Greece's Role in the Cold War
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The Logic of Violence in Civil War Has Much Less to Do with Collective Emotions, Ideologies, Cultures, Or “Greed and Grievance” Than Currently Believed
P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 This page intentionally left blank ii P1: KAE 0521854091pre CUNY324B/Kalyvas 0 521 85409 1 March 27, 2006 20:2 TheLogic of Violence in Civil War By analytically decoupling war and violence, this book explores the causes and dynamics of violence in civil war. Against prevailing views that such violence is either the product of impenetrable madness or a simple way to achieve strategic objectives, the book demonstrates that the logic of violence in civil war has much less to do with collective emotions, ideologies, cultures, or “greed and grievance” than currently believed. Stathis Kalyvas distinguishes between indis- criminate and selective violence and specifies a novel theory of selective violence: it is jointly produced by political actors seeking information and indi- vidual noncombatants trying to avoid the worst but also grabbing what oppor- tunities their predicament affords them. Violence is not a simple reflection of the optimal strategy of its users; its profoundly interactive character defeats sim- ple maximization logics while producing surprising outcomes, such as relative nonviolence in the “frontlines” of civil war. Civil war offers irresistible opportu- nities to those who are not naturally bloodthirsty and abhor direct involvement in violence. The manipulation of political organizations by local actors wishing to harm their rivals signals a process of privatization of political violence rather than the more commonly thought politicization of private life. Seen from this perspective, violence is a process taking place because of human aversion rather than a predisposition toward homicidal violence, which helps explain the para- dox of the explosion of violence in social contexts characterized by high levels of interpersonal contact, exchange, and even trust. -
Antiquity, Archaeology, and National Imagination in Greece
CLASSICAL PRESENCES General Editors Lorna Hardwick James I. Porter CLASSICAL PRESENCES The texts, ideas, images, and material culture of ancient Greece and Rome have always been crucial to attempts to appropriate the past in order to authenticate the present. They underlie the mapping of change and the assertion and challenging of values and identities, old and new. Classical Presences brings the latest scholarship to bear on the contexts, theory, and practice of such use, and abuse, of the classical past. The Nation and its Ruins: Antiquity, Archaeology, and National Imagination in Greece YANNIS HAMILAKIS 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oYces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York ß Yannis Hamilakis 2007 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. -
Hamilakis Nation and Its Ruins.Pdf
CLASSICAL PRESENCES General Editors Lorna Hardwick James I. Porter CLASSICAL PRESENCES The texts, ideas, images, and material culture of ancient Greece and Rome have always been crucial to attempts to appropriate the past in order to authenticate the present. They underlie the mapping of change and the assertion and challenging of values and identities, old and new. Classical Presences brings the latest scholarship to bear on the contexts, theory, and practice of such use, and abuse, of the classical past. The Nation and its Ruins: Antiquity, Archaeology, and National Imagination in Greece YANNIS HAMILAKIS 1 3 Great Clarendon Street, Oxford ox2 6dp Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide in Oxford New York Auckland Cape Town Dar es Salaam Hong Kong Karachi Kuala Lumpur Madrid Melbourne Mexico City Nairobi New Delhi Shanghai Taipei Toronto With oYces in Argentina Austria Brazil Chile Czech Republic France Greece Guatemala Hungary Italy Japan Poland Portugal Singapore South Korea Switzerland Thailand Turkey Ukraine Vietnam Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries Published in the United States by Oxford University Press Inc., New York ß Yannis Hamilakis 2007 The moral rights of the author have been asserted Database right Oxford University Press (maker) First published 2007 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. -
Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division
