Jewish Education to Help Us Thrive | SPRING 2018, VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Jewish Education to Help Us Thrive | SPRING 2018, VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1 GLEANINGS SPRING 2018 Dialogue on Jewish Education from The William Davidson School VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1 The William Davidson Graduate School of Jewish Education is the largest multidenominational school of Jewish education in North America, granting master’s and doctoral degrees and providing professional development to educators currently in the field. Drawing upon cutting-edge thinking in both Jewish and general education, its pedagogy emphasizes experiential education, is informed by best practices and new developments in teaching, and engenders leadership in a variety of educational settings. Learn more at www.jtsa.edu/davidson. LEADERSHIP COMMONS The Leadership Commons is a project of The William Davidson School dedicated to building educational leadership that works together to create a vibrant Jewish future. Jewish Education to • Leadership Institutes Help Us Thrive • Research, Design, and Publications When we sign up our children to participate in Jewish educational experiences, what are we hoping for? Is our goal merely to have our kids become active and knowledgeable Jews? Or, if we dig deep down into our souls, might we hope that everyone—not only our children—who engages in Jewish Education projects at The William Davidson School are currently learning and community is more fulfilled as a result? funded by Alan B. Slifka Foundation, Amy Mandel/Katina Rodis Fund, The Avi Chai Foundation, Birmingham Jewish Foundation, Covenant Foundation, The Crown Family, the Jewish Women’s This is the paradigm shift starting to appear throughout the field of Jewish education. Foundation of New York, Jim Joseph Foundation, Leon Levine It is a shift predicted many years ago by Dr. Jonathan Woocher, z”l, a true Gadol, one Foundation, Lippman Kanfer Foundation for Living Torah, The Wexner Graduate Fellowship Alumni Collaboration grant, and of the greatest Jewish educational thinkers of our time. In 2013, Dr. Woocher stated, the William Davidson Foundation, as well as by endowments continues on page 2 ›› established for the Melton Center and the Mandell Berman Fund for Action Research and Evaluation. Jewish Early Childhood Day School Leadership Jewish Experiential The Legacy Heritage JCC Leadership Education Leadership Training Institute Leadership Institute Instructional Leadership Training Institute Institute Institute GLEANINGS | Jewish Education to Help Us Thrive | SPRING 2018, VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1 “Twentieth-century Jewish education was designed to answer the question, ‘How can we ensure that individuals remain “good” Jews, even as they become good (and successful) Americans?’ Jewish education must respond to a subtly, but significantly, different question:‘How can we help Jews draw on and use their Jewishness to live more meaningful, fulfilling, and responsible lives?’” As a tribute to Dr. Woocher, who served for many years on The William Davidson School Advisory Board, we have asked a group of scholars and practitioners to respond to his visionary proclamation. In this issue, we learn how the idea of thriving aligns with ancient philosophies, Jewish texts, and today’s training of the next generation of Jewish educators. We will also see evidence of this approach in Jewish education emerging across the continent, from the early childhood classroom to the JCC to the synagogue school. As you read through, consider: How might you inspire a shift in your own approach to Jewish education? How might you encourage those around you to follow suit, helping our learners and communities to lead more meaningful, fulfilling, and thriving lives? Shalom, Mark S. Young, Managing Director, the Leadership Commons CONTENTS Values in Action and Vice Versa: Toward an Integrated Framework for Jewish Education in the Social and Emotional Domains . 3 DR. JEFFREY S. KRESS How We Learn Is What We Learn . .5 . ALLISON COOK AND DR. ORIT KENT Toward a Modern Jewish Virtue Ethics of Education . 8 DR. YONATAN Y. BRAFMAN Toward More Expansive Perspectives on Gender, Authority, and Role Modeling . 11 DR. REBECCA J. EPSTEIN-LEVI Modeling and Learning Thriving Through Civic Engagement . 13 DR. MEREDITH KATZ Outside In: Jewish Education That Matters . 16. RABBI SID SCHWARZ From Piles of Schnitzel to Living Extraordinary Lives . 18 SHARON GOLDMAN, JD The JCC Vision of Jewish Thriving Through Engagement with the World . 21 DR. DAVID ACKERMAN Taking the Time and Making the Investment to Thrive . 23 RABBI JENNIFER GOLDSMITH Forging a Path . 