1

Masaryk University Faculty of Arts

Department of English and American Studies

English and Literature

Vanesa Marenišťáková

Non-Native Performers in English Bachelor's Diploma Thesis

Supervisor: PhDr. Kateřina Tomková, Ph.D.

2021 2

/ declare that I have worked on this thesis independently, using only the primary and secondary sources listed in the bibliography.

Author's signature 3

Acknowledgement

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to my supervisor PhDr. Kateřina Tomková,

Ph.D. for her consistent support, guidance, and encouragement throughout the whole process

of writing this thesis. 4

Table of Contents

List of Tables 6

List of Figures 6

Introduction 7

1 English and Slovak pronunciation 10

1.1 Similarities and dissimilarities in classification and pronunciation of vowels 11

1.2 Common mistakes in the pronunciation of English vowels by Slovak speakers 15

1.3 Similarities and dissimilarities in classification and pronunciation of consonants 16

1.4 Common mistakes in the pronunciation of English consonants by Slovak speakers.... 19

1.5 Amalgam English 20

1.6 Difference in articulatory settings 21

2 Factors influencing second language acquisition 22

2.1 An early age influence of bilingual environment 23

2.2 English speaking country immersion 25

2.3 Other factors and individual differences 28

2.4 Interference of mother tongue 29

3 A survey on the perception of English accents of Slovak performers 32

3.1 Participants 32

3.2 Methodology 32

3.3 Procedure 33 5

3.4 Analysis 34

3.4.1 Perceived 'nativeness' and 'non-nativeness' of the performers 34

3.4.2 Common pronunciation mistakes 36

3.4.3 Authenticity of accent and effect of different factors on SLA 38

3.4.4 Ability to differentiate between native and non-native speakers 41

3.4.5 Slovak accent 41

3.5 Research outcome 42

Conclusion 43

Works cited 45

Summary (English) 48

Summary (Czech) 49

Appendix - Questionnaire blank and survey responses 50 6

List of Tables

Table 1

Consonants [Konsonanty] 16

Table 2

Classification of English and Slovak consonants 17

Table 3

Performers detected as native and non-native speakers by the respondents 34

Table 4

Rating of the authenticity of accent of the performers 38

Table 5

Ranking of the performers based on the authenticity of accent 39

Table 6

Factors influencing acquisition ofL2 40

List of Figures

Figure 1

Daniels Jones' vowel chart 12

Figure 2

IP A vowel chart 13 7

Introduction

The prominence and popularity of songs produced in English, rather than those produced in with lesser global impact, is becoming a leading factor in the choice of music, especially among the young population. The need and desire of singers to break into the by targeting the mass audience of young people are increasing, and it consequently results in the production of their songs in English. There is a higher possibility for the performers to be recognized abroad rather than those producing the music in their native languages. The Slovak performers are no exception and many of them pursue this career.

In many cases, it is possible to distinguish between native and non-native speakers if the accent sounds too foreign. It is a stereotypical representation that Slavic speakers have a very prominent foreign accent, due to their distinct Slavic mother tongues. This foreign accent can consequently have a negative effect on the later success of the performers.

Much research has been done on singing pronunciation, second language acquisition and its possible influencing factors, the interference of the mother tongue, and the effect on the speaker's accent. Such researchers are for instance J.E. Flege, who wrote many research papers on the SLA and different influencing factors, or Rod Ellis and her The Study of Second

Language Acquisition. From the Slovak scholars, Martin Ološtiak provides very detailed research on the Pronunciation adaption of English propria in Slovak language [Výslovnostná adaptácia anglických proprií v slovenčine], which is a source of beneficial information for this thesis. In addition, many university students of English have also focused in their theses on these topics.

However, due to the growing focus on authentic English accent as a precondition of success not only in the music industry, and also on various factors which presuppose higher degrees of language proficiency, questions crucial for this thesis arise. What is the main 8 influencing factor in second language acquisition? And which one of these factors has the biggest effect on the pronunciation of English? Can native speakers, the British and

Americans, recognize that the singers are non-native? Is it possible for non-natives, specifically Slovaks, to be mistaken for native speakers?

The focus of this thesis is to analyze and assess the pronunciation of the non-native performers, Slovaks, based on their singing pronunciation. The aim is to find out if they can be mistaken for native speakers and which internal and external factors have the biggest effect on second language acquisition (SLA) with the focus on their pronunciation. English, as an international language, is an inseparable part of the everyday life of modern people.

Examination and perception of different backgrounds of language acquisition, in addition to realization what the most common pronunciation mistakes are, can have an additional benefit not only on SLA but also the success of already mentioned performers. For this reason, a study, focused on all the aspects mentioned, was carried out and provided as a source of useful information in understanding the core of acquisition of not only English.

Firstly, the theoretical part provides general information about the similarities and dissimilarities of the Slovak and English language and the consequent common pronunciation mistakes and errors. It also provides information about the factors influencing SLA such as bilingual environment, age, motivation, as well as interference from the mother tongue.

The second part consists of the practical analyses of the questionnaire. The total number of respondents was 8, they were divided into two groups of natives and non-natives, and then into two subgroups - the British and the Slovaks. Each subgroup consisted of four respondents. They were given a questionnaire with a set of recordings to analyze the performers and to detect non-native singers. All of the recordings were produced by Slovak performers, but the respondents did not know that. They were only given the information that there are three options - all the recordings are produced by non-natives, all of the recordings 9 are produced by natives, or there is a mix of songs produced by non-natives and natives. The recordings were labeled by numbers and not the actual names of the singers. Another information unknown to the respondents was that the performers were divided into three groups based on a different background of their SLA. The first group comprises of performers who grew up in a bilingual environment, either one of their parents was English or they lived in an English-speaking country since early childhood. The second group consists of performers who acquired English later in their lives, either by moving to an

English-speaking country or by study abroad programs. And the last group includes performers who did not acquire English until later in their lives, either through general formal instruction in school or via social media, movies, etc. The aim was to find out if the performers could be mistaken for native speakers, purely based on their singing pronunciation. Based on the outcome of the questionnaire, the focus was then put on the possible factors which could influence the singing pronunciation of the performers. The author focused on the research questions already stated earlier and also whether it is necessarily true that people growing up in a bilingual environment, where the parents are bilingual, are going to have better pronunciation. The outcome of the questionnaire stated which performers were mistaken for native speakers. Then, the individual backgrounds of each singer were taken into consideration and consequently, the main influencing factors were discovered. Besides, the thesis also focuses on the common mistakes and errors which made the non-natives sound foreign.

