A Study of the Articulation and Perception of Shiv Sena's Ideology

THE APPEAL OF NAT1VISM : A STUDY OF THE ARTICULATION AND PERCEPTION OF SHIV SENA'S IDEOLOGY

DIPANKAR GUPTA

Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

The Shiv Sena (literally), the army of Shivaji) movement was initiated formally and in an organised manner on the 19th of June 1966 in Bombay. However prior to this, Bal Thackeray, the Shiv Sena chief, had already popularised in the pages of his journal Marmik (later to become the Shiv Sena mouthpiece) most of the ideas which the Shiv Sena was to later explicitly embrace. The Shiv Sena movement used nativism as its basic ideological plank, and demanded that as Bombay was the capital of Maharashtra, Maharashtrians should be given opportunity to make the most of what their capital city had to offer them; or to be more specific 80 percent of all jobs and economic opportunities should be reserved for Maharashtrians in Bombay. For the Shiv Sena believed that Maharashtrians were discriminated against in the capital of their own State, while migrants from other states, especially from South India, were cornering most of the jobs and economic opportunities in the city. This paper is devoted primarily to an examination of how exactly this nativist appeal in the Shiv Sena's ideology was articulated within a coherent ideological framework which in turn won over and motivated such a phenomenal number of adherents as soon as it was formed. Till 1974, it may be recalled, the Shiv Sena was the single largest party after the Congress in the Bombay Municipal Corporation, and easily the most "visible" organization in this Metropolis. Though its popularity has now waned somewhat, it is by no means non-existent. But rarely, if ever, is the ideology of a movement or its popularity, based on a single item. In the case of the Shiv Sena, though Vol. 29, No. 2, September 1980 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN 108 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN the nativist element formed the core of its ideological structure, it incorporated other issues as well, and provided a scale of values to its partisans, by drawing upon diverse sources of social and political activity, which eventually reinforced its principal ideological thrust. In the following pages we shall try to elaborate on these other issues, and also on how they were utilised to lend cogency to the particular brand of nativism fostered by the Shiv Sena. A study of the ideological firmament of the Shiv Sena necessarily also impels us to examine what elements in this ideology motivated the Shiv Sainiks, or in other words, the nature of ideological perception among the members of this organisation. This might throw some light on the dynamics of ideological formation, and on how the ideology of a movement under- goes mutations in order to expand, broaden and consolidate its support structure.

1. The Perspective Ideology, according to the Oxford University Dictionary is "the manner of thinking characteristic of a class or an individual." The analysis of ideology is an essential and integral component of sociological study of movements. There is a general consensus among sociologists that a movement owes much of its distinctiveness and character to its ideology. The ideology of a movement is vital for it postulates the platforms and the goals of the movement, mobilizes the people into action and provides "a cognitive map of expectations and a hierarchy of values in which standards and imperatives are proclaimed" (Wilson 1973:91-92). Therefore, the internal structure and character of ideology also assumes importance. It was Mannheim who made explicit the fact that "a class of individual may express a range of ideas which phe- nomenally appear to be diverse, yet noumenally have a unity in an underlying spiritual matrix" (Schurmann 1968:18). E. Shils in a more recent treatment brings up the same point when he writes, "(Ideologies) are interpreted around one of a few preeminent values, such as salvation, quality or ethnic purity" (Shils 1968: 66). But as Schurmann rightly observes, organisations are different from "classes and individuals in that they are products of conscious creation therefore the unity cannot be in an underlying spiritual THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 109 matrix but in a conscious conception of unity" (Schurmann 1968: 18). Schumann's opinion is important therefore in the study of organizational ideologies as exhibited in movements and political parties. He views organizational ideology as a "systematic set of ideas with action consequences serving the purpose of creating and using organisations" (Ibid). The ideology of an organisation therefore "is the manner of thinking characteristic of an organisation" (Ibid), wherein the link between ideas and action is indirect. Schurmann further distinguishes the two components of ideology. One is pure ideology (or theory or Weltenschaung - the preeminent values' of Shils quoted above) and the other is 'practical ideology' (or thought). The pure ideology or Weltenschaung "states values, moral and ethnical conceptions about right and wrong. The ideas of practical ideology state norms: rules which prescribes behaviour and thus are expected to have direct action consequences" (Ibid: 38-39; emphasis added). Keeping the above view in mind, we may consider the Shiv Sena ideology in the following scheme: (i) The Weltenschaung or the world view; (ii) practical ideology -its structure and evaluation. But while doing so it is necessary also to examine (iii) the perception of this ideology among the Shiv Sainiks. This will give us an idea of the various elements in the Shiv Sena's ideological and organisational structures which appeal to the partisans of this movement, and how much importance each element has in winning sympathizers to its fold. From this, we believe, some interesting conclusions may emerge. Therefore, the last section of this paper will be devoted to such an exercise..

2. The World View The Weltenschaung of the Shiv Sena, its view of the world, that which finds variegated expression in its practical ideology is not a well thought out and closely knit structure. Shivaji's life and legend, however, serve as major points of reference in the world view of the Shiv Sena, and accordingly it may be arranged around the following categories. 110 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

2.1 Idolization of Shivaji Shivaji is the legendary hero of the Shiv Sena. His daring exploits and the traditional myths built around his life as a consequence serve to justify much of Shiv Sena's practical ideology. The popular conceptions of Shivaji's views and of his values find their way with unfailing regularity in every issue of the Marmik to lend legitimacy to its hortatory and pragmatic proclamations. Shivaji's exploits and the might of the Maratha Empire convincingly buttress the Shiv Sena's belief in the greatness of Maharashtrian culture and of Hinduism both of which it lavishly eulogises. According to Bal Thackeray, "whenever I am undecided I think of how Shivaji would have looked at the problem, what would be his opinion and how he would act. Only then I am able to come out with a clear decision" (Personal Interview).

2.2 Patriotism Man's supreme duty is towards his nation. Any infringement of this basic duty is an anathema to Bal Thackeray and to the Shiv Sena. No other country or power should take precedence over one's own (Marmik: 17.9.68)2 One should be proud of one's culture and tradition and serve to make it stronger. Then fore, in the view of the Shiv Sena to be a good Hindu is to be a good patriot. Pro-Hinduism is equated with patriotism (Marmik: 21.3.69). 2.3 Justice The Shiv Sena believes that true justice can be rendered if every one is treated equally, and that one should not bite the hand that feeds one (Marmik: 17.1.67). One should also get one's just reward and there should be no distinction based on caste. Bal Thackeray disagrees with the caste system (Marmik: 21.3.67), which he feels is an unjust institution. There should be no exploitation of one man by another or of one state by another. All states should get equal privileges. But if one is exploited by another, and if activities are indulged in, which corrode the foundation of society, then one must fight against them, and pay the wrong doers in their own coin (Marmik: 17.7.66). One must not be hesitant in using violence and extreme punitive measures to aid a just cause (Marmik: 19.8.66). THE APPEAL OF NAT1VISM 111

2.4 Conception of Man According to Bal Thackeray ''man cannot live on bread alone" (Marmik: 19.8.66). He must be given full spiritual and aesthetic freedom and no curbs should be placed on him. As long as he is caged he can never be happy nor will be able to realise his full potential. Bal Thackeray believes that his own experience as an artist brought this realization to him (Marmik: 17.1.67; see also Nossiter 1974: 25). Though he believes that any structure which cur bs the basic liberty of man is morally improper, he does not advocate anarchism for he believes that this liberty should not be wantonly misused to weaken the foundations of the nation and of society (Marmik. 17.1.67). The above is a brief statement of the world view or 'Weltenschaung' of the Shiv Sena which provides the "moral and ethical conceptions of right and wrong." In the following sections we shall examine how this is reflected in the practical ideology of the Shiv Sena. Practical ideology focuses on issues and events and thereby determines the scope of the movement (or organisation) and the Weltenschaung guides and justifies the stand it takes in various in- stances. Practical ideology explicitly propounds the goals or the cause of the movement and has therefore "direct action consequences".