25 ANNA MARX 2 GLEANINGS | Jewish Education to Help Us Thrive | SPRING 2018, VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1 Values in Action and Vice Versa: Toward an Integrated Framework for Jewish Education in the Social and Emotional Domains DR. JEFFREY S. KRESS There is no shortage of terms for education in the intra- and interpersonal domains. Character education. Moral education. Education for ethics. Whole child. Social-emotional learning (SEL). Values or Middot. Identity. Meaning and purpose. Spiritual development. Positive psychology and Thriving. While there is a place for delving into differences, I suggest that there are areas in which these approaches intersect in ways that either reinforce or complement one another. What is my rationale for this? To paraphrase a quote that I have heard attributed to both James Comer and Seymour Sarason (if anyone has an original citation, please let me know!), we don’t teach character education (or moral education or values or SEL, etc.), we teach children (or adolescents or adults, etc.). That is, the real lived experience of an individual cannot meaningfully be subdivided into the categories we’ve established to frame our work. In considering the actual experience of the learner, I find it helpful to think of a number of intersecting elements. While some of these might be more strongly associated with one or another of the subfields of intra- and interpersonal education, I believe it is important to see these as intersecting in the lives of individuals. A SUBSTRATE OF SOCIAL AND EMOTIONAL SKILLS A comprehensive list of skills that comprise social and emotional functioning would be lengthy, yet it is possible to speak about broad categories such as those iterated by the Collaborative for Academic, Social, and Emotional Learning (CASEL). This list includes self-awareness (e.g., recognizing one’s emotions in a given situation); self-management (e.g., managing stress; staying motivated toward a goal); social awareness (e.g., empathy and perspective taking; reading social cues); relationship skills (e.g., communication skills); and responsible problem solving. As CASEL states on its website (casel.org): Self-awareness is “the ability to make constructive choices about personal behavior and social interactions based on ethical standards, safety concerns, and social norms.” Realistic decision-making is “the realistic evaluation of consequences of various actions, and a consideration of the well-being of oneself and others.” A FRAMEWORK OF VALUES One might use appropriate skills for inappropriate ends. “Please hand me that pencil” can be followed by “so I can finish my assignment” or “so I can throw it at Yossi.” Values, such as themiddot that are part of the resurgent Mussar movement, provide the prescriptive framework for the pro-social uses of these skills. The value of kavod (respect or honor), for example, adds that not only must the skills of “polite requests” be implemented, but also that they be used for the benefit and not the harm of others. At the same time, the skills are the substrate for the enactment of values. Though one might intend to show kavod, a demand of “Gimme!!” would not be taken as such. TAKING ACTION Values are strongly linked to social and emotional competencies. In fact, putting values into action often involves using multiple skills in unison, and value-laden situations are, in turn, opportunities to hone social and 3 GLEANINGS | Jewish Education to Help Us Thrive | SPRING 2018, VOLUME 5, ISSUE 1 emotional skills. This applies to even the most seemingly basic cases; asking for a pencil with kavod requires an array of social skills such as choosing the right words and tone of voice, gauging the emotional state of the pencil-possessor to ascertain, among other things, “Is this a good time or does that person seem to want to be left alone?” and “Am I asking for something that the other person may not want to part with?” One needs to control impulses and not grab the pencil or not ask for it if the time is not right. Welcome to the real world. We all face circumstances in which it is particularly difficult to enact values. In fact, one can say that the Jewish tradition flags some notably challenging situations, making them a part of Jewish practice and thus integral for us to teach as part of one’s Jewish education. Think about bikkur holim (visiting the sick), hachnasat orchim (welcoming guests), and kibbud av va’em (respecting parents). In real life, enactment of these practices may involve emotional triggers (our own sadness about a loved one’s illness or the intensity of emotions that characterize parent-child relationships). Even adults confront situations in which the way to enact values is unclear (e.g., might there be situations in which showing kavod might actually entail refraining from visiting a sick person?), and those in which values conflict (e.g., should we demonstrateachrayut , responsibility, and intervene in an argument, or use savlanut, patience, and hold back?). As such, we can’t show learners the “right way” to handle complex situations. What we can do is scaffold a framework for approaching such situations—considering the values at play and the emotional dimensions involved, planning proactively for social interactions and anticipation of roadblocks to our best intentions, and reflecting afterward to consider how things went. INTEGRATION WITH SELF AND BEYOND The exercise of values-guided social and emotional skills and behaviors sometimes seems to run counter to cultural norms. Actions marked by impulsivity and lack of interpersonal consideration may be easier than value- and empathy-driven behavior.