As the thesis is not based on the quantitative method of research and the questionnaire was rather time demanding, the total number of the respondents was relatively low. However, it does not affect the quality of the results. 10

1 English and Slovak pronunciation

Firstly, it is important to define the main similarities and differences between Slovak and English sounds - vowels and consonants. There is a great number of factors, which contribute to the difficulties in learning a second language. However, different patterns in pronunciation in English and particular mother tongue may be regarded as one of the most influential. In the case of singing pronunciation, it is, however, very difficult to take as an example only one pronunciation model of English. For the general classification of the similarities and dissimilarities, the RP system is used as a reference, but the term Amalgam

English is considered as well and explained in chapter 1.5.

Slovak and English vowels and consonants bear common features as well as dissimilarities. In some cases, Slovak equivalents of English sounds are apparent and easy to find, however, it is not a perfect match and slight changes may occur. The subchapters will individually deal with the phenomenon called transphonemization, which will be crucial in finding and defining the similarities and dissimilarities in the pronunciation of phonetic sounds. This term was developed by Croatian linguist Rudolf Filipovic (1982), who proposes a new name for substitution on the phonological level, "in order to better organize, classify and describe the changes that occur in the course of substitution" (p. 36) and calls it transphonemization.

The first subchapter discusses the similarities and dissimilarities of English and

Slovak vowels, which sounds are the same, similar, or totally different and thus create difficulties in their pronunciation. The second subchapter consequently follows with the classification of common mistakes, errors, and any deviation from the norms. The third subchapter deals with the similarities and dissimilarities of English and Slovak consonants and is also followed by the summary of errors occurring in Slovak pronunciation of English consonants. 11

When talking and describing the English phonetic sounds, IPA symbols are used.

However, in the case of Slovak vowels and consonants, standardized symbols are used as they are accepted in the system of the Slovak language. It is for the reason that Slovak does not use IPA symbols.

While this thesis deals with the pronunciation of singers, the chapters discuss and analyze the differences only on a segmental level. With regards to fact that there are many dissimilarities in intonation, , and other suprasegmental features in spoken word and singing, any further analysis would be in this case purposeless.

1.1 Similarities and dissimilarities in classification and pronunciation of vowels

From the articulatory point of view, both Slovak and English vowels are produced in the same way. All Slovak vowels, whether they are short, long, monophthongs, or , are voiced. Vocal cords vibrate during the pronunciation and thus create sounds without a noise (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987).1 Soft palate closes the passage to the nasal cavity when pronouncing the vowels (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987).2 Likewise, English "vowels are normally made with a voiced egressive airstream, without any closure or narrowing such as would result in the noise component characteristic of many consonantal sounds" (Cruttenden, 2014, p. 34). The organs responsible for the pronunciation of Slovak vowels are the soft palate, lips, and tongue. The same applies to the pronunciation of English vowels, as Cruttenden (2014) states "the movable organs mainly responsible for shaping [of the upper mouth] resonators are the soft palate, lips, and tongue" (p. 34).

The English vowels are defined on the basis of the position of the tongue, whether it is

"raised as close as possible to the palate without friction being produced, [e.g. [i] or] the

1 "Všetky slovenské hlásky samohlásky (krátke aj dlhé, monoftongy aj diftongy) sú znelé (pri ich artikulácii hlasivky kmitajú, sú to tónové a nešumové zvuky" (Kráľ &Sabol, 1987, p. 200). 2 "Slovenské samohláskové zvuky sú ústne - mäkké podnebie zatvára priechod do nosovej dutiny, no záver je silnejší pri vyšších samohláskach, slabší pri nižších samohláskach" (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987, p. 200). 12 whole of the tongue as low as possible in the mouth, with very slight raising at the extreme back, [e.g. [a]]" (Cruttenden, 2014, p.36). This factor is called openness and it defines vowels as close, close-mid, open-mid, and open. Moreover, there is also the factor of'backness', which classifies vowels as front, central, or back. For better understanding, the Cardinal

Vowels system scheme by Daniel Jones (see Figure 1) and The International Phonetic

Alphabet (IPA) vowel chart (see Figure 2) provide satisfactory definition and visualization of the description of the pronunciation of vowels. It divides an abstract space into four vertical levels (openness) and three horizontal levels (front, central, back).

Figure 1

Daniels Jones' vowel chart

Note. Adapted from Pronouncing vowels, 2016 (http://seas3.elte.hu/phono/notes/141-vowels.html). In the public domain. 13

Figure 2

IPA vowel chart

VOWELS Front Central Back

Where symbols appear in pairs, the one to the right represents a rounded vowel.

Note. Adapted from Gimson 's Pronunciation of English, by A. Cruttenden, 2014, p. 33, Routledge. Copyright

2014 by Routledge.

Applying this definition, there was created a scale of eight primary Cardinal Vowels, and they are "denoted by the following ... symbols: [i], [e], [e], [a], [a], [o], [o], [u]"

(Cruttenden, 2014, p. 36). They were classified as front [i], [e], [e], [a] and back [a], [o], [o],

[u]. Besides, there are also eight secondary Cardinal Vowels [y], [0], [oe], [CE], [t>], [A], [T],

[UI], which are related to the primary ones and are "obtained by reversing the lip position"

(Cruttenden, 2014, p. 36). Moreover, in addition to Cardinal Vowels, "the IPA diagram also supplies us with a number of additional symbols for vowels in certain positions [i], [ae], [a],

[a], [u] (Cruttenden, 2014, p. 40). Their openness and 'backness' are as shown in the IPA vowel chart (see Figure 2). Besides, these vowels can be essentially categorized, based on the lip-rounding, in the following way: rounded [y], [0], [a], [o], [u], [u] and unrounded [i], [i],

[e], [e], [ae], [a], [a], [a], [t>], [A], [T], [UI]. Vowels can be also classified based on their length as long and short. This factor of duration is therefore denoted by the IPA symbol /:/, which symbolizes long vowels. The usual pairs of short and long vowels are [i:] + [ i], [a:] + [ae], 14

[3:] + [a], [a:] + [r>], [u] + [u]. A special case represents [a] or also referred to as schwa, which is pronounced in an unstressed . Lastly, in addition to the classification of monophthongs already mentioned, it is also important to mention the presence of diphthongs denoted by these symbols [ei], [ai], [ai], [au], [au], [ea], [ua]. This theoretical classification of vowels helps to understand the differences between Slovak and English sounds and essentially helps in their pronunciation.

