lutm1atio11af Suuli,s Review Vol. I I No. 2 (Deambtr 2010): 33-54 33

Received May 3 1, 2010 Revised October 13, 2010 Arcepccd November 29, 2010

Korean Sovereignty: Eastern and Wes tern in the Kaleidoscope of History

K ENNETH M . BuRKE•

Thcoughouc history, from obstacles involving foreign invasion and inrervenrion coupled with domesric rivalry. the Korean peninsula struggled co legitimize and prqrecr its sovereignry. This research involves an investigation and analysis of paccerns in chat history. The article provides a broad examination of Korean political development wirh inrerdisciplinary insights inro sovcreigncy while underscoring rhe need for new ap­ proaches and cpiscemological uniry in . The Korean peninsula serves as an c-xample of rhe challenges.

Keyword1: Sovereignty, IR Theory. Political (conomy, Cultural Dynamics, Korean Hisrnry

Grnduate Student, Univt'rs fry College in At't$ and Sciences ac Wa.shingcon Univtrsit)' in Sc. Louis, Mi,souri, United Smc,; E-mail: [email protected]

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J. INTRODUCTION

ich the sweeping currents o( change m the m1ern:111onal system, questions W in intl'rnationnl politics center on the shifting or sovereignty, particularly givc:n the ccchnological ndvances nnd economic.: paradigms represented by neoliberalism as 11 dominates the politic.ii economy. Theoriscs in inrcm:itional rel::tions recogruzc chat noum .,,., d1anging rapidly with globa­ liza11on. Globalizarion nnd -globalization refc:r rn che increase or decrease of g lobalism: "a state of che world involving networks of interdependence," increasing t0 the extenc that sovereignty be "up for g rabs in a way that has not been the case since the seventeenth century," (Keohane. 2002, 193, 2 I 3) when the internacionaJ system witnessed increased g lobalism not unlike today. In ac­ tuality. from a holistic perspecrive, transformations in norms are nothing new; morc~>vcr. dynamic chani::c remains a constant m hlSlury. The: hiscuncal evolution ,,( J umesuc govcrnant c: .ind political and economic rclac,ons from :inuem tunes to ch e modern c:ra, prove thnt this is crut or Ko rean social organ1z:u ion. Of lace. the: factionalism between n:m onalisi discourse .ind ncolibcrnl, policical c:trnmm1t str,1tcg1<:S unJcn.11.:c:n m Kun.',I c:xcmpllly t hc: toncro,·c:rs1cs .ind dc:batc~ U\' C: r suven:1g 11C)'· In 1994. K,m Young Sam .1nn<>unt<:d pl:i ns to globalize Korea "as chc counrry's new v1s1on and development mmegy," (Kim nnd Hung. 2001. 78 ) following neoliberal trends central co quemons over the' impan of global 11w.:gr.1riun on n.monal ~uvcrc·ignr)' \X11ch 1h<: w n*qucm p.1r.1doxes lo r naoonal secunry and econo m1l dcvclopmcnc cyd 1cal in history. 's snc1c:t)' knows well the: cu111:crns related co the complexi ties of domestic, regional, and g lobal econum K rd,1tions The underl)•in.g debates re fl c..: 1 upo n ,tnll<:nt ones .groundc,I m d w dKhowm r between . wh,c h m.11m ,11nc:d .111 informal u>ntept of sovc:re1gncy lhat advocated a collemve civil societ y. and d1C'n rhe inmcutionafo.a­ tion of the Confucian rrad1tion that associated governing authority with the political elite. Correlated in light o( historical struggles and interpretations o( W/cstc:rn pol111rnl concepts by K ore.in St.hol.u~. cump.ir,111 ve insights illustrate tht: past and present-day obscacles to governnncc· accordingly. Recognizi ng that Eastern and \X/C'srern histori es face the human co ndition from different co mexts, the point is nor co provide for a Statistical correlat ion and covariance of the commonalities, cspecialJy as, for example, Buddhism trans• formed from complex cultural dynamics, evolving customs throughout Asia, and "historical vicissitudes over centuries" (Carter, l997, 360). Much the same proves true o( \1(/estern policical science, panicularl y ac the mtersecuons bcrween economic and political theory, the domestic st:ite and the intcrnation:il system. Moreover. chc srudy of Buddhism :i nd Confuc1:1nism often rem ains shrouded in legends, cspcci:tl.ly given the dominnnt Confuc:inn erudition chat became prevalent from the time of che Choson Dynasty in Korea Onc-ryong, 1999). Acknowledging che downfalls 111 the generalization of the comparative analysis, a nested case-with-