3. Practical Ideology and its Structure The primary category of the practical ideology of the Shiv Sena is regarding the position of Maharashtrians in Bombay. Besides this core category i.e. deprivation of Maharashtrians in Bombay, there are a few other important categories: (a) Anti-South Indian and other non-Maharashtrians. (b) Against other political parties in cluding the Congress. (c) Anti-Communist, (Russia and China.) (d) Pro-Hindu and against other religions. (c) Pro-dictatorial and autocratic. We shall trace the origins of the primary categories of the Shiv Sena's practical ideology to the pre-Shiv Sena days through the pages of the Marmik. This will show how the Shiv Sena ideology is in many ways a continuation of Bal Thackeray's views which he propounded 112 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN in the Marmik and will also give us an estimate of the enormous influence he exercises over the Shiv Sena organisation. We shall trace the development of all the major categories from 1964 - a good two years ahead of the formation of the Shiv Sena.

3.1 Maharashtrianism Thackeray's pro-Maharashtrian sentiments in the years 1964-1965 were manifest mainly on the issue of Goa's merger with Maharashtra and the Maharashtra-Mysore border issue. (The problems as it stands now in the form of the Shiv Sena's concentration on Maharashtrians in Bombay was not on his mind those days). Of the two, Goa received more attention, probably because Bandodkar's Gomantak Party (another soft spot of Thackeray's) was in power. One of the main demands of the Gomantak Party was the merger of Goa with Maharashtra. The victory of the party should have warranted this according to Thackeray. Nehru's opposition to the demand was condemned even when Vinoba Bhave requested him of it (Marmik: 22.1.64). By 1965 the second issue became an important point for the Marmik and ministers were slandered and the Government blamed for not solving the issue. Chavan a leader of Maharashtra was glorified as against Nijalingappa and Hanumanthiya - Karnatak leaders - with the aid of a Marathi proverb which read: "The Elephant walks his own way while the stupid dogs bark". Chavan was portrayed as the elephant and Nijalingappa and Hanumanthaiya as the dogs (Marmik: 1.8.65). So far there had been no emphasis on the plight of Maharashtrians in Bombay. On 23 August 1964 an article appeared on the declining social status and employment opportunities for Maharashtrians in Bombay. The contributor argued that Maharashtrians were being oppressed by outsiders, mainly the South Indians, both in the economic and cultural spheres. {Marmik:23.8.64). Even a week before this article appeared, this sentiment had not occurred t o Thackeray. In its 16th August Independence Day Issue the Marmik resolution on Independence Day depicted the Marmik as a child (rather robust, though!) who was whipping the Portuguese, the irresponsible political leaders, pro-Portuguese Goans, Muslims, communists and hoarders THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 113

(Marmik: 16.8.64). It was not till a year later however that this view began taking shape in Thackeray's mind. First, there appeared a list of non-Ma harashtrians in offices of the Shipping Corporation of India, the Indian Railways and the like (Marmik: 1.8.65). Those lists revealed that the number of Maharashtrians were hardly one or two percent of the total number employed. Such lists continued to appear for over a year. These lists of non-Maharashtrian workers kept appearing, with the State Government or private firms sharing the ignominy of employing an overwhelming number of non-Maharashtrians. They appeared under the caption "Vacha Ani Thand Basa" (Read and Keep Quiet) to heighten the feeling of impotency of the Maharashtrians in Bombay. But after the Shiv Sena emerged and with the publication of the list of employees in Rallis Woolfe Company Thackeray changed the title to "Vacha Ani Utha" (Read and Get Up) {Marmik: 9.7.67). Many Shiv Sainiks have said that the effect of this change in the title had a dynamic effect on them, and moved them to action. A column called "Amchi Vyatha Tumchi Katha" soon started appearing in the Marmik. This column dealt specifically with the plight of Maharashtrians in Bombay {Marmik:29.8.65). Gradually the view developed that "Upreyes" (outsiders) were snatching all the jobs in Bombay and some corruption was afoot in the employment exchange offices (Marmik: 17.10.65). These articles brought in a spate of letters of readers on this issue. The readers were enjoying it, and Thackeray offered them more. A letter condemning the Lungiwallahs (South Indians) appeared on 29th August 1965 and by 5th December 1965 Thackeray was more than convinced that Article 19 A of the Constitution was being used as a garb for robbing the sons of the soil; and observed that while people came from Andhra, their rice did not come with them. The feeling that Maharashtrians were being oppressed by the outsiders and that the Government was also neglecting them irked his readers, and they responded warmly. This two way affair, the encourage ment from the readers to the incitement of Thackeray kept building up till it convinced Thackeray in May 1966 that an organiza tion called the Shiv Sena should be formed to look after the 114 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN interests of the Marathi speaking people in Bombay. Those who were interested could join this organisation which would began on 19th June 1966, with a public meeting at Naigaum, which was addressed by Thackeray. Thackeray published an interview of his with a reporter soon after the Shiv Sena started. In this interview Thackeray answered a few pertinent questions. When asked what he expected of the Government, he replied: "I don't believe that the Congress should be destroyed, but we want 80% jobs for Maharashtrians. The employment exchange should be reorganised. The policy of B. C. Roy3 should be followed. Further, all beggars and goondas who are non-Marathis should be exiled from Bombay and sent back to their states, and the local police should see that no huts are built and if any case of boot-legging and corruption is detected it should not be left to thrive. All 'Jhonparpattis' (slums) should be destroyed, and Maharashtrians should have a samaj (association) to give them loans like the South Indians have.4 Any injustice against a Maharashtrian employee should not be tolerated and the Government should be responsible for this. In the railway stations of Maharashtra all signboards should be written in the language of the state (i.e. Marathi), like it is done in Bengal and Madras. The municipality should ban hawkers and while appointing conductors of buses only Marathis should be chosen. The Government of Maharashtra should decree that only those who know Marathi should be given jobs. The Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee (BPCC) should be banned and there should be only one Pradesh Congress Committee, as BPCC has no locus standii and is full of non-Maha-rashtrians. For announcements over All India Radio (AIR) Bombay the telecaster should say in Marathi: 'Amhi Mumbai Akashvani Varun Bolat Ahot' and not as they do now in Hindi 'Yeh Bombay Hai'. All departments should have their pamphlets printed in Bombay if they are to be circulated here. They should not be printed in Madras. And lastly if Maharashtra is not strong India will be weak", (Marmik: 17.7.66). THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 115

