with less sophisticated technical tools, that happens also in the past. After studying a similar kind of problem at the end of the XIX century (Pérez, Rosas, Valenzuela, 2005, Pérez, 2011), the present paper wants to focus on exploring the urban role of infrastructure in a Latin American city of the second half of the XVIII century, aiming to find similar tensions between a technical rationality and a wider urban concept. The building of significant protections against Mapocho River floods in Santiago de Chile –the so called new Tajamares- provide an interesting case in which infrastructure and public space appear tightly connected. In a wider frame this will be an opportunity to examine the connection between technical knowledge, public policies and urban development and life. SANTIAGO, THE CITY AND THE RIVER Founded in 1541 by Pedro de Valdivia, Santiago de Chile developed as not much more than a modest village, in spite of being the capital city of the Capitanía General de Chile (Echaíz, 1975, de Ramón, 2000). At the end of the XVIII century Santiago reached a population of 30.000 inhabitants. The city fabric followed the well-known pattern of a regular grid, very similar to that one Pizarro had used in Lima Peru. This corresponded to a strictly regular grid pattern, consisting of square blocks, designated as “classical model” by René Martínez (Martínez, 1977). The only explicit public space included within the foundation plan was the public plaza or Plaza Mayor. Originally, it consisted in an empty block around which the main religious and public buildings were settled. Religious processions, formal or informal commerce and even criminal public executions took place there. Complementary public spaces emerged as the regular urban grid evolved and specialized. Small plazas emerged in front of significant churches, or public buildings, due to a slight recession of the building line in front of them. These public spaces enriched the repertory of public spaces they didn’t affect the predominant role of the Plaza Mayor as a main and unique public space within the city. 1 5 th INTERNATIONAL PLANNING HISTORY SOCIETY CONFERENCE Figure 1- Manuel de Sobreviela (nationality, life, dates) . Plano de la ciudad de Santiago del Reyno de Chile, c. 1790, map, [Martínez, 2007]. Santiago initial urban fabric went from the Mapocho river course to the north, until a dry branch of the same river to the south. The Santa Lucía hill – originally named Huelén by the Indians- was its natural boundary towards the east. Thus the city was tightly linked to the river and other topographical accidents from its very beginnings. The river performed as a geographic boundary, provided water for different purposes and was a significant landscape element. Geographically speaking Mapocho river was a torrent. Therefore it experimented dramatic changes in its watercourse from summer to winter. A small canal used to run throughout the dry branch, which turned part of the river course when floods happened in winter or spring. These lasts happened very frequently and provoked serious damages to the city. These experiences stimulated the building of protecting walls called Tajamares. After a first generation of Tajamares, a second and technically more efficient one was built during the XVIII century, implying significant investments and technical skills. BORBONIC REFORMS AND CITY DEVELOPMENT. It is a well-known phenomenon that during the second half of the XVIII century various social reforms were promoted by European monarchies. Within them, many of those reforms affected the city, its administration and its hygienic conditions. The Spanish Empire, at that time rule by Bourbons family, was not an exception to that rule. Kings such as Carlos III were champions of these reforms. He is well known because liberated commerce with the colonies and expelled the Jesuit order from 3 Cities, nations and regions in planning history the empire. Following those policies, which included significant urban reforms, informal markets were retired from plazas and new regulations were applied to police and various public services. Different works of infrastructure were undertaken as part of those policies. They included the construction of fortifications, bridges, new roads and public buildings. In many cases this meant the introduction of new technologies and the support of well-trained human resources. In the Chilean case, the presence of various military engineers such us John Garland, Leandro Badarán and Pedro Rico (Guarda, 1990, 1997) made possible a radical enhancement of building construction technics and new scale interventions such as the fortifications in the southern region of the country near Valdivia. The arrival of Joaquín Toesca the first professional architect coming to the country can be related to this particular moment in which a new enlightened knowledge arrives to America, even to such distant places as Chile. When independence from the Spanish Empire was declared at the beginning of the 19th century, this same intellectual environment, would nurture the political and cultural development of the country. In the case of Santiago, some of the most significant infrastructure works built during the second half of the XVIII century are associated with watercourses. A new solid stone bridge got across the Mapocho River. The Calicanto bridge as was popularly known, solved for the first time the frequent interruptions of the traffic between the northern area and the city centre, during the winter season. A new canal, today known as San Carlos,
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