The Impact of Good Governance and Stability on Sustainable Development in Ghana
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Dan Calacci E15-384A MIT Media Lab 75 Amherst St
Support for SB.1876 & H.2701: a crucial step in ensuring fair future governance in the commonwealth. 1 October, 2019 Dan Calacci E15-384a MIT Media Lab 75 Amherst St. Cambridge, MA 02139 Dear Senator Pacheco, Representative Gregoire, and members of the Committee: I’m writing in strong support of S.1876 and H.2701, An Act Establishing A Commission On Transparency And Use of Artificial Intelligence In Government Decision-Making and An Act Establishing A Commission On Automated Decision- Making, Artificial Intelligence, Transparency, Fairness, And Individual Rights. To shape the future of how we use artificial intelligence and other technologies in governance, we need to understand how they are being used in governing systems right now. This legislation will provide a desperately needed avenue for policymakers, researchers, and the public to understand how algorithms and artificial intelligence are impacting government decision-making and constituents. As a doctoral researcher studying data governance and machine learning at MIT, I have experience working with AI tools and reasoning about fairness and ethics in how they are used. My research experience includes developing cutting-edge machine learning systems, designing smartphone apps that use AI to better understand and prevent chronic disease, measuring segregation in cities using machine learning and big data, and writing about the ethics of collecting large amounts of data about citizen’s behavior, such as their location history, for use in governance. I have had the opportunity to present work on these topics at international conferences on machine learning, social science, and data ethics. My unique research experience has given me expertise on the implications of using algorithms in governance, including its promises and pitfalls, how data is collected from the public to fuel these algorithms, and how these algorithms function. -
1 Sierra Leone
Sierra Leone – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 18 March 2010 Information as to what recent wars Sierra Leone has been involved in and when they ended. In a section titled “History” the United Kingdom Foreign & Commonwealth Office country profile for Sierra Leone states: “The SLPP ruled until 1967 when the electoral victory of the opposition APC was cut short by the country's first military coup. But the military eventually handed over to the APC and its leader Siaka Stevens in 1968. He turned the country into a one -party state in 1978. He finally retired in 1985, handing over to his deputy, General Momoh. Under popular pressure, one party rule was ended in 1991, and a new constitution providing for a return to multi-party politics was approved in August of that year. Elections were scheduled for 1992. But, by this stage, Sierra Leone's institutions had collapsed, mismanagement and corruption had ruined the economy and rising youth unemployment was a serious problem. Taking advantage of the collapse, a rebel movement, the Revolutionary United Front (RUF) emerged, with backing from a warlord, Charles Taylor, in neighbouring Liberia, and in 1991 led a rebellion against the APC government. The government was unable to cope with the insurrection, and was overthrown in a junior Officers coup in April 1992. Its leader, Capt Strasser, was however unable to defeat the RUF. Indeed, the military were more often than not complicit with the rebels in violence and looting.” (United Kingdom Foreign & Commonwealth Office (25 February 2009) Country Profiles: Sub-Saharan Africa – Sierra Leone) This profile summarises the events of the period 1996 to 2002 as follows: “Strasser was deposed in January 1996 by his fellow junta leaders. -
Corruption and the Global Economy
