Irony of ironies?: ‘Meta-disparagement’ humor and its impact on prejudice by Caitlin Joline Brown A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Communication) in The University of Michigan 2012 Doctoral Committee: Professor Susan Douglas, Co-Chair Professor Nicholas Valentino, Co-Chair Associate Professor Ted Brader Associate Professor Nojin Kwak © Caitlin Joline Brown 2012 Acknowledgments First and foremost, I would like to thank my committee for their invaluable support and guidance. I am deeply grateful to Nick Valentino, Susan Douglas, Ted Brader, and Nojin Kwak for developing my skills as a researchers and teacher in and out of the classroom. I would also like to acknowledge the contribution of my research partner Diana Betz, who helped me refine this concept and develop the experiments included in this dissertation. My research assistants Justine Lamanna, Max Levenstein, Kaitlyn McGovern, Girish Menon, Elizabeth Ross, and Alana Zacharias, as well as Diana Betz’s research assistants, were instrumental to this work as well. I am indebted to the following funding resources that allowed me to develop as scholar and complete this work: the Rackham Predoctoral Fellowship, the Howard R. Marsh Fellowship, the Helen H. Weber Fellowship, the Rackham Graduate Student Research Grant, the Jay H. Payne Research Fellowship, the University of Michigan College of Language, Science, and Arts Fellowship, several Rackham Conference Travel Grants, Jay H. Payne Conference Travel Grants, and Department of Communications Graduate Travel Scholarships, and the International Institute Conference Travel Grant. ii Finally, I am so grateful for my dear friend-colleagues: Jimmy Draper, Ashley Reid Brown, Leslee McKnight, Vanessa Cruz, Brooke Duffy, Seyram Avle, SooYoung Bae, Hope Cummings, Sarah Erickson, Lauren Guggenheim, Julia Lippman, Yioryos Nardis, Edward Timke, Will Youmans, and Rebecca Yu. And thank you to my other friends across the globe and to my family, especially my mom for proofreading this many times. iii Table of Contents Acknowledgments ii List of Tables vi List of Figures viii List of Appendices x Abstract xi Chapters 1. Defining and Motivating Meta-Disparagement Humor 1 2. A Discursive Textual Analysis of the Mechanisms and Meanings of Meta- 39 Disparagement Humor 3. A Content Analysis Gauging the Prevalence of Meta-Disparagement Humor 95 and a Survey Gauging the Prevalence of Prejudice 4. Measuring the Impact of (Meta-) Sexist Humor on Stereotype Activation and 118 Application 5. Measuring the Impact of (Meta-) Homophobic Humor and Anti-Arab Humor 134 on Stereotype Application 6. Measuring the Impact of Meta-Racist Humor Delivered by a White versus 162 Black Comedian on Stereotype Application iv 7. Conclusion 180 Appendices 189 References 206 v List of Tables Table 3.1 Chappelle’s Show percent minority teller and target 99 Table 3.2 Colbert Report percent minority teller and target 100 Table 3.3 The Daily Show percent minority teller and target 101 Table 3.4 30 Rock percent minority teller and target 103 Table 3.5 The Office percent minority teller and target 104 Table 3.6 South Park percent minority teller and target 105 Table 4.1 Competence Ratings Regression Analysis 129 Table 4.2 Warmth Ratings Regression Analysis 129 Table 4.3 Hiring Index Regression Analysis 130 Table 4.4 Salary Regression Analysis 130 Table 5.1 Gay Rights Regression Analysis (Homophobia) 144 Table 5.2 Other Minority Rights Regression Analysis (Homophobia) 147 Table 5.3 Arab Rights Regression Analysis (anti-Arab) 153 Table 5.4 Other Minority Rights Regression Analysis (anti-Arab) 154 Table 6.1 Perceptions of Discrimination 172 Table 6.2 Candidate Trait Ratings – Black Candidate 177 Table 6.3 Candidate Trait Ratings – White Candidate 177 Table 6.4 Likelihood of Winning – Black Candidate 177 vi Table 6.5 Likelihood of Winning – White Candidate 178 vii List of Figures Figure 3.1 Chappelle’s Show percent NMDH minority teller and target 99 Figure 3.2 Chappelle’s Show percent MDH minority teller and target 99 Figure 3.3 The Colbert Report percent NMDH minority teller and target 100 Figure 3.4 The Colbert Report percent MDH minority teller and target 101 Figure 3.5 The Daily Show percent NMDH minority teller and target 102 Figure 3.6 The Daily Show percent MDH minority teller and target 102 Figure 3.7 30 Rock percent NMDH minority teller and target 103 Figure 3.8 30 Rock percent MDH minority teller and target 103 Figure 3.9 The Office percent NMDH minority teller and target 104 Figure 3.10 The Office percent MDH minority teller and target 105 Figure 3.11 South Park percent NMDH minority teller and target 106 Figure 3.12 South Park percent MDH minority teller and target 106 Figure 3.13 Perceived Prevalence of Discrimination by Group 113 Figure 3.14 Acceptability of Making Jokes by Group 114 Figure 3.15 Justifiability of Discrimination by Group 115 Figure 5.1 Support for Gay Rights by Condition 145 Figure 5.2 Other Minority Rights