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Terrorism As Self-Help: Accounts of Palestinian Youth Incarcerated In CCJXXX10.1177/1043986217699101Journal of Contemporary Criminal JusticeBerko et al. 699101research-article2017 Article Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 2017, Vol. 33(3) 313 –340 Terrorism as Self-Help: © The Author(s) 2017 Reprints and permissions: Accounts of Palestinian Youth sagepub.com/journalsPermissions.nav https://doi.org/10.1177/1043986217699101DOI: 10.1177/1043986217699101 Incarcerated in Israeli Prisons journals.sagepub.com/home/ccj for Security Violations Anat Berko1, Edna Erez2, and Oren M. Gur3 Abstract Adopting and expanding Black’s conception of terrorism as self-help, this study examines how Palestinian youth become involved in security violations. Based on an analysis of in-depth interviews conducted with 10 Palestinian youth incarcerated in Israeli prisons, their experiences are described, including the aftermath of arrest and imprisonment. Their accounts are complemented by interviews with six wardens and correctional officers overseeing the prison’s youth wings, a review of military court transcripts from proceedings leading up to the youth’s incarceration, and observations of participants’ daily prison routines. The data detail pathways and recruitment processes, motivations, rewarding aspects of participation, and the costs incurred as a result by participants and their families. Security violations are analyzed as self-help responses to collective grievances and personal problems. The theoretical and policy implications of the findings are discussed. Keywords Palestinian youth, security violations, terrorism, self-help, Israeli military court, youth wings of Israeli prisons In conflict zones around the world, children are commonly victims of terrorism, but also perpetrators. Persons under the age of 18—legally “minors,” hereafter referred to as “children,” “youth,” and “adolescents”1—have participated in insurgencies, wars, 1The International Instiute for Counter-Terrorism, The Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, Israel 2University of Illinois at Chicago, IL, USA 3Pennsylvania State University, Abington, PA, USA Corresponding Author: Edna Erez, Department of Criminology, Law, and Justice, University of Illinois at Chicago, MC141, Social Sciences Building Room 4010A, 1007 West Harrison St., Chicago, IL 60607, USA. Email: [email protected] 314 Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 33(3) and terrorist operations across Africa, Asia, and the Middle East. They have served as camouflaged guerrillas or uniformed soldiers (Peters, 2005), and more recently as ter- rorists, including suicide bombers (Berko & Erez, 2005; Human Rights Watch [HRW], 2004; Venhaus, 2010). United Nations (UN) conventions prohibiting the use of minors in armed conflicts notwithstanding (United Nations Human Rights Office of the High Commissioner [UNHROHC], 1990), many government forces, paramilitary organiza- tions, rebel groups, and terrorist organizations recruit and employ children in military functions and operations—even those younger than 15 (Singer, 2005a, 2005b). The rise of the child terrorist (Bloom & Horgan, 2015; Gray & Matchin III, 2008) has raised questions about radicalization and recruitment of children, and their role in terrorism. Whereas the use of children as soldiers2 has been examined extensively (Rosen, 2005, 2007; Wessells, 2006), there is little research on children in terrorism (Ben-Yehuda & Levin-Banchik, 2011; Roberts, 2015; Weinberg, Pedahzur, & Hirsch- Hoefler, 2004), or security violations by Palestinian youth in particular.3 Palestinian terrorist organizations such as Hamas, Islamic Jihad, and Fatah have regularly recruited and employed children (HRW, 2004; Times of Israel Staff, 2015). Applying and expanding Black’s theoretical framework of terrorism as a form of “unilateral self-help” (Black, 2004b, p. 9), this article examines how Palestinian ado- lescents become involved in security violations, risk factors in their journeys from recruitment to hostilities, subsequent arrest and incarceration, and reflections on the experience. It suggests that children’s participation in terrorism can be attributed to a confluence of factors that produce violent radicalization more generally4: personal and collective grievances or needs, networks and interpersonal ties, political or religious ideologies, and enabling environments or support structures (Hafez & Mullins, 2015). However, compared with their adult counterparts, for youth, the salience of each factor is further magnified by the lack of alternative means for exerting social control; the subversive act may then “serve as a cry for help from people who are less capable of attracting legal attention without it” (Black, 1983, p. 41). As this study suggests, the pursuit of security violations