10 Corruption as an International Policy Problem: Overview and Recommendations KIMBERLY ANN ELLIOTT In just a few months in early 1997, Mexico fired its top drug-enforcement official for accepting bribes and ultimately closed the agency because it was so ridden with corruption; Ukraines president once again declared war on corruption; Chinese Prime Minister Li Peng lamented that his country was losing ground in its war on corruption; President Kim Young Sam deplored endemic corruption in South Korea; Russian Interior Min- ister Anatoly Kulikov pledged to crack down on corruption and the gray economy; Pakistans voters, disillusioned by perceptions of widespread corruption, stayed away from the polls in droves; and public schools in Washington were alleged to be rife with cronyism and nepotism. Corruption scandals in recent years have also contributed to the downfall of governments in Ecuador, Brazil, Italy, and India. Long-entrenched ruling parties have been weakened, including Japans Liberal Democratic Party and Mexicos Institutional Revolutionary Party. In the United States, two decades after the Watergate scandals prompted new rules regard- ing political contributions and the passage of the Foreign Corrupt Prac- tices Act (FCPA), campaign finance reform has reemerged as a major political issue. The number, variety, and importance of countries experiencing corrup- tion scandals highlight both the complexity of this phenomenon and its prominence as a global issue. When it is pervasive and uncontrolled, corruption thwarts economic development and undermines political le- gitimacy. Less pervasive variants result in wasted resources, increased inequity in resource distribution, less political competition, and greater distrust of government. Creating and exploiting opportunities for bribery 175 Institute for International Economics | http://www.iie.com at high levels of government also increases the cost of government, dis- torts the allocation of government spending, and may dangerously lower the quality of infrastructure. -
Title Items-In-Visits of Heads of States and Foreign Ministers
UN Secretariat Item Scan - Barcode - Record Title Page Date 15/06/2006 Time 4:59:15PM S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Expanded Number S-0907-0001 -01 -00001 Title items-in-Visits of heads of states and foreign ministers Date Created 17/03/1977 Record Type Archival Item Container s-0907-0001: Correspondence with heads-of-state 1965-1981 Print Name of Person Submit Image Signature of Person Submit •3 felt^ri ly^f i ent of Public Information ^ & & <3 fciiW^ § ^ %•:£ « Pres™ s Sectio^ n United Nations, New York Note Ko. <3248/Rev.3 25 September 1981 KOTE TO CORRESPONDENTS HEADS OF STATE OR GOVERNMENT AND MINISTERS TO ATTEND GENERAL ASSEMBLY SESSION The Secretariat has been officially informed so far that the Heads of State or Government of 12 countries, 10 Deputy Prime Ministers or Vice- Presidents, 124 Ministers for Foreign Affairs and five other Ministers will be present during the thirty-sixth regular session of the General Assembly. Changes, deletions and additions will be available in subsequent revisions of this release. Heads of State or Government George C, Price, Prime Minister of Belize Mary E. Charles, Prime Minister and Minister for Finance and External Affairs of Dominica Jose Napoleon Duarte, President of El Salvador Ptolemy A. Reid, Prime Minister of Guyana Daniel T. arap fcoi, President of Kenya Mcussa Traore, President of Mali Eeewcosagur Ramgoolare, Prime Minister of Haur itius Seyni Kountche, President of the Higer Aristides Royo, President of Panama Prem Tinsulancnda, Prime Minister of Thailand Walter Hadye Lini, Prime Minister and Kinister for Foreign Affairs of Vanuatu Luis Herrera Campins, President of Venezuela (more) For information media — not an official record Office of Public Information Press Section United Nations, New York Note Ho. -
What Is Good Governance?