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in-case design paradigm and holiscic method aim co srrengchen the validity of the parallels drawn. The rheory-based and interpretive medium-n approach provides a synchronic and diachronic hisrnrical dialcccic that investigates panoptic cycles in the developmenr of Korean sovereignry as influenced by Easce.rn and Western thought from antiquity co the present. For fonher research and theory development, the unique methodology of chis articie offers a basis for cross-case anaiyses wirh countries chat compar-arivcly confront challenges co sovereig nty with globalizarion. le likewise provides a con­ cepcua, w rion or re-conceptualizarion of currenr theory fo r quancicarivc srudies and auxiliary qualitative research chat employs a stronger use of primary sources. With insight from the epistemological foundations and psychology of their base assumptions, rhe current analysis simply identifies char ideas and beliefs in Western traditions of territorial sovereignty are noc at all unlike rhei r counterparts in . Respecting rhe sameness and between Ease and \Xlest while airrnng t0 culnvate an awareness of the historical cycles, Korea illustrates aspccrs of the complex economic. political, social. ;1nd cultural trans­ formations in relario ns. Fnr an inward-looking rhat hist0ricall y remains passive:- am,J JJ1vas,on. ch<.- t'p1sremnlogteal relationships enlighten rhc nature of rhe problems th,H one: m s<.- confronrs with change. To hanno111zc sovereignty w it h today's quixotk trends, new appro:tches prove necessary.

11. THE HISTORICAL SEARCH FOR SOVEREIGNTY

The foundanuns of C)•des in Korean h,scory. as well as th" similarirics between Easr<:rn and Western <:xpt:ru::nces. rt'veal themselves with the carl,cst peninsular kingdoms. The developmental process of early Korean society from Neolithic times chroughour the Bronze Culrnral Era resulted in rhe emergence of three kingdoms on che peninsula. Before che:se three kingdoms, the ancient C hoson ruled. Korean myths tell lhe folklore of Choson, based on the tale of a m ythical ciger and bear, ancJ the legend of Prince Tan · gun born from the heavens. from Choson, the rhree distinct kingdoms evolved. Undisturbed by conflict, che cuJmral Packche Kingdom of the southwesc developed a well-organized government but lacked means co defend itself; since ic needed t0 protect itself from , che northern Koguryo Kingdom became more warlike (Joe and Choe, 1997). The third Silla Kingdom proved most influential in the early peninsular developmenc of a social and political identity. lncreasc--d Chinese aggression co intervene in the affairs of each kingdom morivated unity (Simmons, 1995). The southeastern Silla Kingdom (57 BCE-93S AD) initiated unification. The sophisticated Kingdom, when threatened by rhe Chinese, "endeavored wirh equal dynamism to attain the internal growth that was co bring about a new level of cultural synthesis · · · one of che most strenuous

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periods in rhe Korean hisrory" (Joe and Choe, 1997, 42). Silla incorporaced Buddhisc and Confucian rhoughr. Early Korean philosophy and episremology ground themselves in the inrerprerarion of 1he 1wo craknowledge acquisition and knowing grounded in an empiricisr view of experiencing and perceiving (Bosrow, 1997). it is pragmatic and cognitive wirh a moral philosophy reflecting Kanrian thought unbound to classical, Western assumptions of :science. Thus, Buddhism is equally Socracic and Gestalt oriented in ics psychology.I Wirh a more Carresian view. Confucian philosophy emphasizes reason and racionality of the mind over rhe sense perceptions. It also incorpornces a historical like that of the Western philosophers Marx anct · Hegel. in ­ srirurionalized itself while centered on rhc belied' rhat bureaucracy, "by focusing on the concrete sirnations of inst itutional dvvelopm,nc ,rnd by delineating the narurc of the changes, woulJ tnhancc: the uodtrscand1ng of praetical scarce-raft and perpetuare rhe Confucian principles or governmenr" (Franke, 1982); the same as the organizational bureaucratization of Wesrcrn behaviorism.2 L1ter:uure on rhc policy implications of each philosophy ill uscrnrc that the subject undoubceclly proves comjplex (e.g ., Hsu, 197 5; Cheah, 2006). but che Eastern mainrained divergent economic , involving com­ plex interpretations equivalent t-O t he way in which t he W estern economises .adhere ro assumptions held by poliri..:al philosophrrs. \Xlhi le neither Eastern philosophy explicitly developed conceprs of political or economic rig hrs, the .Buddhist frame of reference does emphasize the importance of social equity and equality. Government officials interpreted it with rhe that ,commercialism and free trade provide a means for ac:hieving ics va lues, advocaring a torm of social and economic righrs without negative political rights. The underlying assumptions are thus comparable co the much later influence of empiricist philoso­ phy on Wesrern economic thought and the belief char liberal economies promote human rights, liberty, and freedom. When exclusivity and economic inequality disenchanted the intellectual leaders of Silla, its governance disincegrared as the Kingdom laid the foundations for its replacement by the Koryo Dynasty Ooe and Choe, 1997). The objective for collecrivc security failed as Silla fell from Chinese and Japanese rhreacs and the rensions that arose between the factions of the former kingdoms Ooe and Choe, 1997). During che Koryo dynasty (9 I 8-1392), monetary and economic practices reflected early Buddhisr policies; however, after the inequity of Silla, it and later dynasties sacrificed IBuddhism for Confucianism. Economic inter-