Order Code RS21855 Updated October 16, 2007 Greece Update Carol Migdalovitz Specialist in Middle Eastern Affairs Foreign Affairs, Trade, and Defense Division Summary The conservative New Democracy party won reelection in September 2007. Kostas Karamanlis, its leader, remained prime minister and pledged to continue free-market economic reforms to enhance growth and create jobs. The government’s foreign policy focuses on the European Union (EU), relations with Turkey, reunifying Cyprus, resolving a dispute with Macedonia over its name, other Balkan issues, and relations with the United States. Greece has assisted with the war on terrorism, but is not a member of the coalition in Iraq. This report will be updated if developments warrant. See also CRS Report RL33497, Cyprus: Status of U.N. Negotiations and Related Issues, by Carol Migdalovitz. Government and Politics Prime Minister Kostas Karamanlis called for early parliamentary elections to be held on September 16, 2007, instead of in March 2008 as otherwise scheduled, believing that his government’s economic record would ensure easy reelection. In August, however, Greece experienced severe and widespread wildfires, resulting in 76 deaths and 270,000 hectares burned. The government attempted to deflect attention from what was widely viewed as its ineffective performance in combating the fires by blaming the catastrophe on terrorists, without proof, and by providing generous compensation for victims. This crisis came on top of a scandal over the state pension fund’s purchase of government bonds at inflated prices. Under these circumstances, Karamanlis’s New Democracy party’s (ND) ability to win of a slim majority of 152 seats in the unicameral 300-seat parliament and four more years in office was viewed as a victory. -
Political Parties I Discourse & Ideology
Continuities and Change in Greek political culture: PASOK’s modernization paradigm 1996-2004 Nikolaos Bilios (MPhil LSE) PhD student UoA- Marshall Memorial Fellow [email protected] [email protected] University of Athens Faculty of Law Department of Political Science and Public Administration Summer 2009 Paper for the 4th Biennial Hellenic Observatory PhD Symposium on Contemporary Greece Session II- Panel 5- Political Parties I: Discourse & Ideology Room : U110, Tower 1 Chair: Prof. Kevin Featherstone 1 ABSTRACT Throughout the 90s, PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Movement), in common with the other European social democratic parties, has advocated a revisionist approach towards socialism and has placed the 'modernization' of the Greek society high on its political agenda. By focusing on the characteristics of PASOK’s transformation, this paper aims to exemplify the repercussion of this development on its political discourse i.e. the modernization paradigm (eksychronismos). Key questions will be addressed: What is the significance of ‘modernization’ as a political discourse? What is its empirical documentation and how its methodological use will help us to study and to decipher the role of this political ideology in conjunction with PASOK’s new character, ideological agenda, social base. The material composing the analysis of this paper derives from empirical research on the speeches delivered and interviews given by the Prime Minister Kostas Simitis and other members of the ‘modernizers group’ and by articles and texts which have been published in the daily press, periodicals and books. INTRODUCTION The discussion about the ideology, role and organization of political parties is continuous and classic. The scope and intensity of the challenges currently faced in Western European political parties is exceptionally great, threatening the viability of the manner in which they have traditionally operated and causing them to seek new behaviors and strategies. -
0714685003.Pdf
CONTENTS Foreword xi Acknowledgements xiv Acronyms xviii Introduction 1 1 A terrorist attack in Italy 3 2 A scandal shocks Western Europe 15 3 The silence of NATO, CIA and MI6 25 4 The secret war in Great Britain 38 5 The secret war in the United States 51 6 The secret war in Italy 63 7 The secret war in France 84 8 The secret war in Spain 103 9 The secret war in Portugal 114 10 The secret war in Belgium 125 11 The secret war in the Netherlands 148 12 The secret war in Luxemburg 165 ix 13 The secret war in Denmark 168 14 The secret war in Norway 176 15 The secret war in Germany 189 16 The secret war in Greece 212 17 The secret war in Turkey 224 Conclusion 245 Chronology 250 Notes 259 Select bibliography 301 Index 303 x FOREWORD At the height of the Cold War there was effectively a front line in Europe. Winston Churchill once called it the Iron Curtain and said it ran from Szczecin on the Baltic Sea to Trieste on the Adriatic Sea. Both sides deployed military power along this line in the expectation of a major combat. The Western European powers created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) precisely to fight that expected war but the strength they could marshal remained limited. The Soviet Union, and after the mid-1950s the Soviet Bloc, consistently had greater numbers of troops, tanks, planes, guns, and other equipment. This is not the place to pull apart analyses of the military balance, to dissect issues of quantitative versus qualitative, or rigid versus flexible tactics. -
Civil-Military Relations: a Comparative Analysis of the Role of the Military in the Political Transformation of Post-War Turkey and Greece: 1980-1995