United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific What is Good Governance? Introduction institutes, religious leaders, finance institutions political parties, the military etc. The situation in urban areas is much more Recently the terms "governance" and "good complex. Figure 1 provides the governance" are being increasingly used in interconnections between actors involved in development literature. Bad governance is urban governance. At the national level, in being increasingly regarded as one of the addition to the above actors, media, root causes of all evil within our societies. lobbyists, international donors, multi-national Major donors and international financial corporations, etc. may play a role in decision- institutions are increasingly basing their aid making or in influencing the decision-making and loans on the condition that reforms that process. ensure "good governance" are undertaken. All actors other than government and the This article tries to explain, as simply as military are grouped together as part of the possible, what "governance" and "good "civil society." In some countries in addition to governance" means. the civil society, organized crime syndicates also influence decision-making, particularly in Governance urban areas and at the national level. Similarly formal government structures are The concept of "governance" is not new. It is one means by which decisions are arrived at as old as human civilization. Simply put and implemented. At the national level, "governance" means: the process of informal decision-making structures, such as decision-making and the process by "kitchen cabinets" or informal advisors may which decisions are implemented (or not exist. In urban areas, organized crime implemented). -
32 Chapter II When You Slip and Fall, Do Not Look For
Chapter II When you slip and fall, do not look for the cause of your fall where you lie; the cause is where you slipped. – Mende Proverb 2.1 Conflict Analysis The end of the cold war in 1989/90 can be considered, as a point of departure for many world developments, both positive and negative. In Africa, as in other parts of the world, the effect of the termination of the ideological war was seriously felt. While the termination of the cold war brought in its wake the end of proxy wars fought in Africa, it however signalled the genesis of another kind of conflict – intra-state conflicts. No longer were wars or conflicts fought between states, but between mostly the government, and the so-called rebels or insurgents. The upsurge of these intra-state conflicts has left analysts confounded as to the causes and nature of such conflicts. One of the unique, though negative, characteristics of the violent conflicts that erupted in Africa after the end of the cold war was the level of violence directed at civilians. In the post-cold war conflicts in Africa, approximately 70% of the victims are civilians.77 Approximately 80% of the wars fought in the post-cold war era were also intra-state as opposed to inter-state conflicts, witnessed during the cold war era.78 Some have argued that the type of conflict witnessed in the post cold war era can be traced to the geopolitical map bequeathed to Africa by its colonial powers.79 Somerville’s contention is that the imposition of boundaries brought people who were never a “people” together, and hence such situation is bound to lead to conflict. -
African Coups
Annex 2b. Coups d’Etat in Africa, 1946-2004: Successful (1), Attempted (2), Plotted (3), and Alleged (4) Country Month Day Year Success Leaders Deaths Angola 10 27 1974 2 Antonio Navarro (inter alia) 0 Angola 5 27 1977 2 Cdr. Nito Alves, Jose van Dunen 200 Benin 10 28 1963 1 Gen. Christophe Soglo 999 Benin 11 29 1965 1 Congacou 0 Benin 12 17 1967 1 Alley 998 Benin 12 13 1969 1 de Souza 998 Benin 10 26 1972 1 Maj. Mathieu Kerekou 0 Benin 10 18 1975 2 Urbain Nicoue 0 Benin 1 16 1977 2 unspecified 8 Benin 3 26 1988 2 Capt. Hountoundji 0 Benin 5 1992 2 Pascal Tawes 0 Benin 11 15 1995 2 Col. Dankoro, Mr. Chidiac 1 Burkina Faso 1 3 1966 1 Lt. Col. Sangoule Lamizana 0 Burkina Faso 11 25 1980 1 Col. Saye Zerbo 0 Burkina Faso 11 7 1982 1 Maj. Jean-Baptiste Ouedraogo 20 Burkina Faso 8 4 1983 1 Capt. Thomas Sankara 13 Burkina Faso 10 15 1987 1 Capt. Blaise Campaore 100 Burkina Faso 10 20 2003 4 Norbert Tiendrebeogo, Capt. Wally Diapagri 0 Burundi 10 18 1965 2 unspecified 500 Burundi 11 29 1966 1 Capt. Micombero 999 Burundi 5 1972 4 unspecified 100000 Burundi 11 1 1976 1 Lt. Col. Jean-Baptiste Bagaza 0 Burundi 9 3 1987 1 Maj. Pierre Buyoya 0 Burundi 3 4 1992 2 Bagaza? 0 Burundi 7 3 1993 2 officers loyal to Buyoya 0 Burundi 10 21 1993 2 Gen. Bikomagu, Francois Ngeze 150000 Burundi 4 25 1994 2 Tutsi paratroopers 999 Burundi 7 25 1996 1 army 6000 Burundi 4 18 2001 2 Lt. -