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access KENNETH M . BURKE 37 precacions of Confucianism did support capicaliscic chinking throughout Asia (coward different ends and without any equivalenc notion of rights). Nonetheless, beyond rhe Koryo dynasty, che influence of Confucianism in Korea advocated a mercantilisr view of foreign rrade. Dynastic governance in Korean history borrows from che Chinese syscem , which is not unlike rhe political insrirutions influenced by Placo's Republic: hier­ archical to the enlightened minds of rhe philosopher kings, or, in lighr of the Eastern rea!icy, che Confucian philosophers. In lacer hiscorical periods, chey in ­ cerpreted Confucianism wirh power political meanings. Overall, che incroduccion of che dynasty seemed co be a ··mere supecimposicion of foreign insticurions upon che ruins of Silla'' (Joe and Choe, 1997, 156). While the Koryo Dynasty achieved prosperity, rhe cenrralization of power brought abour a coup d erat in ll 70 (Simmons, l 995), beginning a pattern of civil discontent and failed dynascies. The Easrern rradirions suggested impl icic concepts of sovereignty but relations, wirh issues concerning legitimacy. reflected che Western world before Westphalia (see Philpocc , I 997). Alt hough at different eras , as one mighc expect to be true of ocher civilizations rhroughout the medieval period, related patterns between the traditions thus reveal similaricies. \Xlhile s,g nificanr, as suggcsred, rhe comparisons remain complicated. Polirical and ecoriom•c policies emerged from their doctrines. but Eastern philosophy originared wirh less politicizing than the way in which philosophers of Wesrern choug hr politicized their ch inking. 13uJdhism changed sig ni firnnrly w,th rhe 1n­ sticutiona!ization of rhe philosophy, .. a pracrice of following clearly amculared hierarchical struccures providing centralized aurhoricy," which led co the subordination of monks in civil bureaucracy (Caner, 1997, 66-367). Given rhe complexities, historians of the Silla Dynasry, for example, often face cnncism fo r rheir t reatment of rhe polir,cal economy, leaving "modern historians with the difficult cask of clarifying rhese enigmas through comparative analysis of Chinese and J apanese and ocher ancient " (Sun Kim, 2004, 95). How the philosophies become enrangled, in a cycle of socio-cultural exchange, illusttat(>S itself with the Korean search for sovereign legitimacy, the scruggles to democratize, and obstacles to sustainable development.

I. Unsolved Debates and the Continued Struggle

Whereas each of the d ivergent philosophies faced differentiated obstacles in Korean governance, the Ch ' oe military regime ( 1149- 12 19) overthrew Koryo and repudiated chem both. Substantial discontent wirh che social and economic problems of the royal dynasty surfaced. The military leader of the Koryo, Ch' oe Chung-heon seized control after consecutive rebellions and snuggles for power, desc.ribed as "a generation of kaleidoscopic successions of coups ditalJ" (Joe and Choe l 997, I 98). During a shore period of clHee military dictatorships, the

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govcrnmcnc radically reformed Korea and maintained power uncil the Mongol invasions. Targeting rraditional doctrines, the Ch ' oe governmenr betrayed con­ ventions by attempting co solve rhe fai lures of Budc.lhist and Confucian , somewhac of a philosophical cransp0smon whee<- later buc reciprocal ideacio n in the West became a catalysr for change. When rhe Mongols invaded China, rhey likewise dominated and ruled over chc peninsula. Throug hout rhis period , Confucianism underwent rnecamorphosi;. Thvugh Lricf, du: Ch · ue re­ formarory spirit is one that had incarnated again. When the Chinese drovl.' ouc the Mongols, remnants o( Koryo's centralized administrative scruccures enabled rransicion co che Yi Dynasty (I 392-I 897), also known as the late Choson Dynasty. Tbroughouc Choson, the Chinese ex.ercised an indifferent and benign reign over the peninsula (Joungwon, 1997). Confucianism deeply ingrained frself in Korean society during the era, which brought about a further decline in Buddhist influences and the commercial trade: rha.r susrained rhroughour Koryo. Buddhism suffer,>d the loss of social r,esix-cc and honor (Jae-ryong. IYY9). A new Confi.1<:rnnis m rhac surfaced, entangled wirh Mongolian thought, shares much in common wirh \Xlesrern policic:11 realism and mercanrilism (a com:lacion ro be Jiscussed wic h th(- stat(- of affairs on rh<:: p<::ni nsul:., fo llow,ng the \Xlorld \Xlars). Choson r,·srricr<:d internnc ional tr3de and evinces to be best characlt:ri,ed as an ariscoccatic and srrict h ierarchical order based on scacus (Karlsson. 2005), despite irs hisrorical criricism of Buddhisr elirism. Needless ro say. the Confucian iniluenc<' 1n governance again d isingenuously inscicuted irsclf in Korea :tnd seemed unposcd on thei r soverei_g n it.!<:miry; however, 1he larc Choson Dynasry sustained ,rsclf w become the longesc in Kore,1n history. By rhc eighteenrh century, che Dynasq• witnessed a renaissance with subsranrial social :ind economic change, proi,:rc-ss in scie nc<:. t1:ch nology. and agm:ulrnral productiviry (Karlsson, 2005), but protecrionisr policies did nor always prove entirely beneficial co developmenr as t he peninsula faced pandemic famines. Given corrupcion in the government tied co scare-driven labor pracrices (Miller, 2007), inro the ninececnch century, bureaucratic sc ruccuces struggled ro adjusr co a changing world. Wirh rhe onset of modernity, rhe economy faced problems wich development, isolation, and decadence, which broughc abour ics inevitable decline. When formal sovereignty escablished itself following rhe cwo World Wars and the Korean War, rhe same economic prorectionism surfaced al-ongside communism. Including rhroughouc an era of the lace Yi D ynasty known as che 'Korean Enlighcenmenr,' which atrempced co define new direcrions, the hisrory continues ro illustrate the enduring scrnggles ro adapt ,deacion, on behalf of a held universal in nature, ro Korean culture.