The Slovak language contains, on the other hand, fewer vowels which are [a], [e], [i],

[o], [u], [á], [é], [í], [ó], [ú], [ä], [ia], [ie], [iu], [ô]. For this reason, there are only three levels in the horizontal space, instead of four, as is in the case of English vowels. However, the classification is similarly based on the position of lips and tongue. For the categorization of vowels, the space of projection of the tongue is divided into several levels. Horizontally it is divided into front, central and back sections, and vertically into high, middle, and low sections (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987, p. 140)3. This classification is similar to the classification of

English vowels. Despite these similarities, it is difficult for Slovak speakers to pronounce

English vowels as perfectly as a native English speaker would do it. Slovak speakers are trying to find equivalents of English sounds in their language in order to pronounce the

English sounds. This process is called transphonemization, which can be complete, partial, or free. Complete transphonemization is when there is almost perfect match between English and Slovak sounds, and those are (English to Slovak): [I] —> [i], [e] —>[e], [A] —>[a], [u] —»[u],

[i:] —>[í], [u:] —>[ú], [a:] —>[ó]. Partial transphonemization is when there is not a perfect match, but it is satisfactory, and those are (English to Slovak): [r>] —>[o], [a:] —>[a\. Free transphonemization is solely based on the speaker's ability to imitate particular sounds

3 "Na klasifikáciu samohlások využívame možnosť rozdeliť plochu, na ktorej sa pohybuje priemet jazyka, na niekoľko oblastí. Rozdelenie sa neodvodzuje z anatómie, lež je úplne konvenčné. Horizontálne sa táto plocha obyčajne delí na časť prednú, strednú a zadnú, vertikálne na vysokú, prostrednú a nízku" (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987, p. 140). 15 because there are no equivalents in the Slovak language. In this case, those vowels are: [ae],

[3:], [a], [ei], [ai], [oi], [au], [au], [ea], [ua].

However, the boundaries are very thin, and sometimes even in the complete transphonemization there is still a little change in phonetic features of sound units. The

English vowels and Slovak vowels are not in the same positions in the Daniel Jones scheme.

According to the comparison of Slovak and English versions of the chart, the Slovak vowels are more in the front and the middle (Ološtiak, 2007, p. 52). This may be the reason for the difficulties in pronunciation of English vowels by Slovak speakers in general.

1.2 Common mistakes in the pronunciation of English vowels by Slovak speakers

Even if complete transphonemization is present and the speakers manage to find the most suitable equivalents in the Slovak language, they often fail, hence there is free and partial transphonemization. This creates many deviations from standard norms, which are represented in common mistakes and errors, and are regarded as typical for Slovak speakers.

In terms of vocalic sounds, Zdena Kráľova (2011) in her research provides a summary of such deviations. In Slovak pronunciation, [3:] is often substituted for [e:], or both of the sounds are substituted with [e:] + [r]4. Next, diphthongs [la], [ea] and [ua] are often mispronounced as [i:r], [e:r] and [u:r]5; [ai], [el], [ DI] are often pronounced as Slovak [aj],

[ej], [oj]6, and [au] is often pronounced as Slovak [ou]7. English [e], [ae], [a], [3:] and [ea], which are 5 distinct vowels, are in Slovak all pronounced as [e], [e:] or [e:r] without any distinction.8

4 "Dlhá zmiešaná samohláska [3:] sa bežne zamieňa za [e:] alebo sa oba zvuky nahrádzajú spojením [e:] + [r]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 25). 5 "Dvojhlásky [I la], [ea] a [ua] sa často nesprávne realizujú ako [i:r], [e:r] a [u:r]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 35). 6 "Tzv. i-ové dvojhlásky [al], [el], [ Dl] sa často zamieňajú za slovenské aj, ej, oj" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 25). 7 "Dvojhláska [au] sa často nesprávne vyslovuje ako slovenské [ou]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 25). 8 "Samohláskové zvuky e-ového typu [e], [ae], [a], [3:] a [ea], ktoré v angličtine predstavujú päť dištinktívnych prvkov, sa nahrádzajú slovenským [e], [e:] a [e:r]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 25). 16

1.3 Similarities and dissimilarities in classification and pronunciation of consonants

Phonetically, Cruttenden (2014) defines consonants in this way: "Consonants can be voiced or voiceless and are most easily described wholly in articulatory terms since we can generally feel the contacts and movements involved" (p. 28). Thus, they can be categorized based on a place of articulation, manner of articulation, if the articulation involves the vibration of the vocal cords, or if there is any noise component. Slovak consonants can be similarly described based on the same feature and that is the presence of any obstruction, which essentially creates noise (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987, p. 219).9 The number of consonants in both languages is different. In the case of the English language, it is 24 consonants, and 27 consonants in the Slovak language.

Most of the speech sounds in English and Slovak have the same place of articulation.

However, based on the table designed by Ološtiak (2007) (see Table 1 and Table 2), there are some differences. Such examples are [t], [d], [s], [z], [n], [1], which are in English defined as

alveolar, in Slovak, they are defined as pre-alveolar; [tf, d3, f, 3] are in English defined as palate-alveolar, in Slovak as post-alveolar. In English, there are no palatal [t,], [d,], [n,], [1,], affricative [c], [3] and fricative [x].10

Table 1

Consonants [Konsonanty]

Spôsob Miesto artikulácie T artikulácie J BL LD D PrA A PtA AP P V G Okluzívy A pb td kg Závěrové S pb td ť ď kg

Semiokluzívy A trt3 Polozáverové S c dz č dž Frikatívy A fv 60 s z J3 h

9 "Základnou spoločnou vlastnosťou spoluhlások z artikulačného hľadiska je prekážkovosť a z akustického hľadiska je šumovosť" (Kráľ & Sabol, 1987, p. 219). 10 "V anglickom systéme spoluhlások sa nenachádzajú prvky: palatálne [t,], [d,], [n,], [1,], afrikáty [c], [3] a frikatíva [x]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 23). 17

Trené S f v s z š ž -j ch- Nazály A -m -n -g Nosové S m -n -ň Laterály A -1 Bokové S -1 -r Vibranty A Kmitavé S -r Semi vokály A -w -r -j Polosamohlásky S Note. Adapted from Pronunciation Adaption of English Propria in Slovak Language [Výslovnostná adaptácia anglických proprií v slovenčine], by M. Ološtiak, 2007, p. 45. Copyright 2007 by Faculty of Arts of Prešov University [Filozofická fakulta Prešovskej university].

Table 2

Classification of English and Slovak consonants

Manner of Place of articulation articulation BL LD D PrA A PtA AP P V G E pb td kg S pb td ť ď kg E 1/13 Affricative S c dz č dž E fv 90 s z J3 li­ Fricative S f v s z š ž -j eh- -h E -m -n -íl Nasal S m -n -ň E -1 Lateral S -1 -ľ E Trill S -r Approximants E -w -r -j S Note. L = Language.E = English. S = Slovak. BL = bilabial. LD = labiodental. D = dental. PrA = prealveolar. A= alveolar. PtA = postalveolar. AP = alveopalatal. P = palatal. V = velar. G = guttural.11 Red color refers to English. Blue color refers to Slovak.