Recommended publications
  • 'The Left's Views on Israel: from the Establishment of the Jewish State To
    ‘The Left’s Views on Israel: From the establishment of the Jewish state to the intifada’ Thesis submitted by June Edmunds for PhD examination at the London School of Economics and Political Science 1 UMI Number: U615796 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Dissertation Publishing UMI U615796 Published by ProQuest LLC 2014. Copyright in the Dissertation held by the Author. Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ProQuest LLC 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106-1346 F 7377 POLITI 58^S8i ABSTRACT The British left has confronted a dilemma in forming its attitude towards Israel in the postwar period. The establishment of the Jewish state seemed to force people on the left to choose between competing nationalisms - Israeli, Arab and later, Palestinian. Over time, a number of key developments sharpened the dilemma. My central focus is the evolution of thinking about Israel and the Middle East in the British Labour Party. I examine four critical periods: the creation of Israel in 1948; the Suez war in 1956; the Arab-Israeli war of 1967 and the 1980s, covering mainly the Israeli invasion of Lebanon but also the intifada. In each case, entrenched attitudes were called into question and longer-term shifts were triggered in the aftermath.
    [Show full text]
  • Intermarriage and Jewish Leadership in the United States
    Steven Bayme Intermarriage and Jewish Leadership in the United States There is a conflict between personal interests and collective Jewish welfare. As private citizens, we seek the former; as Jewish leaders, however, our primary concern should be the latter. Jewish leadership is entrusted with strengthening the collective Jewish endeavor. The principle applies both to external questions of Jewish security and to internal questions of the content and meaning of leading a Jewish life. Countercultural Messages Two decades ago, the American Jewish Committee (AJC) adopted a “Statement on Mixed Marriage.”1 The statement was reaffirmed in 1997 and continues to represent the AJC’s view regarding Jewish communal policy on this difficult and divisive issue. The document, which is nuanced and calls for plural approaches, asserts that Jews prefer to marry other Jews and that efforts at promoting endogamy should be encouraged. Second, when a mixed marriage occurs, the best outcome is the conversion of the non-Jewish spouse, thereby transforming a mixed marriage into an endogamous one. When conversion is not possible, efforts should be directed at encouraging the couple to raise their children exclusively as Jews. All three messages are countercultural in an American society that values egalitarianism, universalism, and multiculturalism. Preferring endogamy contradicts a universalist ethos of embracing all humanity. Encouraging conversion to Judaism suggests preference for one faith over others. Advocating that children be raised exclusively as Jews goes against multicultural diversity, which proclaims that having two faiths in the home is richer than having a single one. It is becoming increasingly difficult for Jewish leaders to articulate these messages.