as self-help is motivated by collective grievances as well as personal problems. The article proceeds as follows: It first reviews extant research, government reports, and media communications addressing the motives, vulnerabilities, and environments that lead Palestinian youth to terrorism, techniques terrorist organizations use to recruit youth, and the benefits of involving children for such purposes. Following a discus- sion of the theoretical framework, research setting, and methodology, the findings are presented in an account-based analysis. The conclusion outlines policy implications regarding youth involvement in militant activities. Palestinian Children in Terrorism: A Review The Palestinian–Israeli conflict over a disputed territory represents a “‘chronic’ griev- ance” (Black, 2004b, citing Senechal de la Roche [1996], 13), underlying terrorism in Israel. The local contexts and the lived realities of Palestinian youth create vulnerabili- ties and motivations for involvement in collective action (Black, 2004b; Boxer et al., Berko et al. 315 2013; Crenshaw, 1986). Palestinian youth who have experienced hardships (e.g., destruction of homes, loss of family members or close friends, displacement) would be more likely to seek retribution and revenge (Erez & Berko, 2014; Masten & Narayan, 2012; McCauley & Moskalenko, 2008; Somasundaram, 2002). Children, however, may engage in terrorism for other reasons, including thrill and excitement (Berko & Erez, 2007; Katz, 1988; Venhaus, 2010), or the material advantages and economic support that terrorist organizations offer. For adolescent males, interactions with adults and participation in adult activities also provide ways to enhance their status, sense of self-worth, and manliness (Berko & Erez, 2005; Crenshaw, 1986). Palestinian children are continuously exposed to incitement by Palestinian political (e.g., government leaders), cultural and religious (e.g., mosques, sermons), educa- tional (e.g., schools, textbooks), and social institutions (e.g., mass communication, social media). Impressionable minds are inculcated with an ideology that bestows social recognition, praise, and rewards on those who join the cause (Hafez, 2006). In Palestinian cities, posters of shaheeds (martyrs) appear on the walls of schools, and streets or parks are named in their honor (Hafez, 2006; McCauley & Moskalenko, 2008, p. 428). Palestinian television repeatedly broadcasts songs that glorify those who engage in martyrdom (Homeland Security Institute, 2009). Afterschool programs, summer camps, and organized leisure activities for children are used to instill hate, militant values, the desire to become shaheeds, and readiness for combat (Homeland Security Institute, 2009). Personal sacrifice for the cause is promoted (Mozes & Weimann, 2010; Weimann, 2008) as children are taught how to use weapons, wear explosive suicide belts, and simulate capturing Israeli soldiers or killing civilians (Booth & Eglash, 2014; Chasmar, 2014; Homeland Security Institute, 2009). Terrorist organizations use a range of methods to persuade youth to join their ranks, from promises of kinship, material well-being, adventure, honor, or salvation, to coer- cive threats such as disclosing family dishonor (Berko, 2007).5 Similar to adults, recruitment of children can involve “several techniques, including pep talks, group pressure, and extrications of personal and public commitments from which the candi- date will find it difficult, if not impossible, to turn back” (Moghadam, 2003, p. 69). Ideological or religious slogans are invoked and accompany recruitment methods (Brym, 2007, p. 41; Grimland, Apter, & Kerkhof, 2006), and recruiters leverage shared personal or collective grievances to convince youth that revenge is merited or required (McCauley & Moskalenko, 2008, p. 416). Organizations offer disadvantaged Palestinian adolescents material conditions and benefits that youth facing dire condi- tions cannot otherwise attain. Assurances of financial welfare for children and their families help in securing agreement to participate in terrorism, including martyrdom (Berko, 2012). Enlisting children provides practical, tactical, and strategic benefits to insurgent groups and terrorist organizations (Erez & Berko, 2014; Homeland Security Institute, 2009; Rosen, 2005). Children’s physical, mental, and cognitive development renders them vulnerable to manipulation and successful recruitment.6 The tendency of chil- dren to respect and obey authoritative adult figures, often with little or no recompense, is particularly pronounced in traditional Arab/Palestinian society, where age is a 316 Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 33(3) critical consideration in social hierarchy (Erez, Ibarra, & Gur, 2015). For example, children have unwittingly obeyed requests to transfer
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