Nevertheless, this classification cannot be considered as a sufficient argument in stating that the rest of the sounds are produced the same and thus have the same pronunciation. As it was in the case of vowels, the phenomenon of transphonemization can be

11 Translated by the author. 18 also applied to consonants. The consonants can be put into three groups as well - complete, partial, and free transphonemization. These groups are defined based on the similarities of sounds, as well, which can be found in the Slovak language in order to pronounce the English sounds. The first group, complete transphonemization, includes the consonants [b], [g], [d],

[f], [v], [s], [z], [tf], [d3], [f], [3], [j], [m], [n]. These articulatory, acoustically - auditory and functional characteristics are in both of the languages the same or very similar (Ološtiak,

2007).12 Even though the [d], [s], [z], [n], [tf], [d3], [fj, [3] have different place of articulation in English and Slovak, their pronounced sounds are very similar or the same. On the border between complete and partial transphonemization there are the consonants [p], [t], [k], which can be either pronounced the same as in Slovak as [p], [t], [k], or with an aspiration [ph], [th],

[kh], which fall into the category of partial transphonemization. It is due to the fact that in the

Slovak language there is no such phenomenon as aspiration. Another example is [1]. In

English, it has three allophones - clear [1], dark [1], and devoiced [1]. In Slovak, alveolar [1] and palatal [1] are two different phonemes.

Another group is partial transphonemization and it is in the case of the consonants [r,

I, h, w]. In this case, there are not any of the same exact sounds both in Slovak and English, for this reason, it is a partial transphonemization. Slovak speakers try to find sounds used in their language in order to pronounce English [ J, h, w]. In Slovak language [J] is pronounced as [r], and [w] as [v]. The phoneme [h] is in English fortis consonant, in the Slovak language it is a geminate voiced consonant.13 In English, it is not usually pronounced, in the Slovak language it has a distinct sound.

On the border between partial and free transphonemization there is the consonant

[rj], which is adapted in Slovak language either as [n] - partial transphonemization, or as

12 "Ktorých artikulačné, akusticko-auditívne a niektoré funkčně charakteristiky sú v porovnávaných jazykoch rovnaké alebo blízké" (Ološtiak, 2007, p. 54). 13 Anglická nepárová glotálna konstriktíva [h] patří medzi fortisové konsonanty, v slovenčině je [h] znělou párovou spoluhláskou" (Králová, 2011, p. 24). 19

[ng]/[nk] - free transphonemization. The last group is free transphonemization, which includes sounds nonexistent in the Slovak language and those are the fricatives [9], [ô]. These sounds are in Slovak language adapted as [9] —> [t]/[f] and [ó] —> [d] (Ološtiak, 2007, pp. 53-

54).

English consonants are for Slovaks more difficult to pronounce, because of many changes in the actual pronunciation and different realizations of particular consonants. Slovak speakers can master the pronunciation of new sounds which are non-existent in their mother tongue. However, they have much more difficulties with relearning the pronunciation of sounds similar to Slovak sounds, which they are already familiar with.

1.4 Common mistakes in the pronunciation of English consonants by Slovak speakers

As it is in the case of vowels, free and partial transphonemization causes various mistakes and errors in pronunciation. Zdena Kráľova (2011) provides a summary of such deviations as well.

The phoneme [rj] is in Slovak pronounced as [ng]14. There is either too much aspiration on the [p, t, k] and it is regarded as too distinct [ph], [th], [kh], or there is no aspiration at all.15 Dental [9, ó] are substituted for [t], [s] and [d], [z].16 There is a problem with the pronunciation of [r]. In British English, it is not vibrating so it cannot be pronounced as vibrating. Slovak speaker either pronounces it as [r] or in a retroflexive manner.17 Slovaks often do not distinguish between labiodental [v] and labiovelar [w]. They treat these two

14 "Skupina ng, ktorá sa v angličtine na morfematickom švíku vyslovuje ako [ij], býva často realizovaná ako [ng]" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 26). 15 "Ašpirácia [p], [t] a [k] je buď realizovaná nesprávne ako príliš výrazné [h] alebo nie je realizovaná vôbec" (Kráľova, 2001, p. 26). 16 "Dentály [0] a [ó] sú nahrádzané zvukovo najbližšími slovenskými prvkami [t], [s] a [d], [z]" (Kráľova, 2011. p. 26). 17 "Britské [r] je nekmitavé, preto nemote byť nahrádzané slovenskou vibrantou, [r] sa chybne vyslovuje v pozíciách kde sa síce píše, ale nevyslovuje, teda v inej ako prevokalickej pozícii. Slovenskí hovoriaci buď [r] priamo vyslovujú alebo aspoň predchádzajúcu samohlásku artikulujú retroflexne" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 26). 20 distinct phonemes as interchangeable.18 Slovak use of pronunciation of [h] in initial position or after fortis consonant sounds excessive.19 The place of articulation often changes. In

Slovak pronunciation, the place of articulation of [s], [z], [3], [f] is shifted to the front. And lastly, the dark [1] is pronounced as Slovak dental-alveolar [l].20

1.5 Amalgam English

Sometimes it is difficult to clearly state the target pronunciation model. Especially in the case of singers, the pronunciation accent is neither (RP) nor

General American (GA). It is due to the fact that particular sounds of RP cannot be pronounced in singing. For instance, "the duration of vowels in speaking is different from that of vowels in singing voice" (New et al., 2010, p. 1423) or as Sundberg (1969) states in his research, "in [u] and [o] the tongue tip is given a more frontal position in singing than in speech" (p. 39) and the tongue shaping resembles more [a]. "Another characteristic of the vowels [e] and [i] in singing is a considerably increased protrusion of the lips" (Sundberg, 1969, p. 37) or "in the front vowels, the big difference appears in the larynx position and the lip opening" (Sundberg, 1969, p. 40). In this case, it is suitable to take

Amalgam English as the primary pronunciation model, which stands for "an amalgam of existing pronunciation models of English language" (Gimson, 1978, as cited in Dziubalska-

Kolaczyk, 2008, p. 132) or also referred to as a simplified pronunciation standard. It can be found in spoken speech, but it is especially characteristic for singing pronunciation.

According to Cruttenden (2014), the "general aim [of Amalgam English] is easy intelligibility by native speakers" (p. 340). The typical features are insistence on the exact

18 "Ďalšou slovenskou chybou je zamieňanie, resp. voľné striedanie labiodentálneho [v] a labiovelárneho [w], ktoré predstavujú v angličtine dve rôzne fonémy" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 26). 19 "Slovenské pouťrvanie znělého [h] v iniciálnych pozíciách a v kontexte po fortisovej spoluhláske znie v angličtine neprimerane" (Kráľova, 2011, p. 26). 20 "Miesto artikulácie [s], [z], [3], [f] sa posúva viac dopredu; tzv. dark [1] sa nesprávne realizuje ako slovenské dentálno-alveolárne [1]" (Kráľova, 2011, pp. 26-27). 21 pronunciation of particular sounds, for instance, aspirated , but it allows slight deviations in other pronunciations, such as "dental or retroflex It, dl and palatal Ik, g/"

(Cruttenden, 2014, p. 340). It also insists "on [tf], [d3] distinct from [tr], [dr]" (Cruttenden,

2014, p. 341), or "on [f], [v], [s], [z] but allows conflation of [f], [3] and [9], [ô]" (Cruttenden,

2014, p. 340). In addition, it also allows "pre-pausal and pre-consonantal Irl and /r/=[r], insertion of Igl following [n] [and] discourage /w/=[u]" (Cruttenden, 2014, p. 341). In summary, 24 consonants which are estimated in GB are maintained or reduced to 22. Similar features can be found in vocalic sounds. There is a reduction from 20 to 14 or 15 vowels and those are "short vowels [1], [e], [a], [u], [a], long vowels [i:], [e:], [a:], [o:], [o:], [u:] and diphthongs [ai], [au],([oi])" (Cruttenden, 2014, p. 341).