Direct Interaction (Homophobia) 147 Figure 5.3 Other Minority Rights Meta Interaction (Homophobia) 147 Figure 5.4 Support for Arab Rights by Condition 153 viii Figure 5.5 Other Minority Rights Direct Interaction (Anti-Arab) 155 Figure 5.6 Other Minority Rights Meta Interaction (Anti-Arab) 155 ix List of Appendices Appendix A – Experiment Stimuli Descriptions 189 Appendix B – Prescreen Inventories 196 Appendix C – Outcome Variables 199 x Abstract “Meta-disparagement” humor refers to jokes that explicitly target a minority while implicitly ridiculing those who would laugh at the joke at face value. Through the use of irony, an implicit bigot is summoned as the true joke target. But at an explicit level, these jokes are offensive perpetuations of stereotypes. Thus, while meta-disparagement humor purports to undermine stereotypes, it may in fact reinforce and perpetuate them. Using both qualitative and quantitative methodologies, this dissertation investigates this possibility vis-à-vis humor that targets women, blacks, gay people, and Arabs. A discursive textual analysis of this type of humor in popular television series reveals that meta-disparagement humor most often derives from “hyperbole of prejudice” to ultimately critique political correctness. For all four groups, meta- disparagement humor is a double-edged phenomenon, indulging in stereotypes to ridicule them. A quantitative content analysis of the same television series determines the prevalence of and power dynamics embedded in this type of humor. A survey establishes baseline attitudes towards these groups. Finally, a series of six experiments tests the effects meta-disparagement versus direct disparagement humor of the four groups of interest on attitudes towards these groups using a variety of outcome variables. Overall, the experiments point to negative effects of this type of humor, such that stereotypes are more salient and impact subsequent judgments. xi Chapter 1 – Defining and Motivating Meta-Disparagement Humor On a 2010 episode of 30 Rock, fictional black TV star Tracy Jordan declares, “Old school racism is back.” Toofer, the sole black writer for Jordan’s show-within-a-show, asks, “How can racism be back when we elected a black president?” Jordan responds, “Barry Obams [sic] is the one who brought it back.” This leads Toofer to conclude, “So you’re saying that racism is back because white people no longer feel sorry for us?” This bit comically highlights a potential problem of a “post-racial” society that has allegedly achieved the goals of the Civil Rights movement. The election of Barrack Obama accelerated this shift toward supposed post-racialism, as perceptions of racial discrimination in the United States decreased by ten percent within a month of his election (Valentino & Brader, 2010). While Jordan and friends then lament the implications of post-racialism to include the demise of affirmative action, losing Queen Latifah as a Cover Girl, and the return of white judges to Law & Order, their list of woes also includes a faux security system commercial featuring a black perpetrator. The scene cuts to show this commercial that ends with the white female victim screaming, “Black man!” This bit embodies what I have termed “meta-disparagement” humor. This joke is explicitly racist but, taken in the context of Jordan et al.’s discussion, the viewer is to understand it as an indictment of racism. That is, a problem as complex and deep-rooted as racial resentment does not disappear overnight. The over-zealous push to post-racialism in 1 fact opens the door to racism. Meta-disparagement humor is one such manifestation of racism in a post-racial era, as it both trades in and challenges prejudice. Meta-disparagement humor is the concept I use to refer to jokes that explicitly target a marginalized group while implicitly ridiculing those who would laugh at such jokes. The bigot is summoned as the true joke target via irony, thereby deflecting responsibility for the politically incorrect content. A skit from Da Ali G Show in which Sacha Baron Cohen interviews a professor of gender research as his pseudo-gangster persona Ali G offers another example. During the skit, Ali G asserts he would not feel safe being driven by a woman, playing on the stereotype that women are bad drivers. The audience laughs – presumably not at the women targeted by Ali G’s joke, but at Ali G’s sexism – yet, the joke explicitly resurrects a sexist stereotype. Meta-disparagement humor uses irony to deflect responsibility for politically incorrect content. Taken at face value, these jokes are offensive perpetuations of stereotypes. Thus, while meta- disparagement humor purports to ridicule stereotypes and those who use them, it may, in fact, reinforce and perpetuate them. Although the above examples focus on race and gender, the concept of meta- disparagement humor can apply to any group dimension with a history of discrimination or about whom stereotypes exist.