    [Show full text]
  • The Evolution of the Israeli Party System Gyula Gazdik
    The evolution of the Israeli party system Gyula Gazdik he Israelis pride themselves in being the only democracy in the Middle East. At first sight this claim seems to be the case. It is true to say that while the region's TIslamic countries made numerous attempts during the past decades to reform their institutional system - by contrast to the Jewish state - they made little progress with respect to the liberalisation of society and executive control. However, such comparison can only be ostensible, since the exercise of power is largely influenced by the historical and cultural diversity of the countries under scrutiny. The situation of the Palestinian population of Israel is the primary target of various critiques with respect to Israeli democracy.1 Israel - with a population of six million - is a multiethnic, multi-religious and multicultural country.2 Eighty per cent of the population is Jewish and - besides the 17 per cent-strong Arab community - there are also Druses, Circassians and other minorities. The coexistence of three regional monotheistic religions makes the country unique. While one half of the Jewish population was in Israel, the other half comprises immigrants from 70 countries. As a consequence of the wave of large-scale immigration from the successor states of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s, approximately 800,000 people arrived in the country. This enduring multicultural environment had an intrinsic effect on national integration. Whereas this persistent hostile environment, which has endured since the creation of the state in 1948, coupled with the feeling of insecurity following the Arab- Israeli conflict reinforced this process, the continuing division between the various Jewish communities retarded integration.
    [Show full text]
  • The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy
    Luke Howson University of Liverpool The Role of Ultra-Orthodox Political Parties in Israeli Democracy Thesis submitted in accordance with the requirements of the University of Liverpool for the degree of Doctor in Philosophy By Luke Howson July 2014 Committee: Clive Jones, BA (Hons) MA, PhD Prof Jon Tonge, PhD 1 Luke Howson University of Liverpool © 2014 Luke Howson All Rights Reserved 2 Luke Howson University of Liverpool Abstract This thesis focuses on the role of ultra-orthodox party Shas within the Israeli state as a means to explore wider themes and divisions in Israeli society. Without underestimating the significance of security and conflict within the structure of the Israeli state, in this thesis the Arab–Jewish relationship is viewed as just one important cleavage within the Israeli state. Instead of focusing on this single cleavage, this thesis explores the complex structure of cleavages at the heart of the Israeli political system. It introduces the concept of a ‘cleavage pyramid’, whereby divisions are of different saliency to different groups. At the top of the pyramid is division between Arabs and Jews, but one rung down from this are the intra-Jewish divisions, be they religious, ethnic or political in nature. In the case of Shas, the religious and ethnic elements are the most salient. The secular–religious divide is a key fault line in Israel and one in which ultra-orthodox parties like Shas are at the forefront. They and their politically secular counterparts form a key division in Israel, and an exploration of Shas is an insightful means of exploring this division further, its history and causes, and how these groups interact politically.
    [Show full text]
  • “No Political Solution: the Occupation of Palestinian Narrative in Raja Shehadeh” John Randolph Leblanc University of Texas at Tyler
    “No Political Solution: The Occupation of Palestinian Narrative in Raja Shehadeh” John Randolph LeBlanc University of Texas at Tyler For the Palestinian people, the “political” means being caught between “democratic” Israel’s occupation/domination and collaboration by their own democratically-elected “leaders.”1 Consequently, Palestinians have found it very difficult to find and articulate a functional political imaginary that addresses their everyday conditions and concerns. In this essay, I begin seeking possible sources for such an imaginary in the work of Raja Shehadeh, the lawyer, human rights activist, and writer from Ramallah. Of particular concern is his series of diaries written during various occupations and other Israeli incursions into the West Bank where he still lives.2 Shehadeh’s experience of everyday life under occupation and his various resistances to it force us to unmask the “democratic” at work in Palestine/Israel and push our understanding of the political beyond the Schmittian friend-enemy distinction to the need for a politics that serves human beings before even more abstract commitments. Since the summer of 1967, occupation/domination has been the principal mode of political interaction between the democratic state of Israel and the Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. While within the state of Israel we can find the forms and institutions of democracy at work, at least for its Jewish citizens,3 neither Israel’s justifications nor its administration of the frequent occupations of Palestinian territories are consistent with the stated ideals affiliated with liberal democracy: respect for persons and their property, freedom of movement, ordered access to basic services (from sustenance to work to education), and the substantive as well as procedural protections of the rule of law.4 Absent these possibilities and in the presence of the domination of occupation, we nonetheless may find the seeds of democratic possibilities in practices that emerge in resistance to occupation/domination.