These features presented are not regarded as mandatory in singing pronunciation, however, very often found. Even though this thesis deals with such singing pronunciation, this chapter serves as additional information and will not discuss these features in greater detail.

1.6 Difference in articulatory settings

Lastly, there is also a crucial difference in the base of articulation and the position of the tongue during the pronunciation. In Slovak, the tongue is in a convex position, so it touches the soft palate with its surface. The position of the tongue in the English language is, on the other hand, concave. This means that it does not or very rarely touches the soft palate

(Kráľova, 2011, pp. 24-25). That contributes to the difficulties with the pronunciation of particular phonetic sounds, because of the fact that Slovak speakers have to adjust their tongue to completely different movements. 22

2 Factors influencing second language acquisition

In the process of second language acquisition (SLA), people acquire another language in addition to their mother tongue. Some researchers distinguish between language acquisition and language learning and consequently deal with the question of whether SLA is largely implicit or explicit, which also contributes to the question of individual factors. One of such researchers who distinguish between acquisition and learning is Krashen (1987,

1988). He states that acquisition is a subconscious process of acquiring a language whereas learning is a conscious process (Schiitz, 1998). Thus, the former is largely implicit, and the latter is explicit.

However, the question of whether SLA is strictly implicit or explicit is rather problematic. Based on other researchers and their definitions (VanPatten & Benati, 2010),

SLA can be understood as a combination of implicit and explicit learning of the language, and it involves also the unconscious process of acquisition. For this reason, the terms acquisition and learning are in this thesis used interchangeably, when not stated otherwise.

The non-native performers, which are the main subject of the thesis, have different experiences of how they acquired English. Miro Zbirka, Celeste Buckingham, and Tomas

Puskailer were exposed to English from early childhood, Jana Kirchner, Misha, and the rest of the performers, on the other hand, acquired English later in their lives, either through formal instruction in school, in a study-abroad program or after moving to the English- speaking country. For this reason, the subsequent chapters deal with these different factors and aim to find what effect they have on the acquisition of English, with the focus on pronunciation. 23

2.1 An early age influence of bilingual environment

This chapter focuses on the factor of age in a bilingual environment. In this sense, it is important to state limitations to the term of bilingual environment. In this section, it is regarded not only as a second language environment, e.g., an English-speaking country but in general as a milieu, where two languages are spoken. It is referred to as a natural setting. This may be for example bilingual household, where parents are of two different nationalities. The influence of the second language environment or rather a social setting in general, which greatly correlates with the factor of age, is more detailly discussed in the following chapter.

When talking about an early age influence of bilingual environment on second language acquisition, the major influencing factor is age and thus the Critical Period

Hypothesis is of the main interest for its understatement. This theory states that a specific age, which is referred to as the critical period, in this case from early childhood to adolescence, is a key feature in achieving native competence in a second language. This hypothesis does not state that older learners are not able to acquire native-like proficiency because of their abilities but because of the exceed of the critical period and other external and internal factors. Fossilization, defined as "linguistic items, rules, and sub-systems which speakers of a particular LI tend to keep in their IL [interlanguage] relative to a particular TL

[target language]" (Selinker, 1972, as cited in Han, 2012, p. 215) often occurs among adults, which makes their pronunciation sound non-native. This hypothesis is, however, problematic.

Many researchers aimed to find answers to the question, if the Critical Period Hypothesis is valid and if there actually is a certain point when the acquisition of a second language is no longer possible. Ellis (2015), in her book, provides a satisfactory conclusion that "there is no clear end point beyond which L2 learners will fail to achieve native-speaker proficiency.

Rather there is a gradual decline in the ability to learn an L2 with age starting from early childhood" (p. 26). Thus, the Critical Period Hypothesis cannot be regarded as fully valid. 24

Other problems in the factor of age are connected to the number of changes in neural mechanisms, which often correlates with the higher age and are also important to take into consideration. Pinker (1994) explains it as follows:

"Acquisition of normal language is guaranteed for children up to age of six, is steadily

compromised from then until shortly after puberty, and is rare thereafter. Maturational

changes in the brain, such as the decline in metabolic rate and the number of neurons

during early school-age years, and the bottoming out of the number of synapses and

the metabolic rate around puberty, are plausible causes." (as cited in Birdsong, 2009,

p. 114)

This problem is, however, rather complex and for further information, Pinker (1994) provides a more detailed analysis.

The general approach to the issue of age as a factor is that the earlier start, the higher the language proficiency. However,

"While it is true that learners who start learning in childhood often achieve higher

levels of ultimate proficiency than learners who start later, the research [of Krashen,

Long, and Scarcella] indicates that in the earlier stages of L2 acquisition, older

learners outperform younger learners, especially where knowledge of grammar is

concerned." (Ellis, 2015, p. 20)

But this thesis deals with the issue of pronunciation and not grammar. Therefore, the focus will be on the study of another researcher - Flege, who supports the general approach -

"younger-is-better" (Ellis, 2015, p. 22). Even though researchers confirmed that "child learners are more likely to acquire a native accent... than adult learners . .. there is now sufficient evidence to suggest that a native accent... is possible for at least some adult learners" (Ellis, 2015, p. 31). Therefore, it is impossible to confirm the general approach and to reach a generalized conclusion. 25

As this chapter focuses on the early age influence of the bilingual environment, it is important to draw on the factor of social setting even if only in a restricted context. After analyzing different issues connected to the factor of age, we can conclude that "children are more likely to reach higher levels of attainment in both pronunciation and grammar than adults but only providing there is sufficient exposure to the L2" (Ellis, 2015, p. 31). This means that a bilingual environment, which may be for example natural setting, is an advantage for the learners of L2 and positively contributes to the attainment of native-like competence. Thus, it is possible to state that children growing up in a bilingual environment, who are constantly exposed to English as a second language, are going to have better pronunciation than people acquiring English later in their life.