This shows that the Shiv Sainiks felt that Maharashtrians were being deprived of employment by outsiders. In order to compete successfully with the non-Maharashtrian 'upreyas' (outsiders) in the job market Bal Thackeray urged Maharashtrians to learn English and stenotyping (Marmik: 20.8.67). He also eulogized successful Maharashtrian businessmen such as Garware and Kirloskar as models worthy of emulation. To this effect Thackeray started a column in the Marmik entitled "Udyogi Maharashtra" in 1967. The harassment and disadvantages the Maharashtrians faced in Bombay and in Maharashtra were made explicit by Thackeray in a variety of situations. He also contrived to project the feeling that the Maharashtrians were being persecuted by other linguistic communit ies in India. The injustice of the situation was heightened by recalling the days, before India attained her independence, when the Maharashtrians were in the forefront of the Independence movement (Marmik: 19.3.67). The case of differing rates of sugar procurement in which Maharashtra ranked below Kerala at Rs. 57 as compared to Rs. 63 revealed once again, according to Thackeray's reasoning, the fact that the Maharashtrians were being ill-treated even in the case of sugar of which Maharashtra was one of the top producers. This report was catchily entitled in the Marmik as the "Bitter story of Sweet Sugar" (God Sakhrechi Kadu Kahani) (Marmik: 19.3.6). Newspaper cuttings showing parochialism in other states of South India where jobs and housing are given on a regional basis, appeared in the Marmik, justifying Shiv Sena's demand that 80 percent jobs must go to Maharashtrians, sons of the soil. A slight panic was created by passing around an apocryphal news item in the Marmik on 23 March 1967 that the Trombay unit was being shifted to Madras. Not only were the Maharashtrians in Bombay in danger, argued Thackeray, but Bombay itself was threatened when the BPCC asked for its separation from the State of Maharashtra. Prabodhankar Thackeray (Bal Thackeray's father) gave a factual reason over and above the necessity for Bombay to belong to Maha- rashtra as it was undeniably a Maharashtrian area (for this the Samayukta Maharashtra Samiti had already prepared the ground). Prabodhankar Thackeray said "Previously the limit of Bombay was 116 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

Sion or Shiv (Shiv literally means boarder). So if Bombay is to stay outside Maharashtra then as the former expands it will be eating up areas of the latter. This is unfair" (Marmik: 3.9.67). This regionalism and parochialism of the Shiv Sena came in for stiff criticism. Bal Thackeray countered these charges by saying that the Shiv Sena was not essentially a parochial organisation. On the other hand, he stated that it was the parochialism of other state that had made him parochial. "If the Centre bans the D.M.K. and the communist parties, I will stop my organisation" (Personal Interview; see also Marmik: 13.4.67). He said that the toleration shown by Maharashtrians was exemplary. They had tolerated a Madrasi Mayor, Madhavan, for Bombay, and in 1962 Menon a Keralite had won by over a lakh votes. "Can Madras have a Maharashtrian Mayor? Can Naik or Chavan get elected in Madras?" (Marmik: 9.7.67), he rhetorically asked. Bal Thackeray endeavoured to show that the Maharashtrians were not parochial by nature but that the circumstances had made them so. In the interview of Bal Thackeray cited above (Marmik, 17 July 1966) he said that strong Maharashtra would make a strong nation. According to Bal Thackeray "Rashtra (Nation) comes first and then Maharashtra." This differentiates the Shiv Sena, he believes, from the communists and the DMK (Personal Interview). The problems of Maharashtra, he feels, should be treated as national issues, just as famine in Bihar or Naxalism in Bengal were. Hence, the migration of South Indians to Bombay should also be treated as a national problem. The same Maharashtrians whom Gandhiji feared (N. B. Khare a follower of Savarkar said that Gandhi told him privately that if all Maharashtrians were brought together they would again sack Surat like they did in the days of Shivaji, Marmik: 1.10.67), and who were the followers of Shivaji, the martyrs of Panipat, were today being treated with scant respect. Even our own man Chavan, he said, "has let us down by not resigning as Subramanyam had done on the Hindi issue, for Madras" (Marmik: 24.9.67). The Maharashtrians must therefore fend for themselves, and to this end, Bal Thackeray issued the following guide lines. These guide lines were issued roughly a month after the Shiv Sena was THE APPEAL OF NATIVlSM 117

formed. They appeared in Marmik on 19th July 1966. These guide lines were embodied in the oath that the Shiv Sainiks had to take in the early years of the movement. (The practice was given up in 1967). The points are as follows: (1) Maharashtrians should help other Maharashtrians and help each other to prosper. (2) A Maharashtrian should not sell property to a non-Maharashtrian, and if such a deal takes place it should be reported to the Shiv Sena 'kacheri' (office). (3) Maharashtrian shopkeepers should get their wares only from Maharashtrian wholesale dealers, and they should be more courteous to their customers. (4) Maharashtrian employers should employ only Maharashtrians. (5) Young Maharashtrians should learn to speak very good English and learn steno-typing and take other technical courses. (6) They should shrug off lethargy, and form housing coopera- tives and should be prepared to go anywhere for a job. (7) Maharashtrians should take part in the activities which would help the Maharashtrian community as a whole. (8) They should help Maharashtrian institutions, schools, ashrams and participate in their cultural programmes. (9) They should boycott udipi hotels and should not purchase any article from non-Maharashtrian shopkeepers. (10) Maharashtrians should not look down upon Maharashtrians in business and should help them. (11) They should not be impertinent and rude to other Maharash- trians and if any Maharashtrian is in trouble they should unite and help him.

3.2 Parochialism The attitude of being more sinned against than sinning as revealed in the earlier section, justified the Shiv Sena's regionalism and antipathy towards "outsiders" i.e. migrants from other states 118 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

to Bombay, especially the South Indians. The publication of the list of non-Ma harashtrian employees in the various offices of Bombay mentioned abo\e, brought the regionalism and parochialism of the Shiv Sena into sharper focus. The Maharashtrians, it was believed, were being displaced by South Indians and other outsiders, in Bombay. From 3rd July 1966 the motif of a Marmik column "Amchi Vyatha Tumchi Katha" (Our troubles your stories) depicted a huge ogreish South Indian harassing a small gentle Maharashtrian. In the Marmik issue of 5th June 1966, the parable of the camel and the Arab was recalled. The parable was related thus: A camel asked an Arab who had pitched his tent in the desert whether he would allow him to keep his head inside as he found it unbearable outside in the inclement weather. The Arab happily obliged. Then the camel started making more demands. He first wanted his head in and then his legs, stressing all the while that they both were the best of friends. Eventually the camel was in the tent and Arab was out of it. But the foolish Arab, after all that still believed that they were the best of friends. The parable was then transposed to Bombay city with the Maharashtrians as the Arab and the South Indians as the camel. Not only were the South Indians held responsible for setting the parochial ball rolling, but they were also portrayed as thieves and robbers. They were held responsible for all bootlegging and corruption, smuggling as well as prostitution. Moreover, they were blamed for employing only non-Maharashtrians. The belief that only the South Indian slums were the areas of corruption was strengthened by the existence of Dharavi slums in Bombay, which are notorious for illegal activities. Thackeray wrote that the Shiv Sena was like Lord Shiva's third eye, and would destroy all the South Indians (Marmik: 24.9.67). Thackeray was firm in his belief that the "yandundu wallah" (South Indians) were remarkable in creating filth wherever they went (Jethe Jatat Tetha Ghan Kartat) (Marmik- 24 9.67, 9.7.67). He said that Article 19A of the constitution was being used against the Maharashtrians and quoted a Deccan Herald report saying that the Mysore Chief Minister would uplift only Mysorians (Marmik: 15.12.68). And yet the Maharashtrian man was so patient. The South Indians have beaten THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 119