2. The Ko,-ean Enlightenment

Following cenrurics of the lare Choson Dynasry, rhe peninsula wicnesse-d what

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access K ~NNE1'H M. B URKE 39 became known as the Korean Enlightenment ( 1896-19 10). an "intellecrual ex­ periment:1tion and adaptation, as the leading inte llectuals attempted to reconcile new ideas and models orig inating from the West" (Hwang , 2000, I). During this period, Ko rean philosophers sought to interpret the ancieot idea of k11kka, meaning country or stare, with t he modern concept of sovereignry. As foreig n relarions encouraged new ideas and opportunities, with the situation awakening "the then slum bering community of Buddhism .as wd l" Uae-ryuug. 1999, 25), interprerarions e merged with two meanings: one mai ntaining that it constituted a collective people, the other equating it with rhe ruling authority of rhe elites (Hwang. 2000) .. 'Liberal' interpretations soughr to challenge the rraditional think­ ing, reflecting Buddhism. Buddhism upheld a belief in the equity of the coUective bm not entirely a democratic equality in the W estern sense (see Arneson. 2002). The identification of k"kka with the ruling political power of the nobility reflects Confucianism . The debates thus reveal differences correspond ing to disputes over sovereig nt y between John Locke and Thomas Hobbes in Western thought. t\s scholars sought to reconcile k11kka with W estern polit ical philosophy, given t he posit ive right of Buddhisr liberation philosophy (norwirhsran

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of Taiwan, Japan cook possession of rhe Korean peninsula in order to conr;nue wirh its imperialisric expansion. While claims maintain the legality of rhe annexarion, others :ugue chat the Japanese forced rhe signing of rrcac,cs after chcir military surrounded the .Kyongun · gung palace (Tac-Jin, 1996). focused primarily on its increased power and influence in European foreign affairs, the United States found itself in a weak position w achieve it~ interests ii\ th1: [i,u Ca$l, d1u,, Pn:sidenr Theodore Roosevelr "placaced the Japanese by recog nizing their hegemony over Korea and Formosa" (Chambers, 2000, 209-210). In doing so, Japan renounced any interest in che Philippines and appeased US relarions in China. Both the Americans and British failed co undersrand the conrext of che incursion. Korean appeals, even given their rreary with rhe US, faltered without recognition of legitimate sovereignry. The lase acc empts ar reforming rhe late Choson D ynasty into a so'lereign nation, under rhc pressures of foreign powers. fa iled. As Western influences began to affect the Korean realicy, absen t a syscem of checks and balances on power, a S)' nthesis of thr divergenr trnditions lingered in poli tic.ti theory without mechanisms ro manage po l11ical differences. The history of an<:iem 10 early modern Korean socH:ty cnJs w1th Japanese imperialism. Korea rc:ma1ned under J apan's imperial rule until the end of rht SeconJ \Xtocld War. Throughout W\X/11, support for Korean independence surfaced with the belie( 1ha1 it would check further Japan

III. THE MODERN SOVEREIGN STRUGG LE

While che la1e nineceench cencury promised a potential exchange of posirive ideation, the interventions obscured the Korean . Imperialism weakened Korean legfrimacy as a sovereign narion. Then. Western powers initiated designs

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access KENNETH M . 8 URK C 41 for the peninsula before WWII ended. When the Cairo Declaration of 1943 sought co gram sovereignry and independence for former European colonies of the Imperial Age before the War (see Philpott, 1997), it a lso established the legal framework for Korea's independenct>. The Declararion aimed to restore governance co the Korean people "i n due course:· Instead, without Korean repre­ sc:nt ation, the 1945 Yak a Agreement between che US and Soviet Union designed an agrt.-emem ro put Kurea u11J1:r foreign trusteeship. The Soviet Union prc-viously played only a minor rok tn the Paci lie. Y alrn served 10 gain support from the Russians in the final phases of WWII. Before Yalta, dt frmo Korean administrations emerged in the North and South, but sovereignry would not pass from Japanese control 10 the Koreans following che War. Although assistance in che war effort from the USSR ultimately proved unnecessary (because the Americans secured another means for ending the W ar), both the US and Sov1ec Union occupied che peninsula afrl.'r Japanese surrender. The course of events thereafter remains complex. Nonetheless, non-zero-sum interes ts dominated as the coalitions dcmonstr.ited ro be unsustainable and led to decrimcmal ourcomcs. Waking from colonialism. the tensions from foreign 1nccrvenuon sinle before the wars proved scn,nuous. not unlike chose influences thal brought forth unificauon at the c1m<: of the Silla Kingdom: but the Korean people WOL1 ld nor achieve sovereign unity. The onset or Cold War strategy s:1crificed unification. Foreign governments failed to assist the esrabltshmenr of sovereign rule for a united people.