2.2 English speaking country immersion

As mentioned above, this chapter deals with the factor of social setting. It is defined as a "milieu in which learning takes place" (Ellis, 2015, p. 286). It can be further distinguished as a natural setting, which is the majority language setting, but also the educational setting, defined mainly as a classroom environment. Both of the settings have their advantages. As Ellis (2015) states, "whereas natural settings are likely to enhance oral fluency and pragmatic ability, educational settings will lead to higher levels of grammatical knowledge" (p. 290). However, pronunciation is of the main interest in this thesis, so the influence on grammatical competence will not be analyzed. Besides, this factor of social setting cannot be analyzed without keeping in mind the factor of age.

First of all, this chapter deals with the natural setting. Even though according to Judd

(1978, as cited in Ellis, 2015, p. 290), there are three types of natural settings, only one of them is important for this thesis and that is the majority language setting. That is "where the target language serves as the native language ... of the country" (Ellis, 2015, p. 290). It is often referred to as the "dominant L2 setting" (Siegel, 2003, p. 179). In this environment, the 26 majority speaks the L2 as a native language and it is "used in all domains in everyday life, including the home, education, government, the legal system, business, and the media"

(Siegel, 2003, p. 179). Non-natives are exposed to the majority language and informal language learning occurs. In many cases, people are not aware of the effect of the majority language. A person can move to the country for economic reasons or to learn a language without formal instruction. In all of the cases, the factor of age is important. "Number of months of cohabitation with native speakers was identified as the third most important predictor of the degree of L2 foreign accent" (Piske et al, 2001, p. 203), however, "the strongest biographical predictor variable ... is age of arrival, not early exposure or length of residence" (Birdsong, 2009, p. 110). Birdsong (2009) concluded this in his study as "the later the age of arrival is, the lower the incidence of nativelike performance will be" (p. 122). This means that the factor of age is very important in the context of the natural setting. The earlier the speaker starts to acquire the language, the higher proficiency they can attain. This is with the limitations that the speaker does not acquire any formal instruction.

A specific case is the study-abroad setting. In this setting, formal instruction takes place and greatly contributes to language acquisition. Diaz-Campos (2004) argues that "study abroad students are surrounded by opportunities to use the target language outside the classroom with native speakers . .. [and are] able to produce more target-like language in different situations since they are more exposed to a broader range of input" (p. 27).

Naturally, the frequent involvement in daily tasks and interactions stimulate the speaker's motivation to speak, they are surrounded by native speakers and their pronunciation, which in essence leads to improvement of their language skills, including their pronunciation. There is also the benefit of formal instruction. As Ellis (1994) concludes "there is support for the claim that formal instruction helps learners to develop greater L2 proficiency, particularly if it is linked with opportunities for natural exposure" (as cited in Diaz-Campos, 2004, p. 27). The 27 formal instruction of the language and the environment of the second language have both a great effect on the second language acquisition and it is reflected in their pronunciation skills as well as other language skills.

Lastly, it is the educational setting. It is defined as "a setting where the target language is taught as a subject only and is not commonly used as a medium of communication outside the classroom" (Ellis, 2015, p. 302). The factor of educational setting is highly conditioned by motivation, which is the main subject of the following chapter (see

2.3). "Success in learning a language in a foreign language classroom may depend on the extent to which the learners see the language playing a role in whatever identity they wish to construct for themselves" (Ellis, 2015, p. 304). It is believed that any learner of a second language achieves a higher language proficiency when they are motivated. It does not apply only to the educational setting, but in this case, it is the main influencing variable. However, the educational setting itself does not have any significant effect on the pronunciation of the speakers. It is mainly for the reason that "L2 pronunciation receives little attention in most foreign language classrooms" (Piske et al, 2001, p. 200). The effect would be different if the educational environment would focus on the perception and training of the L2 pronunciation.

In this sense, the educational setting does not play an important role in the level of proficiency of the accent. It is, however, an important starting point in establishing a solid ground for later improvements and acquisition of L2.

To conclude, the social setting has a great effect on the proficiency of the second language - English. It is conditioned by other factors, especially factor of age in the case of natural setting and factor of motivation in the case of the educational setting. The educational setting as such, without any motivation, does not have any significance on pronunciation skills. Regarding the main focus of this thesis and after analyzing these factors, it is possible to state that the natural setting has a great impact on SLA and it is expected that the learners 28 are going to have better pronunciation than those who did not spend any considerable time in majority language country, in this case, English speaking country.

2.3 Other factors and individual differences

Motivation is by many researchers regarded as one of the most important factors in

SLA. Generally, it is defined "as the intrinsic and external forces that account for the initiation, cull, and direction of demeanor towards a goal" (Babaee, 2012, as cited in

Adwaniand & Shrivastava, 2017, p. 160). In the terms of SLA, it is essentially one's drive to learn a particular language. Motivation is also a variable, which shows how successful the learners are in their SLA. Gardner (2005) in his Motivation Theory and amended socio- educational model concludes and explains the major variables, which "are strongly linked to an individual's achievement in the language learning context" (as cited in Lai, 2013, p. 90).

These are "motivation and ability, which includes intelligence and language aptitude"

(Gardner, 2005, as cited in Lai, 2013, p. 90). The type of motivation, which Flege et al.

(1995) consider to be "a significant predictor of degree of L2 foreign accent" (as cited in

Piske et al, 2001, p. 198) is the "strength of concern for L2 pronunciation accuracy" (Piske et al, 2001, p. 201).

The motivation becomes more evident with the increasing age, and other factors such as the setting, where there is a need to be identified by the target language group as an equal.

It is due to the sense of identity, referred to by Piske as an "integrative motivation" (Flege et al, 1995, as cited in Piske et al, 2001, p. 201), or the need for language proficiency in a work environment, referred to as "concern for L2 pronunciation" (Flege et al, 1995, as cited in

Piske etal, 2001, p. 201).

In the case of non-native singers, it is a combination of these two types of motivation.

The singers are motivated to acquire native-like pronunciation so they can be recognized, not 29 only on the Slovak music scene but also in other countries. The general conception and stereotypes that English songs are more popular, and their producers are more successful, are even one of the main reasons why many non-native singers produce their songs in English.

Besides the fact that they want to 'fit in' the music industry, they are also motivated to earn money, while it is their livelihood and source of income.

When dealing with the singers as the main subject of this thesis, musical aptitude is in this case also important to mention. It would be expected that people who have the ability to imitate sounds, as it is in singing, are going to have an advantage in acquiring L2 pronunciation. However, "to our knowledge, musical ability has as yet not been found to significantly affect the degree of L2 foreign accent" (Piske et al, 2001, p. 202). On the other hand, some studies claim differently. For instance, Milovanov (2009) suggests that "the musical aptitude and phonetic skills are interconnected" (p. 41) and that "musical aptitude and practicing music have a beneficial effect on linguistic skills" (p. 46). Piske et al. (2001) propose an alternative and that it is not so much the musical aptitude but "the ability to mimic unfamiliar speech sounds . .. [which] has repeatedly been identified as a significant and independent predictor of degree of L2 foreign accent" (p. 202). This ability also referred to as

'cloning', is the key factor in the acquisition of a native-like accent in the case of non-native singers.