up Maharashtrians in Tamil Nadu, (Marmik: 11.8.68) and they have committed so many misdeeds in Bombay,5 like selling Kerala State lottery tickets in Bombay and taking the Maharashtrians' money to Kerala (Marmik: 6.8.67). The rampant communalism of the South Indians is evident in the way they help other South Indians to get jobs and build colonies etc.6 The Shiv Sena is only retaliating against this (Marmik: 13.4.67). Over the years the Shiv Sena has modified its views towards outsiders. In some ways it has become more tolerant and in some ways its attack is more focussed and better defined. For example, according to Wamanrao Mahadik, a Shiv Sena corporator: As long as we have the burden of looking after the citizens of Bombay because of our participation in the corporation we will not distinguish one man from another. But of course not a communist. If those living in Maharashtra identify themselves with Maharashtra and consider themselves Maharashtrians I will embrace them even if they are South Indians or Muslims. We are now saying that don't remove those that are already here, but don't let the situation proceed in the same direction. The status quo can be maintained but further migration should stopped (Personal Interview; see also Marmik: 10.3.68). But elsewhere they have become more rigid and cautious. Manohar Joshi says: "When we agreed earlier that anyone who has lived for 15 years in Maharashtra is a Maharashtrian we did not know that it would be misused the way it is being done today," (Personal Interview; see also Shiv Sena speaks; 1968: 7). He con- tinues : Many people have misused the 15 years stay in Bombay clause, and call themselves Marathi and get jobs. When I go to a factory and see the people working I don't find Marathis. It is either a Mirchandani, a Sood or a Iyer. Where are the Marathi names? I want to hear the hours of a Deshpande, a Bhave, a Naik, a Godbole. But they are not there. Why should educated youths go unemployed? Now we demand parentage and not percentage. They must belong to Marathi speaking parents (Personal Interview).7 120 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

The Shiv Sena's antagonism which previously centred primarily on South Indians now embraces other non-Maharashtrian communities as well. The Shiv Sena agitations in 1973 concerning the Air India, Reserve Bank of India and Oberoi Sheraton exemplify this As Sudhir Joshi, the Mayor of Bombay in 1972-73, said: "South or North, anyone who oppose the Marathi we will oppose them" (Personal Interview). The Shiv Sena attacks on the North, Indians are, however, not as venomous as its attacks on the South Indians whom it criticizes, ridicules and humiliates in every possible way.

3.3 Political Exclusiveness From the very beginning Thackeray was in favour of the MPCC and against the BPCC. At times he supported MPCC leaders like Naik, against Central Ministers at Delhi, on various policies like the prohibition issue, the Mysore-Maharashtra border issue etc. His antagonism towards leader like Kamaraj, Nijalingappa, Subramanium and Krishnamachari was always obvious. His opposition to them surfaced from time to time either because they, as he felt, sided with the BPCC, or with the Mysore government on the Mysore-Maharashtra border issue; or because of their inaptitude which resulted in inefficiency and corruption. This nascent ant-South Indian feeling was always there with Thackeray even before the Shiv Sena came up, but did not find complete expression. His antagonism also to the members of the BPCC was never in any doubt, and all those who were in the BPCC or had sided with it in the Samayukta Maharashtra Movement were singled out for attack. The MPCC in contrast, were recipients, time and again, of Thackeray's good will and solicitude. The Congress at the centre was frequently attacked for its lack of political grit and for wordy proclamations on socialism and aus- terity. "The Congress," wrote Thackeray, "always advocates that we should tighten our belt which is in effect asking us to tighten the noose around our necks. The Government is only good enough for committees, resolutions and meetings", (Marmik: 5.4.64). Nehru was criticised for not coming down strongly on Muslims (Marmik: 18.7.64), or on anti-nationals like Phizo of Nagaland (Marmik: THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 121

5.1.64), and for shielding corrupt men like Kairon and Krishna Menon (Marmik: 23.2.64). But even while criticising Nehru, Thac- keray was never very severe with him as he was with S. K. Patil or C. Subramanium. In one cartoon Thackeray depicted Nehru as holding up the giant tent of the Congress, on his arms with the others fighting inside, Congressmen squabbling for power (Marmik: 26.1.64). Even though Thackeray criticised the Congress, and the Congress leaders at the centre (Nehru being a notable exception) he did not think any of the opposition parties worthy of support. For the Hindu Mahasabha and the Jana Sangh he was unhappy because they were going through splits and infighting (Marmik: 5.1.64), He, however, sympathized with the RSS and mourned that its Golwalkar (Thackeray called him a nationalist Hindu) was arrested while Sheikh Abdullah was left scot free. But he also criticised the RSS who with their adherence to the caste system were driving out many low caste Hindus (Marmik: 7.2.65). Of the SSP and PSP he was quite critical and always suspected that they were falling into the hands of the communists. George Fernandes' frequent call for strikes and Limaye's praise of Russia were seen as indications of the ideological proximity between the socialist party and the communists (Marmik: 14.6.64). In 1964, the SSP's support of the Bharat Bandh was "a result of communist influence" argued Thackeray (Marmik. 30.8.64). The SSP and PSP splits (Marmik: 19.4.64), and Asoka Mehta's defection to the Congress were also disparagingly viewed. Taking an overall view, it appears that Thackeray had all along been against the communist and the Muslim League. Thackeray was willing to support all the other parties, and though he was suspicious of the socialist parties, there remained a hope that they might change for the better. As regards the communists and their leader Dange, he was uncompromising in his stand and once even went to the extent of saying that Dange was not a Shivaji, but a Shivaji (master of abuses) (Marmik: 17.1.65). But prior to the formation of the Shiv Sena, Bal Thackeray had no clearly formulated ideological platform and he seemed to be equally enthusiastic about RSS and the MPCC at the same time. The crystallisation of an exclusive ideological identity, clearly 122 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

demarcating the Shiv Sena from other political parties was a gradual process completed almost a year after the movement was launched This identity was not purely an internal process but came about because of the interaction between the Shiv Sena and other political parties. Earlier Bal Thackeray held grievances against individual members of the Congress who he believed were corrupt and were on the pay-roll of a few businessmen and profiteers (Marmik 9 7 67) The plight of the Maharashtrians, it was alleged by the Shiv Sena, was aggravated due to them Its enemity with and opposition to the BPC C goes back to the Samayukta Maharashtra Samiti days When, after the 1%7 election, the MPCC also attacked the Shiv Sena, the latter came out strongly against it For instance in 1968, Thackeray attacked Chavan for having allegedly employed the services of a dancing-girl to win the Poona Municipal elections (M armik 23 6 68) The Shiv Sena secured only one seat in that election Generally, however, they regarded the MPCC in friendlier terms than the BPCC because the latter was peopled with many non-Maharashtrians like Rajni Patel and others. When the Jana Sangh criticized the Shiv Sena soon after the 1967 general elections, the latter did not consider the Jana Sangh as its political ally C Rajagopalachan's (Rajaji's) criticism of the Shiv Sena brought a rebuttal from the Shiv Sena, which said "Rajaji's hands are dirtied by DMK's policies, so he should not talk of parochialism to the Shiv Sena" (Marmik 10 9 67) Earlier, it will be recalled that he had thought highly of Rajaji when he likened the communist to a two headed snake (Marmik 20 10 64) And even the fact that Rajaji had not supported the DMK was of no significance for the Sena leader as long as he was identified with something obnoxious The Jana Sangh and Shiv Sena differences were concretized when the Marmik criticized the Dombivili Municipalitv's activities and its corrupt functioning This Municipality was at that time in the hands of the Jana Sangh (Marmik - 13 10 68) The Marmik attacked the Jana Sangh for allowing unauthorized structures to come up and for indulging in the alleged corrupt practices. Earlier it had said that the problem with the Jana Sangh was that it did not see regionalism in a proper light (Marmi:. THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 123