I. lfle.1ter11 Orcupntio11 a n d the De Fneto Go11er11me11 ts

/\s w;Jf ended , with chi.: Japanese alcepting urKonditional surrender, the Soviets US cnmed Pyongyang 10 set up :i military government in while forces arrived and established the United Scares Military Government in Korea (USMG IK) in (Buzo, 2006). The respecrive leaders of the de f,mo governments rhat emerged were Kim IL Sung and Syngm:in Rhee. Sung served as communisr leader against Japan ,inc.I lived in Russia at the end of W\'<11. o For involvement tn the resistance, che Japanese also exiled Rhee, who fled c the US w here he earned degrees from George W ashington University, Harvard, and a Ph.D . in international l aw from Princeton; two facrions t hat claimed co be the exiled government of Korea, one in China and the ocher in the US, identified Rhee as thei r l eader (Joungwon, 1997). US officials, after changing d1e1r position of neutrality, also supported Rhee, believing he ··was the right person to receive US support in Korea·· (Lee. 2006. 49). T he occupation, che emergence of these leaders, and subsequenc events divided the political culture in ways un known since before the Yi Dyn as ty. Already, with the sacrifice or its social foundauons. rhe pasr resurfaced with Korean national sovereignty undermined.

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When the tk fa{{() governments clashed with the provmonal m1l1tary adm,n­ ismuions rhar supported and worked against them, a range of evenrs polarized chc Nonh and Sourh. The srrntegoc :ind adminisrr:tcive p:irtitioning of Korea "was seldom if ever mentioned in the warume discussions" (Simmons, 1995, 156); suit, in the tug-of-war wirh a myriad of internal anJ external factors, rhe occupying powers allied for unity only inasmuch as it sarisfted thei r narional interests. lllusrrating rhc obscuricy anJ "vftc:u c:pht"meral nnture of much World War II and early Cold War diplomacy," rhc two amagonisuc Korcas emerged from the mirrors of their resp<.-crive sponsors {Buzo. 2006, 67-68). Many quesuons remain over rhe division;3 nevertheless, scholars generally attribute the foreign interventions and uneven patterns of development as the key causes. The occupiers of che peninsula attempted co correct the s,cuarion. but poluics had already divided into a non-zero-sum game. South Korean Pr esident Syngman Rhee 11948- 1960) J,J aim r,> csrabltsh .i governing strucrnrc patterned after thar of the: Un11e

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2. "I"he SrJ1Je1·eign Split Drawn ,,,, the Mfl/J

Bcrween 19'18 and 1950, ancagonisms escalated wirh "inflammatory rhetoric, subversion, 1nsurrcccion. and guerilla warfare" (Buzo, 2006, 141). The Sourh began co become viewed as tyrannous and sustained only by subjugation and US .1 id; peasant uprisings and clashes along the 38'h parallel frequently upset 1 rhe N orch (Simmon~. 2005). Eventually, chc Korean \'< :u (1950-195}) began ;ind cemented the country's divisions. For the Kore.1n people, in addition co the political and economic consequences, the separation resulted in enormous social and cu.ltural sacrifices. le reinforced the sovereign legitimacy of each govern­ ment as its escalation was catalyst tn Cold \X/ar tensions between the US and the Soviet Union. The war did not end in a treaty and the sovereign borders drnwn remain today. The dullcngcs w sovere,gmy from early Korean politkal culture throughout the Enlightenmcnc cu the turn of the cemury still linger. Weakly regulated. the corrupt Rhee government struggled and then collapsed by rhe 1960s. The :u 1empts co introduce a second republic "illus1rated dramatically chose aspects ut Korean pol1tK,il bch:w1or 1nherued from the traJirion,d era whid, most nc-cd al1cr.1t1on bclore an c:lfn11ve

IV. KOREAN SOVEREIGNTY FOLLOWING THE WAR

\'Cid, the cwo governments recognized as separate sovereign nacions. Korea thro ughout the twentieth cenrury endures in a cycle with the same barriers

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co governance that the peninsula has known since antiquity. The dilemmas are not particular ro the Korean ; they do illustrate central tensions. With sovereignty split. each supported by ColJ War rivals. the Ko reas illustrate ditrerenriared aspens of the cleavages with Confucian govc-rnancc or the Hobbesian dilemma. Including the problems of protectionism, rhc- correlations also reflect upon rhe Mongolian influence in rhe region's political culture. The Hobbesian dilemma refers tO rhe paradoxes of sovcreigmy first noted by the political rhinker Hobbes, w hose "disturbingly pessimistic view of human nature" led rhe philosopher ro employ a scricr deductive merhod wich a mechanistic view of mind and nature from the individual in society co governmenr. perceived as a science based on power (Bauigelli, L998, 40-55). Hobbes emphasized rhe need for a srrong, srace-cenceredl system wirh rhc aim of maximizing political power to maincain order and security in a natural, anarchic international system with nn higher power or aurhoncy. Co nfucia nism ar irs origi ns , w hile strictly hierarchirnl at irs core. diJ repudiate Mongolia n hegemony based on milirary fo rce. wh ich ir viewed as barbaric; however, followi ng che Mongols, it emphasized a strong legal :lurhoriry and milit;try prowess LO coerce a n

