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Lost, Found, Lost Again: the Narrative Histories of French Florida

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Lost, Found, Lost Again: the Narrative Histories of French Florida 191 “Lost, Found, Lost Again: Narrative Histories of French Florida” John Pollack, University of Pennsylvania “Lost Colonies” Conference, March 26-27, 2004 (Please do not cite, quote, or circulate without written permission from the author) In 1632, Samuel de Champlain, charged with rebuilding “New France”—at that point little more than the remains of a tiny Québec settlement—looked back critically in a new edition of his Voyages at the one-hundred year history of French efforts to build colonies in the New World: …in truth, those who lead voyages of discovery are often those who may bring to a halt a worthy enterprise, if one looks no further than their relations: because if we believe them, we judge the task impossible, or so full of difficulties that we might succeed only by overcoming nearly unbearable expenses and difficulties. Experience has shown that in these kinds of voyages and travels kings and princes, and those in their service who have undertaken them, had too little knowledge of the ways their projects had been carried out. Although there were some with experience in these matters, they were very few; the majority undertook such enterprises based on the pretentious reports of a few flatterers, who only pretended to be knowledgeable in such matters, about which they were in fact very ignorant, in order to increase their own stature….1 Even Champlain’s most optimistic readers would have been likely to regard this history as little more than a series of defeats and disasters, and despite his own project of encouraging renewed support for a French colonial presence in America, Champlain makes no effort to correct such 1 “…à dire vray, ceux-là qui ont la conduitte des descouvertures, sont souventefois ceux qui peuvent faire cesser un loüable dessein, quand on s’arreste à leurs relations: car y adioustant foy, on le iuge comme impossible, ou tellement traversé de difficultez, qu’on n’en peut venir à bout qu’avec des despenses & difficultez presque insupportables.” “L’experience fait voir qu’en tels voyages & embarquemens les Roys et les Princes, & les gens de leur conseil qui les ont entrepris, avoient trop peu de cognoissance és executions de leurs desseins. Que s’il y en a eu d’experimentez en ces choses, ils ont esté en petit nombre; pource que la plus-part ont tenté telles entreprises sur les vains rapports de quelques cajoleurs, que faisoient les entendus en telles affaires, dont ils estoient tres-ignorans, seulement pour se rendre considerables….” Samuel de Champlain, Les Voyages de la Nouvelle France occidentale, dicte Canada... (Paris: Chez Claude Collet, 1632) 12, 26-7. Translations in this essay are my own, unless otherwise noted. 192 negative impressions. Instead, he insists on telling his audience how to interpret the narratives of earlier ventures, the only evidence which they had left behind. Readers, Champlain argues, need to be aware that tales of the New World are largely shaped by the motives of their tellers. Some of these “relations,” written by leaders of failed ventures, may be too disappointing, causing would-be colonizers to abandon faith in their projects. Others may be too optimistic: Champlain criticizes political leaders who undertake expeditions based on the trumped-up stories of “flatterers” who fabricate stories promising beautiful landscapes and easy riches. Champlain’s warnings about how to read colonial texts preceed and follow his summary of French attempts to settle “Florida,” the coastal region stretching from Cape Canaveral to present-day South Carolina. The French colonies had, in fact, been barely founded before they were “lost.” Jean Ribault’s first outpost, Charlesfort, on Parris Island, South Carolina, lasted a mere three months in 1562 before it was abandoned by those left to tend it.2 The second French settlement, Fort Caroline, led by René de Laudonnière and located near the mouth of the St. John’s River in present-day Florida, endured slightly over a year, from July 1564 to September 1565, before its catastrophic demise. After several battles with nearby Timucua and a stretch of virtual starvation, Laudonnière’s colony were attacked by Pedro Menéndez de Avilés and his Spanish forces. Menéndez killed as many as three hundred French in a series of operations; at the same time, a powerful hurricane sank the relief ships of the returning Ribault, drowning some two hundred and fifty French sailors. Approximately one hundred survivors of French Florida struggled back to France, their experiment ended. The only other French contact with Florida consisted of a reprisal raid by Dominique de Gourges in 1568, which damaged Spanish settlements but was never intended for any other purpose but revenge.3 Yet the fact that Champlain devotes so much attention to French Florida, over fifty years after its disappearance, suggests that the memory of it may not have been lost at all. Although measuring the “impact” of New World accounts upon European audiences is notoriously 2 For the location of Charlesfort, see John T. McGrath, The French in Early Florida: In the Eye of the Hurricane (Gainesville, FL: UP of Florida, 2000) 201, n. 27. Ribault’s name was spelled in a wide variety of ways in the sixteenth century; on this point, see McGrath 194-5, n. 1. 