24,9.67). The Shiv Sena had reason to be piqued by the Jana Sangh and the Congress, as they after taking help from the Shiv Sena for the 1967 elections immediately disowned it. Anyway the Shiv Sena now stood more or less on its own, and the search for identity kept making it adopt a more critical attitude towards both the parties, leading to even physical clashes, as in 1973. There have been, however, as many fluctuations in the Shiv Sena attitude towards the Congress as there have been in the latter's attitude towards the Shiv Sena. Earlier i.e. in 1966-1967 the Shiv Sena openly praised the Congress and its officials. At an in- augural rally on 31st October 1966, Bal Thackeray repeatedly praised Balasaheb Desai, then Home Minister of Maharashtra. After the 1967 elections the Shiv Sena broke away from the Congress, Jana Sangh and Swatantra, and increasingly strove for an identity of its own. Though it frequently condemned the Congress, it supported it during moments of crises on the ground that otherwise the communists would gain the upper hand. After the Congress split in 1969 the Shiv Sena supported the Congress (O) faction aga inst the Congress (R), because the latter, according to it, was full of communists (Marmik: 4.2.70). However, by the end of 1973 the Congress (R) was seen in a better light and the Shu' Sena aligned with it for the 1974 mid-term parliamentary election on the grounds that the alliance would defeat the communist candidate Rosa Deshpande. Bal Thackeray praised Indira Gandhi and said that he had faith in her leadership (Marmik: 12.1.74). This state of affairs persisted all through the Emergency years. 3.4 Anti-Communist Stand Thackeray's anti-communist stand was quite sharp and well-formed even before the Shiv Sena started. Actual incidents helped him to justify his hatred. The Sino-India border conflict and the various Indo-Pakistani clashes confirmed his point that communists a nd Muslims were anti-Indian. The CPI and the CPI(M), he said, were bound hand and foot to Russia and China respectively, and the 1965 Marmik Diwali Issue created a scenario of what would happen if communism came to India.— All democratic minded people (which included Tata), it felt, would be jailed. Communism would then restrict our freedom and bring in Russia or China to rule over 124 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN us. A later cartoon showing Svetlana — Stalin's daughter who defected from Russia — as a dove escaping to the Statue of Liberty, was perhaps symbolic of this view. In his antagonism towards communism, Thackeray came out time and again in favour of the United States (Marmik: 8.3.64). He completed his case by showing that communism had not even solved the basic problem of food shortage in Russia. "But what different can the India communists do? When it rains in Russia they open their umbrellas here. Now that there is a food shortage in Russia, the CPI will go on a hunger strike" (Marmik: 1.3.64). This comment was on a hunger strike the CPI had staged regarding a factory dispute. Thackeray never missed any opportunity to hit out at Dange. When Dange said that the communist movement would be like a Gandhian movement, Thackeray portrayed Dange in a loin cloth but with acid bulbs hanging from it (Marmik: 15.3.64).8 But strangely, when the Shiv Sena was formally launched there was no mention of anti-communism. This is surprising since Thackeray had all along been a rabid anti-leftist. That might probably be because that Thackeray was not sure, when he began the Shiv Sena, whether it would be something more than a small cultural group. Perhaps when he later realised the strength of his following, he felt more confident and included anti-communism as a major activity of the Shiv Sena. Anyhow, on 10th September 1967, the Marmik declared, "One of the main objects of the Shiv Sena is the emascula tion of the communists,". Communism was considered as its main enemy and it proclaimed that once communism was banned the Shiv Sena would be dissolved. But till such time, Thackeray believed, any violent attack including physical annhilation—on the communists was justified. Thackeray for instance, publicly congratulated his Sainiks in a Shiv Sena gathering at Robert Money High School, for murdering Krishna Desai, a popular CPI leader (Sardesai 1970). The Naxalites predictably were criticized for being anti-national (Marmik: 9.7.67) and the Shiv Sena cautioned its members to keep vigil, so that the Naxalite movement would not spread to Bombay. The communists were also said to be in a plot with the "Madrasis" in Bombay to crush democracy (Marmik: 10.12.67). In 1968 a lot of emphasis was placed on the need for the younger THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 125

generation to come out openly and fight Naxalism (Marmik: 22.12.68). An article on Trotsky's death appeared in the Marmik with the intention of showing that the communists had no code of decency and were ready to kill even their own men (Marmik: 22.10.67). The CPI leaders were shown as corrupt bureaucrats who had collected lakhs of rupees and who had done nothing except staging strikes. They could very well have created houses and better living conditions for the workers (Marmik: 3.9.67). On the international level as well, the communists were shown as treacherous people with Ho Chi Minh beguiling Johnson with false promises of peace (Marmik: 14.4.68). The Shiv Sena's opposition to the communists also hangs on the fact that the latter are allegedly against freedom of expression in speech and art. According to Bal Thackeray, as we said earlier, "man doesn't live on bread alone". It is because Thackeray primarily considers himself as an artist that he cannot stomach any communist regimentation (Nossiter 1974:25). Further, he believes that the communists are anti-nationalists with loyalties outside India — either towards Russia or China — and to that extent they are unpatriotic. On 11th August 1968 the Bharatiya Kamgar Sena was established by the Shiv Sena leaders to look after the workers' demands and to keep them out of the communists' clutches. The Shiv Sena from the beginning had been trying to cultivate the working class through the pages of the Marmik. 'Chalantiya Chakatiya' was a regular feature in the Marmik from 19th March 1967 onwards. It was written specifically for the workers, abounding in slangs and in a pseudo patois colloquial style, which, it was assumed, would appeal to them. It was not overtly political but was full of anecdotes of amusing incidents to poke fun at the unionists and the communists. The following guide-line was published when the Bharatiya Kamgar Sena was formed (Marmik: 11.8.68): (i) The Bharatiya Kamgar Sena will not exploit the workers like the communist party; (ii) The workers will be taught to produce more before asking for more wages. The hue and cry about class struggle has fooled the illiterate worker. The poverty of the worker is because the produc- 126 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN tion is held up with strikes. (iii) The Bharatiya Kamgar Sena will relentlessly attack the red strongholds of the CPI and CPI(M). (iv) The Shiv Sena will never use its participation in trade unions for the sake of political gains, like the CPI or the CPI(M). (v) Unlike the communist trade unions they will use funds to help the worker in difficulties. Only by doing the above will they be able to protect the Maharashtrian workers' interests. As the above guide-lines of the Bharatiya Kamgar Sena reveal, Thackeray vigorously opposes the concept of class struggle. Ac- cording to Thackeray, "Anyone who gives bread and employment to the Maharashtrians is ours, be he Tata, Birla or any other" (Sar-desai: 1970). He therefore condemns all forms of industrial strike and unrest. He sees them as the work of anti-national vested interests. As Thackeray said: "Shiv Sena will secure the legitimate needs and interests of the Maharashtrians in their own state and it will fight to the last to safeguard the security and integrity of the country. It is, therefore, firmly and uncompromisingly opposed to the communist method and ideology . . . and is determined to root out this evil from our land" (Personal Interview).