} . The Hobbesian Dilemma: North Korea

In terms of Korean political h isrory. even more chan the Park government has noted. North Korea likens co a resurgence of the Ch ' oe solution co the sovereign dilemma. and a radical, socialise resurgence at char. Bu ilding mil itary relations through bureaucratic insciwtions, Ch ' oe repudiated the cultural founda­ tions co governance during Silla :tnd Koryo in much rhe same way Norch Korea remains at odds with che South.. Nonecheless, with Confucianism ingrained in Korean society, Mongolian influences and predicaments persist with severe hazards. As the US did for the Souch, the Soviet Union provided che North Korean

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access K ~NN~TH M . BURKE 45 scare wich policical and economic support. The Soviets certainly affected Ease Germany more chan North Korea, as Pyongyang held close cies with China and rclarions become complicated inro che 1960s wich che Sino-Soviet split; buc rhe North lost a valuable ally as the Cold War ended. When the USSR collapsed, chc North confronred problems with its political and economic policies as it "could no longer pay for its needs for food, raw materials ... (and) advanced capical equipment and military hardware:" (Bu:w 2006, l 49). With the changing currents, chc sovereign nation soon found itself ac odds with the rapidly transforming politics and economy of the international system. Remarkably, the Norch survived che collapse of the Soviet Union. However, in the post-Cold War environment, che order che scare claims co create sustains icself through psychological conrrols a nd behavioral conditioning. Believing to act in rational interests of organization, the "coercive power ac hand the state is not only a source of procenion of rhe population; ir is also a source of chrear" (Sorensen 1986, 903). The endgame chus results in "predatory, oppressive scares chat are a danger co world order" (Keohane, 2002. 11 ). as in the case of North Korea's threar ro g lobal securiry. In an anarchic international order rivaled by competing organizarional imeresrs, the cribularions of power and rhe Hobbesian dilemma remain as Pyongi•ang srrcngrhens ns ties w,ch China. The predicamenc lingers with che facr char while "it mighr be possible momcn­ carily co esrablish an orderly social aggregate," hegemonic consolidarion of power lacks sustainability (Keohane. 2002, 278). Moreover, "soph,sricated advocares of republican liberalism, such as Kane. acknowledge rhac even wcll-constirnted republics can be warlike"; the historical solucion ro Hobbes's dilemma, "at the internal level." has been consricuciomd government :ind "reliable representative institutions. with chc(ks on the puw<: r of rulers" (Keoh:rnc, 2002. 68). Power balancmg-failing to be realized during che Korean Enlighcenmenc, not fully instituting themselves in rhe South unril rhe lace 1990s, and lacking in incemational political and economic organization-gave conservarive thinkers of the Western En lighcenmenc eonficlencc in democraric governance. The radical bearing of rhe Nortlh Korean government does remain at difference co South Korea following che Korean War, bur obstacles in clhe Souch cercainl)' prove to be relevant. While the Non:h illustrates the dangers of che Hobbesian , che pose-war Sourh also reveals another aspecc of che dilemma. Souch Korea provides evidence of che economic predicament of protectionism in governance.

2. The Protectionist Economy of the South

The historical record illustrnres rhat state cencrism and proceccionism from interactions, as inaction itself becomes an interaction, results in economic barriers for the domestic scare. For Sourh Korea, sustainability again faltered due in part to the policies chat earned cht- peninsula's reputation for known

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as chc ' Hermie Kingdom· from t he time of rhc Yi Dynasty. Hence, it likewise faced challenges ro suscainabilicy on the economic side of the paradox. Again, chc Park adminiscracion illustrates the social and policicaJ obsrades of the buceau­ craric dynasty for development. Jn the Sourh, Park maintained char he achieved the val ues of Korean democracy char scholars soughr co advance and theorize chroughouc che Enlighcenmem period. Lnstead, like Rhee, policies reflected gover­ nance comparable co chac of antiquity hcfor,. ~n

V. ECONOMIC D ILEMMAS W ITH GLOBALISM

South Korean policymakers bel ,eved nationalist, regulatory, anc.1 scare driven economic policies to be ineffective in a complex g lobal economy. Thus, based on faith in market efficiency, the new "replaced rhe old gover:nmenc-Jriven development policies"; Korea opened its markets, joining rhe WTO and che OECD, accepting globalism as ics "leading governing ideology ... in which