    [Show full text]
  • Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019
    WID.world WORKING PAPER N° 2020/17 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949-2019 Yonatan Berman August 2020 Inequality, Identity, and the Long-Run Evolution of Political Cleavages in Israel 1949{2019 Yonatan Berman∗ y August 20, 2020 Abstract This paper draws on pre- and post-election surveys to address the long run evolution of vot- ing patterns in Israel from 1949 to 2019. The heterogeneous ethnic, cultural, educational, and religious backgrounds of Israelis created a range of political cleavages that evolved throughout its history and continue to shape its political climate and its society today. De- spite Israel's exceptional characteristics, we find similar patterns to those found for France, the UK and the US. Notably, we find that in the 1960s{1970s, the vote for left-wing parties was associated with lower social class voters. It has gradually become associated with high social class voters during the late 1970s and later. We also find a weak inter-relationship between inequality and political outcomes, suggesting that despite the social class cleavage, identity-based or \tribal" voting is still dominant in Israeli politics. Keywords: Political cleavages, Political economy, Income inequality, Israel ∗London Mathematical Laboratory, The Graduate Center and Stone Center on Socio-Economic Inequality, City University of New York, [email protected] yI wish to thank Itai Artzi, Dror Feitelson, Amory Gethin, Clara Mart´ınez-Toledano, and Thomas Piketty for helpful discussions and comments, and to Leah Ashuah and Raz Blanero from Tel Aviv-Yafo Municipality for historical data on parliamentary elections in Tel Aviv.
    [Show full text]
  • STRATEGIES UNDER a NEW ELECTORAL SYSTEM the Labor Party in the 1996 Israeli Elections
    06 – Torgovnik 4/1/00 12:11 pm Page 95 PARTY POLITICS VOL 6. No.1 pp. 95–106 Copyright © 2000 SAGE Publications London Thousand Oaks New Delhi RESEARCH NOTE STRATEGIES UNDER A NEW ELECTORAL SYSTEM The Labor Party in the 1996 Israeli elections Efraim Torgovnik ABSTRACT Structural systemic factors, including a tie between the two major political blocs in Israel and the change to direct election of the prime minister, generated an on-line personal campaign, making memory-based retrospective assessment of the positive past performance of Labor and its candidate, Shimon Peres, a lesser electoral issue. The direct elections for the prime minister overshadowed the party and its campaign. Concerns for personal security, raised during the campaign by terrorism, enhanced the electoral chances of the opposition Likud party and its candidate, Binyamin Netanyahu. Emotions became dominant in such symbolic-normative electoral dimensions as religious nationalism and fear. This was apparent in the success of the opposition candidate, Netanyahu, who was against the Oslo peace process, in entering the peace space by calling for a safe peace; he made peace a derivative of security. This undermined the key campaign position issue of incumbent Prime Minister Peres, which made security a derivative of peace. Emotions and terrorism contributed to a negative prospective voter assessment of the peace process and overshadowed retrospective dimensions of perform- ance, state of the economy and leadership. Analysis of campaign- generated issues indicates that election campaigns do make a difference. KEY WORDS n campaign strategies n electoral systems n Israel The 1996 Israeli national elections were held under a new and unique elec- toral rule: the prime minister was elected through personal elections in one 1354-0688(200001)6:1;95–106;011276 06 – Torgovnik 4/1/00 12:11 pm Page 96 PARTY POLITICS 6(1) national constituency while the parties ran in a national proportional rep- resentation system.