So that being said, musical aptitude as such does not have any significant effect on the pronunciation of the speakers, however, those performers have a benefit of a developed ability to imitate foreign sounds, and this may to some degree help them to develop native• like accents in English.

2.4 Interference of mother tongue

Another very prominent factor influencing SLA is the interference of mother tongue.

"Interference is the errors that can be traced back to the first language, while the learners use 30 the second language" (Behla, 1999, as cited in Alahmadi &Lahlali, 2019, p. 68). It may go without saying that the first language (LI) or also referred to as mother tongue is going to have an effect on the level of acquisition of the second language and consequently the pronunciation.

The phenomenon of transphonemization (see 1.1) plays a prominent role, where non- native speakers rely on their first language and sounds, which they are already familiar with, in order to pronounce new sounds in English. "It is commonly accepted that L2 learners

"identify" L2 phones in terms of native language (LI) categories and, as a result, use articulatory patterns established during LI acquisition to realize those L2 phones" (Flege,

1987, p. 48). Learners have difficulties with producing new and similar phonetic sounds because they are influenced by the pronunciation patterns of their mother tongue (Flege,

1987, p. 48). This results in an undesirable foreign accent, which is represented by many common mistakes and errors (see 1.2 and 1.4).

However, the LI may also have a positive effect on the L2 pronunciation. It depends on the similarities and differences between the LI and L2, in the case of this thesis Slovak and English languages. These differences are described in the first chapter of this thesis.

Depending on the level of similarities and dissimilarities, there are distinguished positive language transfer or negative language transfer. The former being instances where the L2 learner follows the patterns of LI, which are the same or similar, and they help the desired outcome of native-like pronunciation. The latter being the case, which leads to a foreign accent, as already explained. Ellis (2015) summed it up in her research as "the greater the differences between LI and the L2, the lower the rating" (p. 367) of the pronunciation.

Many studies have concluded that age and related Critical Period Hypothesis (see

2.1.) are significant variables. Children are more likely to master the pronunciation and avoid the foreign accent than adult learners, because of many other factors which have to be taken 31 into consideration, for example, brain plasticity which is higher among children, or the fact that it is easier for children to learn new sounds than for adults to relearn already acquired sounds. 32

3 A survey on the perception of English accents of Slovak performers

3.1 Participants

The participants included 8 people, which 4 of them were native speakers of English

(the British) and four of them were non-native speakers, students of English (Slovaks). The

British were fluent speakers of English and Slovaks were university students of English. The participants were personally approached or via middle person, who mediated the survey. The respondents were selected regardless the age or gender, the only information required in both groups was the nationality. In the case of non-native speakers, they were also asked about their experience of English acquisition and to self-evaluate and rate their accents on a scale from 1 to 5. This information was beneficial for the author in order to better comprehend the answers provided and carry out a careful analysis. The final sample was not as intended, while the questionnaire was also provided to American speakers, who failed to respond.

However, the final sample was sufficient enough.

Essentially, the participants were divided into two groups - natives and non-natives, and they are referred to according to their nationality as British 1, British 2, British 3 and

British 4, and Slovak 1, Slovak 2, Slovak 3 and Slovak 4.

3.2 Methodology

In order to acquire relevant information, this thesis is based on a qualitative method of research. The subjective opinions of particular respondents were desired and thus the main source of such information is a structured questionnaire (see Appendix). In order to carry out careful analysis, previous academic works were used as well.

The descriptive and correlational research design was used, in order to acquire and process the information. The former was used to describe the found problems of common 33 mistakes and perception of accent, the latter was used for the reason of finding a relationship between two variables - pronunciation of performers and influencing factors.

3.3 Procedure

As already mentioned, the main source of information was a structured questionnaire.

The respondents were asked to assess the recordings provided and state their opinions on particular questions. The assessor did not know about the fact that all of the performers were non-native speakers. All of the analyzed performers were Slovaks, however, some of them may also have a second nationality. The aim was to find if they could be mistaken for native speakers based on their singing pronunciation. However, some of the Slovak respondents were able to recognize the performers and state their names. The performers were divided into three groups. For clearer understatement, the groups will be referred to as Group A,

Group B, and Group C. The first one, Group A, is the group of singers who grew up in a bilingual environment. These are Celeste Buckingham, whose father is an American and mother is of Iranian and Russian descend, and who grew up in Slovakia. Next, it is Tomas

Puskailer whose Slovak parents emigrated to Canada and lived in Netherlands and Germany.

Lastly, it is Miroslav Zbirka, whose mother was a British citizen and had an English influence on his career. Group B consists of singers who have spent a considerable amount of time in an English-speaking country (England) - Jana Kirschner and singers who have the experience of the study-abroad program - Misha. The last group, Group C, are singers who do not have any experience with English other than personal motivation or formal instruction in school, in the educational setting. These are Kristina and Andrew May.

The questionnaire consisted of 13 questions, which 2 of them were targeted only to native speakers and 3 of them to non-native speakers. Besides, the questionnaire was provided with a file of 7 recordings produced by the performers mentioned earlier, which were the primary source for this thesis. The questionnaire included open questions, multiple- 34 choice questions, and rating scale questions, where each question was introduced and described. The participants were informed that it was research on the perception of the

English accent, therefore there were no wrong or right answers.

According to the description and analysis of the factors influencing SLA (see chapter

2), it was expected that Celeste Buckingham, Tomas Puskailer, and Miroslav Zbirka would have the most authentic English accent, whilst there were exposed to English from an early childhood. Secondly, as stated in chapter 2.2, the study-abroad setting with formal instruction and the natural setting of English-speaking country would also have a great positive effect on the pronunciation of speakers, thus Misha and Jana Kirschner were also expected to be mistaken for native speakers.

3.4 Analysis

3.4.1 Perceived 'nativeness' and 'non-nativeness' of the performers

Firstly, the respondents were asked to state whether they thought the recordings were produced by native or non-native speakers. They provided answers as stated in Table 3.