3.5 Communalism With regard to the issue of Hinduism, Thackeray does not explain as to why he is pro-Hindu, but takes it for granted that one should protect Hinduism and lumps it with nationalism. Thackeray branded all the non-Hindu gatherings as anti-national. But his condemnation was at its fiercest while attacking the Muslims. When a riot broke out over the loss of a Muslim prophet's hair in Kashmir, Thackeray condemned the riot and lamented that "the Government shows more concern when a hair is stolen, but when Hindu idols are robbed as in Trivanipelly, the Government is not bothered" (Marmik: 12.1.64). His views on Kashmir issue and Pakistan were similarly coloured by his anti-Muslim feelings. He believed that Muslims were agents of Pakistan and that ail Muslims including Muslim ministers were creating riots in India at the dictates of Pakistan (Marmik: 20.12.64). Nanda and Jaiprakash Narayan were criticized for pampering the Muslims. Earlier a similar view was sought to be portrayed convincingly by THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 127 showing in Marmik Bharatmata as a fragile maiden scolding Nanda for protecting riotous Muslims. The Christians and the missionaries were not spared either. They were portrayed as foreign agents as provocateurs of India's peace and as agents sent to kill Hinduism. The Eucharistic Congress which was held in Bombay in 1964 was criticized by Thackeray for he felt that not only would many foreign visitors be coming for this occasion but also a lot of foreign secret agents would come (Marmik: 6.9.64). Vishwanath Brahmachari who has an ashram for proselystising people of other faiths to Hinduism, also wrote an article condemning Eucharistic Congress. Bal Thackeray has promoted Brahmachari and has popularized him to a great extent. Thackeray believes that prosetylisation to other religions has robbed Hinduism of its strength. Nehru's support for Goa to remain a union territory, and not be come affiliated to Maharashtra, was interpreted as conceding to the pressure of Christian minorities at the expense of the majority who wanted Goa to be merged with Maharashtra. He used Gods such as Ganapathi for the moral indictment of leaders, and also addressed various problems like the sugar and food shortages to them (Marmik: 12.1.64). Shivaji is Bal Thackeray's all time hero. And this is so for most of the Maharashtrians. Thackeray constantly buttresses and legiti- mises his arguments by drawing parallels from Shivaji's life and legends. For instance, Shivaji's fight with the Moghuls was the rallying point of Thackeray's anti-Muslim tirades. One cartoon shows Balasaheb Desai being criticised by Shivaji for pampering the Mus- lims for their votes. Bal Thackeray also took a stage director to task who in the name of national unity showed Shivaji garlanding Afzal Khan and not as killing him. Shivaji's battle cry: "Har Har Maha-dev", was later used by Shiv Sainiks. Shivaji appears in every issue of the Marmik in some way or the other. Shivaji is also brought in to bear out Thackeray's views that the family planning would reduce the number of Hindus, and the Muslim and Christians would thereby outnumber them. (In 1965 there were 7 full length articles on Shivaji written by Thackeray's father, Prabodhankar Thackeray). Shivaji is the hero of Shiv Sena. He was not only an ideal Maharashtrian but also an ideal Hindu (Marmik: 16.2.67). The 128 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

Shiv Sena's enemity with the Muslims is traced back to Shivaji's wars with the Mughal Emperor, Aurangzeb. The Shiv Sainiks also display their pro-Hindu sentiments by reviving the ancient and legendary practices of Shivaji which have now assumed religious significance. For example in October 1967 when the Shiv Sena decided to contest the municipa l elections of 1968 'Jai Bhavani Jai Maharashtra' was adopted as one of its principal slogans. An auspicious day was chosen, like Shivaji would do before he started any venture, to begin the election campaign. A few days before the Bombay Municipal Corporation elections Thackeray asked his men to come to Shivaji Park where they threw Gulal and chanted "Har Har Mahadev (Marmik: 24.3.68). During the 1973 municipal elections the Shiv Sena campaigned that the singing of 'Vande Matram' should be made compulsor y for all the members of the Corporation, and it condemned the Muslim League for disagreeing with the Shiv Sena on this issue.9 Further the Shiv Sena disagrees with the family planning programme as it believes that the number of "Hindu soldiers" will proportionately lessen while the Muslim population will keep on increasing (Marmik: 6.8.67). Though the Shiv Sainiks are zealot pro-Hindus they do not believe in the caste system and insomuch as that it differs from the other pro-Hindu groups. Hinduism alone, Thackeray believes, is enough. As a matter of fact Thackeray criticised Golwalkar, the late RSS Chief for stressing casteism as this, he believed, drove the Harijans away from Hinduism (Marmik: 6.9.64). 3.6 Dictatorial and Autocratic With the overwhelming victory of the Shiv Sena in the Corpo- ration, Thackeray felt that he should try for national level politics. He advocated the concept of benevolent dictatorship, as India, he thought, was burdened with a crippled democracy, where elections were meaningless (Marmik: 26.5.68)! "India needs a benevolent dictator", he said and "the Shiv Sena is right in striving in that direction" (Marmik: 12.5.68). In Rajshree of 2 August 1972 Bal Thackeray wrote that he admired Hitler and also respected him as an artist. Hitler minus his anti-semitism, he said elsewhere, was a good model (Marmik: 5.5.68). His colleague Manohar Joshi said, "Do you think we believe in this rubbish democracy, where the illiterate THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 129 people don't know whom they are voting for?" (Personal Interview) Thackeray's aspirations for national politics were however soon shelved. As one Shiv Sainik said, he burnt his hand on the issue of the State Government strike in 1969 (when Thackeray opposed it much to the resentment of several members of the Shiv Sena) and found that his local base had to be strengthened before anything else (Personal Interview). From his Sainiks, Thackeray demanded complete obedience as a general does in the army. As a Upa Vibhag Pramukh of the Shiv Sena from Dadar said: "We are his soldiers to obey and execute."

4. The Perceptions and Motivations of the Shiv Sainiks We shall now present the factors which motivate Shiv Sainiks to join the organisation. Four tables are presented here and we have tried to find out what the possible relationships might be between a certain set of responses, and the income, caste, age and official position in the organisational hierarchy. The responses fall under eight major categories. The responses, we feel, will throw some light not only on the nature of the ideological perception of the Shiv Sainiks, but also on the nature of the organisation.