    [Show full text]
  • Poles and Jews: the Quest for Self-Determination 1919- 1934
    Poles and Jews: The Quest For Self-Determination 1919- 1934 By Feigue Cieplinski Poland became an independent nation against all odds in the interwar period and retained her sovereignty from 1919 to 1939; hence the concept “interwar Poland.” The vicissitudes of her existence earned her the name of “God’s Playground.” [1] The Jews within her borders shared her history since 1240 C.E. Their freedoms during this period, unequaled in other places of Western Europe, earned Poland the Biblical allusion of “New Canaan.” [2] In contrast, some scholars have described Poland’s Jewry in the interwar Republic as being “On the Edge Of Destruction.” [3] That Polish Jewry was in distress is attested by the urgent visit of Mr. Neville Laski, a member of the British Joint Foreign Committee closely associated with the American Jewish Committee (AJC) and the Joint Distribution Committee, in 1934. [4] His August visit fell between two historical events framing Polish Jewry’s status: seven months before, in January of that year, Poland and Germany signed a bilateral non- aggression declaration and in September Colonel Josef Beck, as Foreign Minister, announced in Geneva, his country’s unilateral abrogation of the Minorities Treaty in force since 1919. The scholars listed below have studied separately either the birth of Poland and the imposition of the Minorities Protection Treaty, the rapprochement between Poland and Germany, or the situation of the Jews in Poland. However, they have paid scant attention to the nexus between the rise of Hitler, the rapprochement between Poland and Germany, the demise of the Minorities Protection Treaty, and the consequent worsening situation of Polish Jewry.
    [Show full text]
  • The Myth of the Disproportionate Influence of Small Parties in Israel
    UC Irvine CSD Working Papers Title The Myth of the Disproportionate Influence of Small Parties in Israel Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/8t67x8b8 Authors McGann, Anthony J. Moran, Tersea Publication Date 2005-05-11 eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California CSD Center for the Study of Democracy An Organized Research Unit University of California, Irvine www.democ.uci.edu The proposition that proportional representation gives small parties (particularly religious parties) disproportionate influence in Israeli politics is frequently taken as given, and has largely gone unchallenged. For example, advocates of constitutional change and electoral reform in Israel frequently cite the unwarranted power of small parties as a reason for making the control of government less proportional (Susser 1989, 1993, Elazar 1988). Outside observers also point to the extreme proportionality of the Israeli electoral system and the influence it affords small parties as a problem (Bogdanor 1993, Sartori 2000). However, to our knowledge no one has systematically tested whether the Israeli electoral system actually gives a disproportionate degree of power to small parties. This paper fills this gap. We find surprisingly little evidence that the electoral system gives small parties disproportionate influence. It is only in the case in the elections of 1981, 1984 and 1988 that small parties may have had bargaining power disproportionate to their size, and even here the degree of disproportionate influence is slight. Furthermore, this disproportionality is due less to the electoral system than to the fact that these elections were virtual dead heats between the two large parties. Even single-member district elections produce hung parliaments in such circumstances.
    [Show full text]
  • Jewish Leadership and the Jews of Corinth in the Time of 2 Corinthians
    The Politics of the Fifties: Jewish Leadership and the Jews of Corinth in the Time of 2 Corinthians Martin Goodman The Acts of the Apostles contain a graphic account of an attempt by the leaders of the Jewish community in Corinth to curb the activities of the apostle Paul: When Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews made a united attack on Paul and brought him before the tribunal. They said, “This man is per- suading people to worship God in ways that are contrary to the law”. Just as Paul was about to speak, Gallio said to the Jews, “If it were a matter of crime or serious villainy, I would be justified in accepting the complaint of you Jews; but since it is a matter of questions about words and names and your own law, see it to yourselves; I do not wish to be a judge of these matters”. And he dismissed them from the tribunal. Then all of them seized Sosthenes, the official of the synagogue, and beat him in front of the tribunal.1 This event, if the story is not a fictional creation by the author of Acts,2 can be dated quite precisely to the fifties ce because the period of Gallio’s tenure of the post of governor of the province of Achaia is known from an inscription.3 Whether the tensions that led the Corinthian Jews to invoke intervention by the governor were also the cause of the formal judicial punishments that Paul claimed in 2 Corinthians at around the same time to have suffered at the hands of officials of the Jewish court – ‘Five times I have received from the Jews the forty lashes minus one’4 – is not certain.