Corruption and State Instability in West Africa: an Examination of Policy Options
Corruption and State Instability in West Africa: An Examination of Policy Options By Samuel Mondays ATUOBI KAIPTC Occasional Paper No.--, December 2007 1 1. INTRODUCTION Corruption represents a threat “…to the stability and security of societies, undermining the institutions of democracy, ethical values and justice and jeopardizing sustainable development and the rule of law”. – Preamble to the UN Convention on Corruption Since their inception, West African states have been facing corruption as a major problem. In some cases, it has attained levels of gross and egregious theft, for which no possible moral or historical justification can be advanced, and which has played a major role, both in the impoverishment of the region as a whole and specifically in the alienation of its people from their rulers.1 The existence of widespread corruption, especially in societies beset by mass poverty and very high levels of unemployment, has a deeply corrosive effect on trust in government and 2 contributes to crime and political disorder. In the political realm, corruption undermines democracy and good governance by flouting or even subverting formal processes. Corruption in legislative bodies reduces accountability and distorts representation in policymaking; corruption in the judiciary compromises the rule of law; and corruption in public administration results in the unequal distribution of services. More generally, corruption erodes the institutional capacity of government as procedures are disregarded, resources are siphoned off, and public offices are bought and sold.3 At the extreme, unbridled corruption can lead to state fragility and destructive conflict, and plunge a state into “unremitting cycle of institutional anarchy and violence”.4 In as much as corruption destroys the legitimacy of government in the eyes of those who can do something about the situation, it contributes to instability. -
Global Technology Governance a Multistakeholder Approach
White Paper Global Technology Governance A Multistakeholder Approach In collaboration with Thunderbird School of Global Management and Arizona State University October 2019 World Economic Forum 91-93 route de la Capite CH-1223 Cologny/Geneva Switzerland Tel.: +41 (0)22 869 1212 Fax: +41 (0)22 786 2744 Email: [email protected] www.weforum.org This white paper has been published by the World Economic Forum as a contribution to a project, © 2019 World Economic Forum. All rights insight area or interaction. The findings, interpretations and conclusions expressed herein are a re- reserved. No part of this publication may be sult of a collaborative process facilitated and endorsed by the World Economic Forum, but whose reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any results do not necessarily represent the views of the World Economic Forum, nor the entirety of its means, including photocopying and recording, or Members, Partners or other stakeholders. by any information storage and retrieval system. Contents Executive summary 4 Introduction 5 Part 1: What is governance and why is it necessary? 6 1.1 Definitions 7 1.2 Technology governance frameworks 8 1.3 The dynamics of emerging technology governance 10 An overview of agile governance 11 Part 2: Sketching the technology governance landscape 12 2.1 An overview of global technology governance in 2019 12 How do research scientists experience the governance of emerging technologies? 14 2.2 Priority cross-cutting issues in technology governance 14 2.2.1 Delivering privacy and security while enabling -
Governance Indicators Can Make Sense: Under-Five Mortality Rates Are an Example Faculty Research Working Paper Series
Governance Indicators Can Make Sense: Under-five Mortality Rates are an Example Faculty Research Working Paper Series Matt Andrews Harvard Kennedy School Roger Hay Jerrett Myers Institute for Government April 2010 RWP10-015 The views expressed in the HKS Faculty Research Working Paper Series are those of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect those of the John F. Kennedy School of Government or of Harvard University. Faculty Research Working Papers have not undergone formal review and approval. Such papers are included in this series to elicit feedback and to encourage debate on important public policy challenges. Copyright belongs to the author(s). Papers may be downloaded for personal use