CIVIL-MILITARY RELATIONS: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN THE POLITICAL TRANSFORMATION OF POST-WAR TURKEY AND GREECE: 1980-1995 Dr. Gerassimos Karabelias Final Report submitted to North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in June 1998 1 ABSTRACT This report attempts to determine the evolution of civil-military relations in Turkey and Greece during the 1980-1995 period through an examination of the role of the military in the political transformation of both countries. Since the mid-1970s and especially after the Fall of the Berlin Wall, the struggle for spreading the winds of democracy around the globe has been the goal of all western states and particularly the United States of America. However, taking into consideration the volatility in the Balkans and in Central Asia, the military institution of Turkey and Greece which gave the impression that it withdrew in the barracks after their last intervention in 1980-83 and 1967-74 respectively, could easily be forced or even tempted to assume a greater responsibility in the conduct of each country’s domestic and foreign affairs. Only through a better understanding of its role during the 1980-95 period, we would be able to determine the feasibility of such scenarios. Using a multi-factorial model as a protection from the short- sighted results which the majority of mono-factorial approaches produce, this report starts with the analysis of the distinct role which the Armed Forces of each country have had in the historical evolution of their respective civil-military relations up to 1980 (Part One of Chapters Two and Three). -
The Gordian Knot: American and British Policy Concerning the Cyprus Issue: 1952-1974
THE GORDIAN KNOT: AMERICAN AND BRITISH POLICY CONCERNING THE CYPRUS ISSUE: 1952-1974 Michael M. Carver A Thesis Submitted to the Graduate College of Bowling Green State University in partial fulfillment of The requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS May 2006 Committee: Dr. Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor Dr. Gary R. Hess ii ABSTRACT Douglas J. Forsyth, Advisor This study examines the role of both the United States and Great Britain during a series of crises that plagued Cyprus from the mid 1950s until the 1974 invasion by Turkey that led to the takeover of approximately one-third of the island and its partition. Initially an ancient Greek colony, Cyprus was conquered by the Ottoman Empire in the late 16th century, which allowed the native peoples to take part in the island’s governance. But the idea of Cyprus’ reunification with the Greek mainland, known as enosis, remained a significant tenet to most Greek-Cypriots. The movement to make enosis a reality gained strength following the island’s occupation in 1878 by Great Britain. Cyprus was integrated into the British imperialist agenda until the end of the Second World War when American and Soviet hegemony supplanted European colonialism. Beginning in 1955, Cyprus became a battleground between British officials and terrorists of the pro-enosis EOKA group until 1959 when the independence of Cyprus was negotiated between Britain and the governments of Greece and Turkey. The United States remained largely absent during this period, but during the 1960s and 1970s came to play an increasingly assertive role whenever intercommunal fighting between the Greek and Turkish-Cypriot populations threatened to spill over into Greece and Turkey, and endanger the southeastern flank of NATO. -
The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: a Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights?
designed by OMBLOS Supported by the Street 30 Panepistimiou University of Athens Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre 2019 12–14 December UNDER THE AUSPICES OF H.E. THE PRESIDENT OF THE HELLENIC REPUBLIC MR. PROKOPIOS PAVLOPOULOS International Conference The “Greek Case” in the Council of Europe: A Game Changer for International Law and Human Rights? 12–14 December 2019 Alkis Argyriadis Amphitheatre, University of Athens Supported by the Thursday, 12 December 2019 Friday, 13 December 2019 Saturday, 14 December 2019 (limited seats available due to invited guests) 09:30–10:30 Session 1: The Applicant States, the “Greek 9:00–11:00 Session 4: International Institutions, 16:30 Registration Case”, and Global Anti-Torture Politics Solidarity Movements, and the “Greek Case” 17:00–17:30 Welcome Chair-Discussant: Axel Sotiris Walldén (Free University of Chair-Discussant: Hara Kouki (University of Durham) Willem Ledeboer (Netherlands Institute at Athens) Brussels, former official at the European Commission) Tom Buchanan (University of Oxford) On behalf of the Organizing Committee Hanne Hagtvedt Vik (University of Oslo) & Skage Alexander Amnesty International and the Greek Crisis of 1967–68 H.E. the Ambassador of Sweden, Charlotte Sammelin Østberg (University of Oslo) Kim Christiaens (University of Leuven): International Solidarity Global Anti-Torture Politics 1967–77 and the Scandinavian States with Greece in International Perspective H.E. the Ambassador of Denmark, Klavs A. Holm Wiebe Hommes (Amsterdam Centre for European Law and Janis Nalbadidacis (Humboldt University, Berlin) The “Greek Case” from Inside H.E. the Ambassador of the Netherlands, Stella Ronner-Grubacic Governance) č ć The Greek Case & the Netherlands: a Watershed Moment Konstantina Maragkou (London School of Economics) H.E. -