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access 47 globalizacion and liberalization supersede rnacional boundaries" (Kim and Hong, 2001, 78-79). The reforms brought rhe country respectable success and recognition. Aided by technology, che global economic driver, South Korea quickly globalized as the country boasted high literacy riites and high percentages of homes wich access co in formation, produces and services thac gave consumers purchasing power. The successes are reminiscent of trade practices under che Silla and policies in srncecrnft with Buddhism chat broug ht unprecedented prosperity ro Koryo wi th its norcd, "business acumen and diversified commercial advcnrurcs" (Joe and Choe, 1997, 166). The historical and modern illuscrace the complex issues entangled in rhe dynamics of sovere.ignty. The developmental policies gave the South Korean economy the status of being one among the Ease Asian Tigers rhat lifted themselves from the Third World co become che world's scrongesc newly industrialized nations-scares. Reforms. acrnally underway since tht> 1970s. appecar co be rhe catalyse of their recent achic:ve mcnts. Howcv<: r. nor und l th<: rurn of rhe twenty first cenrnry with che newly elected president, Kim Dae-jung (1 998-2003), did che policies encourage increased democracoz,tnon (Goldstein, 2004). Rather than General Park's claims, Kim Dae Jung began w achic-vt· what scholars o( 1hc Korean Enlighcenmc:-nt and Rhee l:tter aimed to ,1ccomplish. As with rhe choughc of Kim Ok- Kyung, P.tk Eun-Shik and ochers rhroughouc rhe nineteenth cenrury chat concesccd rhe Confucian feudalistic modd of government co "establish freedom and auronomy fo r all Korean peoplt>" (Minhong. 1978, 227), cconorni t" libcntlism today challenges the Confucian m indset and procccciunisrn advocated by previous d)•nasries and chc miJjtacy governments. Moreover. unlike earlier attempts ac reform, the recent South Korean liberal reforms broug ht greater respect for human rights and humanirnrianism; ,is excmplifi"J by Kim D a<:-jung's Sunshine Policy coward th<: Norrh and the pro-human rights legislation passed ro ensure an effective democracy. The economic policies often serve as a cheorecical justification of globalization, neoliberal and insciturional claims for internationalism. From che critique of milicary force and hegemonit" power. liberal theories maiorain trade and organ­ i~ations aeate shared values for collective action and solve che internal dilemmas of mercancilism and che Hobbcsian scare of nature (see Pease, 2009). Liberalism holds the belief chat liberal economies support democracy and rights; that, with che ioscirucions co support chem, scracegies like those employed in Korea involve a zero-sum game char promote prosperity and peace. However, as wich ancient influences chat incerpreced che Buddhist of social equality and the belief rhar commercialism supports such vi rtues, the outcome is che problem of openness in the domestic sphere. N eolibcralism harbors social and ecological consequences: "repression has disenfrant"hised the middle classes, has alienaced che poor from its ·economic miracle' built on their backs, and has caused a collapse of rhe ag ricultural sector and environmental degradation

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access 48 Kanan Swtrtiglll)' chat chokes off fimhcr growch" (Hoogvclc, 1997, 214). While che success refleets chose of orher regional councries, che uphill cask of lifting populations above subsisrence levels proves ro be a h arsh proces5 of development wich problems of elirism screeching across regional boundaries (Hoogvelc, 1997). Jn che same wai• chac the exclusivicy of Buddhism clisenchanrcd the perceived values of commer­ cialism and free crade rhroughouc earlier epochs, neoliberalism and globalism s.-icdficcs criticnl issues. While che cas<.- of South Korea provides some evidence for the- claim chat economic liberalizacion supporcs democrarizacion and human rights, it would be fallacious co believe chat rhe ends justify the means. There remains much 10 be seen from che example of Korean development. Furthermore, South Korea -as well as che ocher successes with globalism, including che fifch tiger Ire land -beneficed from a stronger scare d riven economy rhan commonly recognized, which complicates ecMomic relations. Much the s:tme as policies advocated during Koryo and Silla, equally where histvnans confront the cask of advanong an investigation of stare interventionism during these eras (Kim 2004). here are che philosophical complexities at imersections berween policies and economics then anJ now. Even

I. The Asit111 Fi11a11rial Crisis

\Xlhen che 1997 Asian Financial Crisis hit. Korc;i w;is ;imong chose m1cio ns ch at experienced fi rsthand t he economic, social, and political consequences (Ha and Kim , 2007). It became one of "'rhe grearcst shocks rhe region and che world's economic and business systems had ever experienced"' (Yip, 2000, 375), compared to the consequences of laissez-faire economics with the worldwide depres­ sion chat followed 1he first of the rwo World Wars. With some believing char ir creaced a "social dislocation comparable to war,"" ir scands as a disascer second only to rhc Korean War (Ha and Kim, 2007, 60). The outcomes of che Asian Financial Crisis serve as a sobering critique of g lobalism and rhe institutions chat aim co support it. In November of 1997, che lncernarional Monetary Fund (IMF) rnok concrol of the Souch Korean economy as economic officials mandated open markers for trade and investment. By the end of 1997, Korea devalued its currency