To the Shiv Sainiks of all the categories a simple question was asked: Why did you join the Shiv Sena? They were asked to answer this question in writing with a hope that then they would give fairly well thought out responses. I purposely did not ask them what it was in the Shiv Sena's ideology as such which attracted them to the Shiv Sena. This, I thought, was necessary, because in a movement of this kind it is not always a well thought out ideological apprecia tion which leads to one's involvement in it. Several responses bore out this hunch subsequently, though they were not very many in number. The responses in categories 5, 6 and 8 largely represent this stratum. It is true, however, that by placing the responses in eight categories I have not been able to present the vivacity of personal and interpersonal factors which heightened the attraction of the Shiv Sena to many of its adherents. But that had to be done for the sake of order and brevity. TABLE I

REASONS GIVEN BY SHIV SAINIKS FOR JOINING THE SHIV SENA, ARRANGED ACCORDING TO THEIR HIERARCHICAL STANDING IN THE ORGANISATION

TABLE II

REASONS GIVEN BY SHIV SAINIKS FOR JOINING THE SHIV SENA ARRANGED ACCORDING TO THE CASTE OF THE RESPONDENTS

TABLE III REASONS GIVEN BY SHIV SAINIKS FOR JOINING THE SHIV SENA ARRANGED ACCORDING TO THE AGE OF THE RESPONDENTS TABLE IV REASONS GIVEN BY SHIV SAINIKS 10 FOR JOINING THE SHIV SENA ARRANGED ACCORDING TO THE INCOME LEVEL OF THE RESPONDENTS

134 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

On analysing tables I, II, III, IV, we find that the pro-Maharashtrian element in the Shiv Sena's ideology exercises the strongest attraction over the Shiv Sainiks and is primarily responsible for their joining the organisation. It is an over-whelming (42.96% ) for all categories of respondents in Table I. The next in order of rank is Bal Thackeray's personal and charismatic appeal which accounts for 14.08% of the responses. The parochialism of the Shiv Sena is the third largest motivating factor attracting 11.55% of Shiv Sainiks. The Shiv Sena's social service and reform activities like helping to solve transport, grain distribution and levy problems and its anti-casteism account for 8.30%. This is followed by the violent side of Shiv Sena activity which has motivated 7.55% of the total respondents to join the organisation. Anti-communism ranks a lowly sixth, attracting 6.5% of the total respondents. This factor is of particular significance as the Shiv Sena, and its leadership stress that communism is their main enemy. However, a glance at the responses of the leaders shows that the four primary elements of the Shiv Sena's ideology i.e. its Maharashtrianism, parochialism, anti-communism and the charisma of Bal Thackeray are adequately represented. Here again Maha- rashtrianism takes a big lead with 49.53% followed by parochialism with 14.95%. Communism ranks third (11.21%). The other important point to be noted is that the rural supporters of the Shiv Sena are attracted to it primarily by the social service and reform activities of Shiv Sena. This is a change from the pattern where the primary motivating factor has been the pro-Maharashtrian element in the ideology of the Shiv Sena. This is probably because the urban problems of migration and job competition between migrants and natives are not experienced in the villages. In Table II, the pattern in Table I is more or less repeated. The only point that is of some significance is that a lower percentage of higher caste respondents are attracted by Thackeray's charismatic appeal, and a larger percentage by the anti-communism of the Shiv Sena. On the other hand a significant percentage of the middle castes are attracted by Thackeray's personal appeal and by his charisma. In table III, the points which can be noted are that a larger percentage of the youth, i.e. respondents in the age group 15-30 years, are attracted because of the violent methods employed THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 135

by the Shiv Sena, than are the adults, i.e. those respondents who are above 31 years of age. Similarly a larger percentage of the youth are attracted to the Shiv Sena because Thackeray's charismatic appeal, than are the adult members. The adult respondents on the other hand are attracted more by the Shiv Sena's anti-communist stand than are the youth. In table IV, the only signific ant factor is that anti-communism attracts 13.04 percent of the upper income respondents. The percentage is lower in the other income groups. But this by itself does not mean much as of the 3 respondents who were attracted to anti-communism, 2 were in the top 10 in the organization i.e. in the Karya Karani. This latter fact explains their ideological perception and anti-communism better than if one considers their income level alone. On the whole it can be said that the important factors which motivate the Shiv Sainiks are the Maharashtrianism, Thackeray's charismatic appeal, and the social service and reform activities undertaken by the Shiv Sena. It is also apparent that the ideological perception is best manifested in the leadership category, whereas in the lower rungs the secondary aspects of Shiv Sena's ideology cast a stronger influence. The seemingly anomalous factor is that though anti-communism ranks very low in motivating the Shiv Sainiks to join the organiza tion, they participate actively in anti-communist activities. This factor can be understood by taking into account Davies' concept of "source credibility" (Davies 1968:25). According to Davies, when a person or a group of persons establish themselves as a credibility source vis-a-vis a certain section of the masses, their opinions and views on a large number of subjects are accepted by the latter willingly. He says, "If we like the source of communication we will tend to accept the content" (Ibid). Bal Thackeray established his credibility by championing the Maharashtrian cause in Bombay, and by voicing the demand for a better deal for the Maharashtrians in Bombay. Thereafter, Bal Thackeray's views and his exhortations in areas apparently unconnected with pro-Maharashtrian sentiments are also accepted by the masses. This point is strengthened by the fact that Bal Thackeray exercises considerable charismatic appeal over his followers as the tables above suggest. 136 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

Conclusion In spite of the apparent discontinuities that characterize the various elements that make up the ideology of the Shiv Sena, we find that, true to what Mannheim and Schurmann suggest, there is an underlying thread of unity which is consciously articulated and made deliberately explicit.

As we have had occasion to mention earlier, no ideological system is constructed on a single item. This is especially true of the ideology of a movement, which must be sufficiently broad based in terms of both its goals and programme, so as to activate the widest possible cross section of people. In the case of the Shiv Sena, though nativism is the core of its ideology, it also incorporates other facets and dimensions which seek to reach out to various levels of social experie nce so as to provide an additional thrust to its nativist demands.

Not only is Maharashtrian nativism the core element of Shiv Sena ideology, but it is also a principal element which attracted the vast majority of the Shiv Sainiks to it. The fact that there were a large number of Maharashtrians in Bombay who found Thackeray's nativist appeal extremely persuasive accounts for both the charismatic character of his leadership as well as his ability to involve his followers in issues other than those that directly motivated them to join the organisation in the first place. His emphasis on immediate action and the stridency of his antipathy towards his opponents also added to the distinctiveness of Shiv Sena's appeal.

Nativism was justified by Thackeray as the only way out for the Maharashtrians in the face of the injustices meted out to them by some other communities. But at the same time, Thackeray was careful to uphold the virtues of patriotism and national integration. This sentiment was encapsulated in a pithy aphorism: "First Rashtra then Maharashtra". By postulating nativism and patriotism as non-antagonistic, Thackeray was not only placing patriotic sentiments on a higher plane, but was also deriving from them a justification for Shiv Sena's existence. Not only did Thackeray utilise this combination to denigrate the DMK, but also used it as THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 137