    [Show full text]
  • Do Parties Converge to the Electoral Mean in All Political Systems?
    Do parties converge to the electoral mean in all political systems? Maria Gallegoand Norman Schofieldy Center in Political Economy, Washington University, 1 Brookings Drive,Saint Louis, MO 63130. May 23, 2014 Abstract Many formal models suggest that parties or candidates should locate at the electoral mean. Yet, there is no consistent evidence of such convergence across political systems. Schofield’s (2007) Valence Theorem proves that when valence differences across parties are large, there is non-convergence to the mean. Convergence to the mean depends on the value of the convergence depends, c. When c is high (low) there is a significant centrifugal (centripetal) tendency acting on parties. In this paper we apply the stochastic valence model of elections in various countries under different political regimes and use the convergence coeffi cient of these elections to classify political systems. Our results show that the convergence coeffi cient varies across elections in a country, across countries using the same political system and across political regimes. For countries using proportional representation, namely Israel, Turkey and Poland, the centrifugal tendency is very high and parties locate away from the mean. In the majoritarian polities of the United States and Great Britain, parties locate at the mean as the centrifugal tendency is very low. In anocracies, the autocrat imposes limitations on how far from the origin the opposition parties can move but the equilibrium is fragile. Key words: stochastic vote model, valence, local Nash equilibrium, convergence coeffi cient, the heart. 1 Introduction The political economy literature highlight that institutions matter. Understanding how institutions shape agents decisions has shown that agents make different decisions under different political institutions.
    [Show full text]
  • Orientalia Christiana Periodica
    YOLUMEN 57 FASCICULUS I 1991 ISSN 0030-5375 ORIENT ALI A CHRISTIANA PERIODICA COMMENTARII DE RE ORIENT ALI AETATIS CHRISTIANAE SACRA ET PROFANA EDITI CURA ET OPERE PONTIFICII INSTITUTI ORIENTALIUM STUDIORUM PONT. INSTITUTUM ORIENTALIUM STUDIORUM PIAZZA SANTA MARIA MAGGIORE, 7 ROMA 1991 SIGLA AASS Acta Sanctorum (Antverpiae et alibi 1643 ss.) AB Analecta Bollandiana ACO Eduardus Schwartz, Acta Conciliorum Oecumenicorum (Berolini 1914 ss.) AfO Archiv fur Orientforschung Assemani, BO Josephus Simonius Assemanus, Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino- Vaticana (Roma 1719, 1721, 1725, 1728) (rep. Hildesheim 1975) AOC Archives de 1’Orient Chretien BHG FranIois Halkin, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca (Bruxelles 19573) BHO Paul Peeters, Bibliotheca Hagiographica Orientalis (Bruxelles 1910) BO Bibliotheca Orientalis Brightman Frank Edward Brightman, Liturgies Eastern and Western, I: Eastern Liturgies (Oxford 1896) BSAC Bulletin de la Societe d’Archeologie Copte BV Bogoslovskij Vestnik Byzantion Byzantinische Zeitschrift CCG Corpus Christianorum, Series Graeca (Tumhout 1971 ss.) CCL Corpus Christianorum, Series Lalina (Tumhout 1953 ss.) CerVed Cerkovnye Vedomosti Chr6t Christianskoe Clenie CICO Codex Iuris Canonici Orientalis (Citta del Vaticano 1957-1958) COD Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta (Bologna 19733) ConcR Concilium Florentinum. Documenta et Scriptores voll. I-XI (Roma 1940-1976) , CPG Mauritius Geerard, Clavis Patrum Graecorum (Tumhbut 1974 ss.) CSCO Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium (Louvain 1903 ss.) CSEL Corpus Scriptorum Ecclesiasticorum
    [Show full text]