3 The most detailed recent survey of the French history in Florida is McGrath, The French in Early Florida. For another overview, see Paul E. Hoffman, A New Andalucia and a Way to the Orient: The American Southeast During the Sixteenth Century (Baton Rouge, LS: LSU P, 1990) 205-30. For recent attempts to consider the impact of the French presence upon the Timucua, see John H. Hann, A History of the Timucua Indians and Missions (Gainesville: 193 difficult, Frank Lestringant has argued that narratives of Florida, along with those of Brazil, reached many Northern European readers during the second half of the sixteenth century.4 Champlain was in fact only one of a number of commentators—including survivors, explorers, and historians—who had been looking back at French Florida since its fall, debating its importance and the reasons for its failure. These interpreters include Ribault, whose Whole and True Discoverye of Terra Florida was printed in London in 1563 (and never printed in French); Laudonnière, whose Histoire notable de la Floride appeared in French in 1586 and in English translation the following year; Richard Hakluyt, who engineered the publication of the Laudonnière texts; Theodor de Bry, who edited the artist Jacques Le Moyne de Morgues’s Brevis narratio and printed it in 1591 along with Le Moyne’s engraved views of Florida; and the historians Urbain Chauveton, André Thevet, and Marc Lescarbot. I propose, after a review of the ways in which modern commentators have looked at French Florida, to reread these Florida narratives, bearing in mind Champlain’s warning to handle them with care. They borrow from, imitate, echo, and revise each other, and, of course, they exclude Spanish points of view.5 Nevertheless, the debate within them over the meanings of Florida was more wide-ranging than most summaries of it have led us to believe. My reading suggests that, while French Florida has usually been viewed as a Huguenot colony, and its end as a Protestant disaster, a number of early observers carefully avoided making religion the centerpiece of their narratives. Instead of representing Florida as a Protestant refuge or a U P of FL, 1996) 335-49, and Jerald T. Milanich, The Timucua (Oxford: Blackwell, 1996) 82-8. More generally, see Jerald T. Milanich, Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe (Gainesville, FL: UP of FL, 1995). 4 Frank Lestringant, L'Expérience huguenote au nouveau monde (xvie siècle) (Geneva: Libraire Droz, 1996) esp. 29- 31. J. H. Elliott has famously addressed the question of the “uncertain impact” of New World discoveries upon European intellectuals: J. H. Elliott, The Old World and the New, 1492-1650 (Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1970) 1- 27. For an interesting attempt to measure the “impact” of the New World by examining publication histories, see Rudolf Hirsch, "Printed Reports on the Early Discoveries and Their Reception," in First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old, ed. Fredi Chiappelli (Berkeley: U of CA P, 1976), vol. 2, 537-62. 5 When composing his own review of Florida, Champlain would not have had access to the letters and testimonials in Spanish archives relating to the French settlement and its destruction by Menéndez—documents on which most historians have come to rely in their own narratives of events. For a collection of the major documents in English translation, see David Beers Quinn, Alison M. Quinn, and Susan Hillier, eds., New American World: A Documentary History of North America to 1612, 5 vols. (New York: Arno Press, 1979-) vol. 2. McGrath argues that historians have “seldom given the Spanish sources proper attention”(184); in a number of instances, he credits Spanish sources over French ones. However, the anthropologist Jerald T. Milanich, who has written a number of important accounts of the Timucua, has called the French sources “a superb documentary record”; see Milanich, Florida Indians and the Invasion from Europe, 154. Although in this essay I refer frequently to the authors of the French accounts, it is worth noting that much recent scholarship on Renaissance “authorship” has revealed that early modern printed texts were not the products of omnipotent authors but instead resulted from complex processes involving manuscript circulation, borrowing, and collaboration. For an overview of some of these questions, see Joseph Loewenstein, The Author's Due: Printing and the Prehistory of Copyright (Chicago: U of Chicago P, 2002). 194 sectarian venture, these texts tell a different story, one focused on French cooperation and conflict with the Guale and Timucuan populations of the Southeast coast.
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