effectively against the Muslim League and the communists, who according to Thackeray were agents of Pakistan and Russia and China respectively. Thackeray's intolerance towards other religions combined per- fectly with his self-proclamation as a nationalist and anti-communist. Once he portrayed Dange in the Pope's vestures. At that moment he was dedicating most of the space in the Marmik to criticise the Pope. As he was against Dange as well, it was most effective to attack the two enemies in one cartoon. He freely lumped his enemies together — Dange and communism with the missionaries. Pakistan was depicted as uniting with the communists and trade unionists in India (Marmik: 22.3.64), to create unrest, while the Muslims were conveniently lumped with Pakistan. Thackeray's aim was to show that the strength of Indian democracy and Hinduism could overcome the on slaught of communism, and other forms of anti-nationalism. To this effect, he portrayed in one of his cartoons Chavan as a holy cow, telling a red dog and a green dog (communists and Muslims respectively) that "I was born on the banks of the Krishna and I am not frightened by your barks" (Marmik: 17.7.64). This was included in the Marmik prior to the formation of the Shiv Sena. With the Shiv Sena's formation, however, the main thrust was to fight against the deprivation of Maharashtrians though Thackeray's views regarding communism and Hinduism still retained a thread of continuity with a tendency to polarize. Enemies like the Muslims and communist and socialist parties were lumped together on the one hand and the good forces of Maharashtra, Hinduism and Nationalism on the other. The communists were said to be in a plot with the 'Madrasis' in Bombay to crush both the Maharashtrians and the democracy {Marmik: 24.9.67). In this connection we should also note that in spite of being ideologically close to several parties to the right, such as the Jana Sangh, Swatantra and Congress, the Shiv Sena has attempted to maintain its ideological autonomy. To that extent it has formulated a distinctive ideology, which in its totality significantly departs from the ideological and programmatic standpoints of other rightwing parties. It is this ideological autonomy that accounts for the distinctiveness of the Shiv Sena's appeal. 138 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

It may be noticed that while the Shiv Sena's ideological system has its unity and an independent identity, on various issues it does not seem to be able to adequately demarcate itself from the Jana Sangh, the Congress and the Hindu Mahasabha. True, the Shiv Sena is probably more anti-communist than all of them, and probably less communal than the Hindu Mahasabha, yet ideologically there exists a certain amount of amorphousness. Its ideological similarity to the Jana Sangh and the Hindu Mahasabha is much greater than the Congress, but programmatically it is closer to the MPCC and the Congress in general than it is to the Jana Sangh and the Mahasabha, without apparently any good ideological reason. As a matter of fact most of the practical ideological differences that exist between the Shiv Sena and the other political parties like the Jana Sangh, Hindu Mahasabha and Congress; de veloped because the latter three parties disassociated themselves from the Shiv Sena's virulent nativism for fear of tarnishing their national image. Though the Shiv Sena took follow up action against their attacks it has not been able to effectively erase this amorphousness in its ideological system. The Shiv Sena's ideological build up has, in a sense, preved on the more neatly formulated ideological structures of various other parties. Its uniqueness lay in the fact that its Maharashtrian nativism played the role of the integrator. So when on issues where the nativist element is not dominant or decisive, the Shiv Sena's, position rarely emerges as the development of its own ideologic. This is why it often found itself in a spot when it had to choose between the Jana Sangh and the Congress. So no matter whichever way it went, it always alienated a sizable section of its cadre. In conclusion we may note the hierarchy in which the Shiv Sena placed its antagonists. According to its Sudhir Joshi, "Com- munism is our enemy number one. A Maharashtrian who is a communist is to us a Non-Maharashtrian" (Personal Interview) And as Thackeray said: "Once a communist he is always a communist. You can never change a communist. So we have said: attack the communists don't reason with them". (Personal Inter- view). THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 139

The South Indians and other non-Maharashtrians are after all Indians, according to another leader Mr. Mahadik. "Even Muslims can be our friends. I have many Muslim friends. But most of the Muslims are with the Muslim League. We have to fight with them". Mahadik believes that not all the Muslims and non-Maharashtrians are enemies of Maharashtra (Personal Interview). The fact that a Muslim, Shabir Sheikh of Thana District, is a Shakha Pramukh and a well known Shiv Sena figure is served as an illustration. The Shiv Sena had and still has a few South Indians and North Indians in organizational positions of responsibility. Besides, this, there arc several Muslims and non-Maharashtrians who have formed close links with the Shiv Sena and have established good rapport with it.

It is not clear whether after the communists, who are plainly the Shiv Sena's supreme antagonists whether the Muslims who are their next most bitter foes or the South Indians and outsiders. There is no official statement of the Shiv Sena on this question. But individually many Shiv Sainiks echo Manohar Joshi's feelings: "A South Indian is still an Indian. But every Muslim's heart belongs to the Muslim League, to their green flag and to Pakistan" (Personal Interview).

ABBREVIATIONS USED

BPCC : Bombay Pradesh Congress Committee

MPCC : Maharashtra Pradesh Congress Committee

DMK : Dravid Munnetra Kalgham

SSP : Samyukta Socialist Party

PSP : Praja Socialist Party RSS : Rashtriya Swanyava Sevak Sangh CPI : Communist Party of India CPI (M) : Communist Party of India (Marxist) 140 SOCIOLOGICAL BULLETIN

NOTES

1. This paper is a revised version of a part of my Ph.D. thesis, The Shiv Sena Movement, 1966-1974: A Sociological Analysis (Jawaharlal Nehru University, 1977). I am grateful to my Ph.D. supervisor Prof. Yogendra Singh of Jawaharlal Nehru University, Prof. A. R. Desai of Bombay University, Prof. Y. B. Damle of Poona University and Pro. Satish Saberwal of Jawaharlal Nehru University for their comments. The errors and shortcomings of this paper are, however, my responsibility.

2. References to the Marmik indicate only date, month and year of publication of the issue cited.

3. This refers to the Shiv Sena allegation that the late B. C. Roy, Chief Minister of West Bengal, advocated a policy whereby the majority of jobs in Calcutta and West Bengal should be reserved for Bengalis. It is true that B. C. Roy is said to have made statements to this effect, but they were never really realized in practice, nor were any concrete steps taken in that direction.

4. Bal Thackeray claims that 80 percent of the slums (jhonparpatti) dwellers are non-Maharashtrians, and slums therefore are the hot bed of corrup tion.

5. The "Shiv Sena Bhoomika" from 1968 became a regular column of the Marmik. This column focussed specifically on the alleged misdeeds of South Indians in Bombay.

6. A letter was reproduced in the Marmik (4.2.68) from a reader graphically illustrating how one Madrasi helps another to get jobs in Bombay, under the caption, "Import of South Indians."

7. See also the statement of Pramod Navalkar (Shiv Sena M.L.A.) in the Legislative Assembly in Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha Proceedings (Vol. 35, no. 12) 27th June 1972.

8. Thackeray also wrote in Marmik (3.9.67) : "Jana Sangh leaders are frequently arrested while the CPI leaders are set free".

9. See Navalkar's detailed statement in Maharashtra Vidhan Sabha Proceed- ings (Vol. 37, no. 22). 15th March 1973.

10. This table takes into account only office bearers of the organisation and not its close sympathisers. THE APPEAL OF NATIVISM 141

REFERENCES

Davies, James A. 1968 "Sociology of Attitudes," in Talcott Parsons (ed.) Knowledge and Society, Voice of America Pub- lication. Maharashtra State Assembly Records, Bombay.

Maharashtra Vidhan Proceedings, Bombay.

Marmik. Weekly published from Bombay Edited by Bal Thackeray.

Nossister, B. D., 1974 "Shiv Sena Chief - A Neo-Fascist," in Secular Democracy (Vol. 7, no. 5).

Rajshree, 1972 Vol. 9, no. 7. Special Number. Bombay.

Sardesai, S. G. 1970 Fascist Menace and Democratic Unity. New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House.

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