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access K~NNHH M . BURK~ 49 by 20 percent, irs stock markers were collapsing, and its banks became "saddled in $50 billion in bad loans based on cronyism .. (Goldstein, 2004, 472). When che IMF intervened, nationalises called the day that they accepted the agre-ement a 'Day of National Humilia1ion' (Kim and Hong, 2001), resurfacing memories of the colonial past and inte(Ventions polluted by the same sacrifices chat Korea experienced throughout history. The Korean people did not welcome globalization before th<.- collapse~ now, liberalization seemed even more imposed by an organization chac many belii:v<: negatively propels globalization through "massive privatization, deregulation, acceleration of international trade and capital transfer, the promotion of mergers and acquisitions, and fi nally the enhancement of economic interdependence around the world .. (Kim and Hong, 2001, 90). Interventions pushed the government ro reduce the "many restriccive regulations that impede achieving international competitiveness .. (Yip, 2000, 81) as the IMF and World Bank insisted on openness from the economy and the people fe lt the burden of the consequences. G lobalization reflects equivalent fore-cs tha1 historically challenged Korean sovereignty. The same economic coniliccs arose from ancient trade relarions between China and Japan. Each gained 1hc policical power to coerce non-zero-sum economic (Onditions. During Silla, fore ig n trade in rime became "ovcrsha

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"favors greater openness and the institutions needed ro assure openness" (Keohane 2002, 10), but its practice remains complicated where there remains a need co address the domestic nnd interMtional complexities or sovereignty.

VI. CONCLUSJON

Korea concioues to face dilt·mmas chat throughout his1ory concern critical dcbarcs in poli1 ical and economic philosophy, thus facing the need c o reconcile cwo incompatible theories of soverc1gmy. One tradition 1s of protectionism and nanona.lism chat risks economic and political collapse, while chc other erodes and sacrifices national sovereig nry. The debates over sovereigmy reflect the same in the Wesc, which, at a tim e of increased international interactions, need be understood and solved through new ways of thinking and perceiving. The l,m,c" of a susrajnable civil society .ind sovereign govern.mce bascd on Confucianism prove evident III che hmory of Korea. In ~omparative analysis, rhe underlyin g assumptions of its . as mllucnccd by Mongolian thought, rdatc-s co the w.,sccrn dilemmas of protcuionism .,nd politK.tl rc-ahsm. From wh1d1, rhe Souch c,une 10 f.u:e ch <: 1nc,·i1.1hlc, dcc,dt·m.:<.: uf' pmtt·ttt0nism whde che radJCa l North emerged .IS a cluear co th<' inccmanonal system. The merLa1111l1sm or du : South Kor<'an c,onomy-rhc trnd11ional ' Korean-way' to devel ­ opm<; nt-n. As s uch. it 1s not surprising char "debates abouc openness often .. · divide che cradirional right as well as chc 1radi11vn,d ltfc" (Keohane 2002. 11 ) The results w11h tn~rc.,sed glob:ilism Mc rens,ons be1wccn st:tt" :ind n1:1rkcc and cmblcmac,~ obstacles ro nacional sovereignty from tnCr<'ased libemlizacion. The- consequences compare 10 those of Korean antiquity, resulting in self-fulfilling cycles ro rhe exccnc chat there remains t he need for new rhcorec1cal lenses in order co advance beyond chem. With some irony, as neoliberalism aims co prob­ lem-solve chc pr otcccionist Korean economy in the same way that developed countries seek al ternatives co scace-cenrered policies, equivalent issues wirh rhc inequities resulting from interpretacions or Buddhism became che very reason ic lose prestige and influence in K orea. However, power political relations-as forthcoming with China's rise in military and economic power-do noc resolve che lack of efficient institutions in relations. Reliable solutions need be sought in orde r to develop and expand knowledge or the way in whkh social inccraccions affecc sovereignty through new ways of seeing. perceiving, and respecting the traditions of rhe past. Today, for example, Buddhism seeks a pach ac difference 10 cheir fonner entangle­ mencs wich policies and economics and focuses concerns on "providing economic

Downloaded from Brill.com10/09/2021 08:20:24AM via free access K£NN[TII M . 8 URK~ 51 relief for the poor in seeking internarional understanding, interreligious colloquia and peace·· (Carter. 1997. 368). Encouraging debate over the interpretations and conclusions drawn in rhc current research, furrher research need concern irself with a conunucd examination of the influences from each tradition. The holistic casc-wirhm-case and tnterd,sciplinary analysis of Korean history and i1s culcural devel opments, alongside the epistcmologies and assumptions of Eastern ,rnd W estern uadidons, offers a foundation from which deb:1te and more in-depth di­ studies m,ght develop. 1 either divergent philosophy dependably solves the lemmas that result from each: bur, from rhe sameness and differences becween them, East and West can attain epistemological unity. Through this, Korea's sovereign idcncity need not be lost m che kaleidoscope of g lobalism, but the sum of the history d()(:s lead one ro recognize the need to consider a rethinkmg of the roles of the tiger and chc bear in the ancient Korean myth.

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ENDNOTES

G,suh psygy ~., Ash (200)1 for ;a ha$tOt')' and .a.nilys1s o( 1hc suent.<' uf Gesr.th :, Behow1or1so1 10 the Wes\, spcc 1firnlly 1n tlu.: \Jn11c:d Statt>S, inst1rn1iun,ll11t,I chrvu,;hou1 Lht' cu m of the cwcn11c1h u:ruury ~s bchav1or.1l s,hools of psy4,.hology rt'lxnct1sm a nd r,rovcs a ,,aJuablc rc{crcncc on W estcrn psycholo1-n ~ Each proviJing ut1. 1lysis uf 1hc: <•vcnrs. Juungwon ufTers dc.-t:uJ on rhC"

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