only. www.hks.harvard.edu GOVERNANCE INDICATORS CAN MAKE SENSE1 Under-five mortality rates are an example Matt Andrews,2 Roger Hay3 and Jerrett Myers4 ABSTRACT Governance indicators have come under fire in recent years, especially the World Governance Indicators (WGIs). Critics present these indicators as a-theoretical and biased. Critics of the critics counter that no better alternatives exist. We suggest otherwise, arguing that more appropriate ‘governance’ indicators will (i) have theoretical grounding, (ii) focus on specific fields of engagement, (iii) emphasize outcomes, and (iv) control for key contextual differences in comparing countries. Such measures can help indicate where countries seem to have governance problems, allowing second stage analyses of what these problems are. We present under national five mortality rates adjusted for country income groups as an example of such measure, presenting data for contextually controlled outcomes in this specific field to show where governance seems better and worse. -
Anuari De La Càtedra Ramon Llull Blanquerna 2019 Ars
2019 εἰρήνη (éirênê) als Testaments dels Dotze Patriarques (TestXIIPa). (Addenda sobre shalom). Rosa M. Boixareu ANUARI DE LA CÀTEDRA RAMON LLULL BLANQUERNA 2019 Liberating intelligence. Breaking away from domination societies – 25 towards new creative democracies. Jaume Agustí-Cullell Influencia de los idealismos griego y alemán en dos conceptos marxistas: alienación e ideología. Ricard Casadesús Antropologia a l’Antic Testament. “Què és l’home perquè te’n recordis?” SL 8,5. Jaume Duran i Navarro Civilització i barbàrie. La tasca cultural en la construcció d’una civilització humanitzada. Albert Llorca Arimany Kwame Nkrumah i el projecte panafricà. Francesc-Xavier Marín i Torné Igor Stravinsky. Un collage. Jordi Membrado Amela 25 25 On the living being of visual creation. Humberto Ortega-Villaseñor Mitos del deporte español. Jordi Osúa Quintana El cuerpo en la filosofía: las etapas del discurso filosófico sobre el cuerpo en occidente. Héctor Salinas Fuentes i Miquel Amorós Hernández «Ya no hay judío ni griego» (Gál 3, 28): la trascendencia cultural de la ciudadanía romana en Pablo de Tarso. José María Sanz Acera El transhumanisme o una societat amb ànima. 2019 DE LA CÀTEDRA RAMON LLULL BLANQUERNA ANUARI José Luis Vázquez Borau Notes on boredom and metaphysics, sociologically framed. Jacobo Zabalo Tolstoi i Zweig, dos pensadors i un destí: la fugida vers la mort. Conrad Vilanou, Clara Domènech i Ferran Sánchez ARS BREVIS Coberta_Ars Brevis_25.indd 1 201929/5/20 10:50 ai159065841459_página flor.pdf 1 28/5/20 11:33 C M Y CM MY CY CMY K Ars_Brevis_25.indd 1 29/5/20 9:53 Ars_Brevis_25.indd 2 29/5/20 9:53 Ars Brevis ANUARI 2019 Càtedra Ramon Llull Blanquerna Barcelona, 2020 Ars_Brevis_25.indd 3 29/5/20 9:53 Ars_Brevis_25.indd 4 29/5/20 9:53 Director Dr. -
Governance and Political Economy Constraints to World Bank CAS Priorities in Sierra Leone
Governance and Political Economy Constraints to World Bank CAS Priorities in Sierra Leone James A. Robinsony October 2008 I am greatly indebted to Mohamed Gibril Sesay without whose assistance and wisdom I would never have been able to undertake this research. Most of the ideas I discuss here formed during discussions with him. I am also particularly indebted to Ishac Diwan who suggested and facilitated this research and most important challenged me to make it ambitious. I would also like to thank Doug Addison, Juan Costain, Engilbert Gud- mundsson, and Nicola Smithers for their suggestions and all of the people who gave so generously of their time in Freetown, Bo and Koidu. The views expressed in this paper are my own and not those of the World Bank Group. yHarvard University, Department of Government, IQSS, 1737 Cambridge Street N309, Cambridge, MA 01238; e-mail: [email protected]. Abstract In this paper I discuss the political economy of Sierra Leone and how it should in‡uence the World Bank’sCountry Assistance Strategy (CAS). The main focus of the research is to try to understand the extent to which the perverse political incentives which drove the country into poverty and civil war between 1961 and 1991 have re-asserted themselves since the return of peace in 2002. This question is made particularly compelling by the return to power in 2007 of the All People’sCongress Party, who presided over the decline of the country. My preliminary conclusion is that while there are some obvious changes in the political environment, appeal remains in the political strategies which were so costly to the nation and some new forces which have emerged have potentially perverse consequences.