Hierarchischer Thesaurus 2018
HIERARCHISCHER THESAURUS 2018 AUTOREN VON THESAURUS: KOΟRDINATION UND REDAKTION DR. IASONAS CHANDRINOS UND DAS HISTORIKER-TEAM DR. ANTONIS ANTONIOU DR. ANNA MARIA DROUMPOUKI KERASIA MALAGIORGI BB Begrenzter Begriff AB Ausgedehnter Begriff VB Verwandter Begriff SH Bereich Hinweis AB Organisationen on1_1 VF Verwenden für BB 5/42 Evzonen Regiment on1_2 VB Nationale und Soziale Befreiung 5/42 Syntagma Evzonon (5/42 SE), militärischer Arm der SH Widerstandsorganisation EKKA. BB Jung-Adler on1_1108 VB Vereinigte Panhellenische Jugendorganisation Nationale Befreiungsfront SH Kinderorganisation der Nationalen Befreiungsfront Griechenlands (EAM). BB Antifaschistische Organisation der Armee on1_2123 Geheimorganisation, welche 1942-43 von den exilierten, griechischen Streitkräften im Nahen Osten gebildet wurde. Wurde von KKE-Funktionären geleitet und hatte tausende von Soldaten, Matrosen und Offizieren vereint, welche sich im Konflikt mit den Königstreuen befanden. Zweigstellen von ihr waren die Antifaschistische Organisation der Marine (AON) und die Antifaschistische Organisation der Luftwaffe (AOA). Wurde im April 1944, nach SH der Unterdrückung der Bewegung durch die Briten, aufgelöst. BB Jagdkommando Schubert on1_1116 VB Schubert, Fritz Paramilitärische Einheit der Wehrmacht, welche 1943-1944 auf Kreta und in Makedonien aktiv war und unter dem Befehl des Oberfeldwebels der Geheimen Feldpolizei (GFP) Fritz Schubert stand. Diese unabhängige Einheit bestand aus etwa 100 freiwilligen Griechen und ihre offizielle deutsche Bezeichnung lautete "Jagdkommando -
Tom Barnes' Greek Archive, 1942–45
Archived at the Flinders Academic Commons: http://dspace.flinders.edu.au/dspace/ This is the published version of the following article: Barnes, K 2019, 'Gorgopotamos and after: Tom Barnes' Greek archive 1942-45', Journal of Modern Greek Studies (Australia and New Zealand) — Special Issue, pp. 163-185. Reproduced with permission of the publisher. © 2019 the author. Gorgopotamos and After: Tom Barnes’ Gree Are, 42–45 Katherine Barnes Cecil dward (Tom) arnes took part in the famous sabotage operation of the Gorgopotamos Bridge in November 1942 as leader of the demolition party. Remaining in Greece after the attack, he rose to become one of two Area Commanders for the Allied Military Mission in Greece. The archive he left behind at his death in 1952 includes over 1000 photos, war diaries, letters and reports, mainly relating to his experiences in Greece. This study demonstrates how these eye-witness records illuminate important aspects of these critical years in modern Greek history including the Gorgopotamos operation itself and the trek across Greece which followed, the “Animals” operation which was conducted to convince Hitler that the Allied landings would take place in Greece and distract his attention from Sicily, surrender overtures from the German commander in pirus General Hubert von Lanz), and the so-called first two rounds of Civil War in 1943 and 1944. ntrodton When Captain later Lieutenant-Colonel) “Tom” arnes was parachuted into Greece in late 194 at the age of 35 as one of three engineers for a Special Operations xecutive (SO mission against the German and Italian occupying forces, he had with him several small notebooks. -
Kinley on Tsoutsoumpis, 'A History of the Greek Resistance in the Second World War: the People's Armies'
H-War Kinley on Tsoutsoumpis, 'A History of the Greek Resistance in the Second World War: The People's Armies' Review published on Thursday, August 20, 2020 Spyros Tsoutsoumpis. A History of the Greek Resistance in the Second World War: The People's Armies. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2016. 288 pp. $105.00 (cloth),ISBN 978-1-78499-251-4. Reviewed by Christopher Kinley (The Ohio State University) Published on H-War (August, 2020) Commissioned by Margaret Sankey (Air University) Printable Version: http://www.h-net.org/reviews/showpdf.php?id=55113 Undeniably, one of the most researched episodes in the history of modern Greece is the Axis occupation and the subsequent civil war that devastated the country and left traces still tangible today. Although there is an abundance of Greek-language scholarship regarding the occupation and resistance fighters, much of it is confined within an accusatory political discourse that obscures historical realities and the nuances of the Greek resistance. Further compounding the limited nature of this scholarship is that Anglophone works regarding the topic are routinely dominated by narratives anchored by the Nazi enterprise, typically to garner a broader audience. What emerges from Spyros Tsoutsoumpis’s book, A History of the Greek Resistance, is a rich study that acts as a corrective to these historiographical shortcomings. In this well-written and provocative study, Tsoutsoumpis meticulously weaves together archival sources, memoirs, and oral histories to unearth the complex nature of the Greek resistance, from internal organization to the motivations that drove individuals to join as well as defect from guerilla bands.