Table 3

Performers detected as native and non-native speakers by the respondents

Rl R2 R3 R4 R5 R6 R7 Celeste Jana Kristina Andrew Tomas Miroslav Misha Buckingham Kirschner May Puskailer Zbirka Br 1 NS NonS NonS NonS NS NS NS Br 2 NS NonS NonS NonS NS NS NonS Br 3 NS NonS NonS NonS NonS Nons NS Br 4 NS NS NonS NS NonS Nons NS

SI 1 NS NonS NonS NS NS Nons NS SI 2 NS NonS NonS NS NS NS NS SI 3 NS NonS NonS NS NS Nons NonS SI 4 NS NonS NonS NS NonS NonS NS Note. Br = British. SI = Slovak. R = Recording. NS = Native Speaker. NonS = Non-native Speaker. Yellow columns refer to performers with an early age influence of bilingual environment. Green columns refer to performers with the influence of study-abroad program or living in an English-speaking country. Blue columns refer to performers with no specific influence. 35

As expected, Celeste Buckingham was mistaken for a native speaker, with the reasons stated by the respondents as follows: "I heard nice English, perfect, which we hear on

American radios or tv programs. The pronunciation is very natural and fluent. Pronounced difficult to pronounce words with ease" (see Appendix for full survey responses). From the same Group A, Tomas Puskailer was by the majority of the respondents recognized as a native speaker as well. However, when analyzing the answers of the three respondents who stated otherwise, the reason for their statement was not the pronunciation of particular sounds but "the song itself which sounds foreign." Different native respondent also provided

"different topics of songs" as a reason why the singers sounded foreign. This observation provided by the native speakers is an interesting additional feature, which adds to the list of what makes the singers sound foreign besides the pronunciation itself.

A surprising outcome of the survey was the fact that Jana Kirschner was not mistaken for a native speaker, even though the factor of the majority language setting was supposed to play an important role. She was recognized as a non-native speaker for "mostly mispronunciation of dental sounds /9, 5/" and the fact that in the lyrics "some kind of dream anymore" K and D were not stressed enough". Unexpectedly, Miroslav Zbirka was also not mistaken for native speaker by the majority of the respondents, even though he falls into

Group A. Further analysis and explanation are provided in chapter 3.4.3.

Misha, as expected, was by the majority of the assessors identified as a native speaker for the reason that she "pronounced and stressed every letter correctly" and also "pronounced each word correctly at the correct speed".

On the other hand, Kristina was the only performer who was recognized as a non- native speaker by all of the respondents. They were asked to state their reasons for such statement, and they consequently provided specific parts of lyrics as an example.

"'Sometimes it's not right' pronounced its as zits" or she "did not pronounce the /r/ of 36

'harder' enough, pronounced 'it's not fair' as 'zis not fair'". Slovak 4 stated as the main reason for Kristina sounding foreign the "mispronunciation of dental sounds /9, 5/, typical mispronunciation of vowels which Slovak language lacks (a;, 3:), too strong pronunciation of

/k, g/ = prototype of Slovak accent." Kristina was not influenced by any crucial factor in her

SLA, including the personal motivation, while she produces a majority of her songs in Slovak language. This may be the reason that her pronunciation sounded in overall view as too foreign and with lack of effort.

Lastly, from group C, Andrew May was recognized as a native speaker by all of the

Slovak respondents and one British respondent. Even though he falls into the third category of performer and the only important factor in his SLA was the personal motivation, as expected by the author, his singing pronunciation was perceived as native-like.

3.4.2 Common pronunciation mistakes

Secondly, the respondents were asked to state the common pronunciation mistakes which made the performers sound foreign. The most frequent answers were confirmed as they were stated in chapters 1.2 and 1.4. Those were the mispronunciation of dental fricatives

[9], [5], words were not stressed enough, or the problems with the pronunciation of /r/ which sounded either too rhotic or not non-rhotic enough. However, a list of additional errors was proposed.

The most frequently stated answer of common mistake was the mispronunciation of the words 'its' or 'it's'. The Slovak pronunciation sounded to native speakers more like [zits] instead of [its], for instance in the phrase "sometimes it's not right". The correct pronunciation would be in this case ['sAmtAimz its . . .], but the performer pronounces it as

[samtaim zits ...]. This is due to the fact that Slovak speakers are used to voicing assimilation. In the Slovak language, voicing assimilation at the end of the words is very 37 common, in English, however, not so much because it can make a difference in the meaning of the words as for example 'leave' and 'leaf. In the case of the phrase "sometimes it's not right", Kristina makes a pause before the consonant's' and joins it with the following word.

It consequently creates a combination of voiceless consonant /s/ and following vowel which would in Slovak language result in voicing assimilation and pronunciation of voiced

Izl instead of /s/. Another example in her song is the pronunciation of 'this is'. The interference of Slovak language again influences the pronunciation and instead of [5is iz],

Kristina pronounces it as [di ziz]. For the reason of following the pattern of her mother tongue , her pronunciation sounds too foreign.

A different example provided by native speakers as sounding foreign was the pronunciation of the idiom 'fair play'. British 2: "'Fair' sounding more like 'vair' as fs sound more like vs." British 3: '"Fair Play' didn't stressed the R enough and pronounced it too long." British 4: "Did not pronounce some English words as heavily as I'm use too, for example very soft when saying 'fair play'." The correct pronunciation of the idiom would be as [,fe: 'phlei] in RP, or [,fer 'phlei] in American English. The pronunciation of Miroslav

Zbirka was, however, not aspirated and the /f/ sound resembled more of /v/ sound, which resulted in a strong foreign accent.

Another common pronunciation mistake recognized was the pronunciation of minimal pairs with lil and Id/. The native speakers found "it difficult to notice the difference between

'to' and 'do' through the pronunciation and therefore [they] can only use the context to work out which is being said". Even though these two consonants may sound very similar, there is a substantial difference in their pronunciation. The consonant /d/ is voiced thus the vocal cords are employed in its production. The consonants lil is, on the other hand, voiceless, thus produced without the help of vocal cords. Singers were in this case unable to pronounce the consonants with sufficient distinction, which resulted in a foreign accent. 38

The pronunciation mistake prominent among the performers and recognized by the author but not the respondents was the lack of realization of schwa [a] in unstressed , as for example in the word 'today'. The correct pronunciation of this word is [ta'dei], however, Kristina pronounces it as ['tudei]. The sound of schwa is not present in the Slovak language and in the process of transphonemization, which Kristina employed in her speech, the most common pronunciation of schwa would be [u]. This pronunciation mistake consequently causes a strong foreign accent.

These new observations proposed, in addition to the list of common pronunciation mistakes and errors already known (see 1.2 and 1.4), serve as helpful information for non- native speakers for the realization of these problems and consequent avoidance later in their own speech.

3.4.3 Authenticity of accent and effect of different factors on SLA

The authenticity of accent was rated by the assessors based on the presence of such common pronunciation mistakes as stated in the previous chapter. They rated the singers' accent authenticity on a scale from 1 to 10 as shown in Table 4.

Table 4

Rating of the authenticity of accent of the performers

Rl R2 R3 R4 R5 R6 R7 Celeste Jana Andrew Tomas Miroslav Kristina Misha Buckingham Kirschner May Puskailer Zbirka Br 1 9 7 3 3 7 8 7 Br 2 10 8 2 3 6 7 8 Br 3 8 6 4 5 5 3 8 Br 4 9 6 5 7 5 3 10

SI 1 10 7 3 10 10 9 10 SI 2 7 8 5 8 9 8 9 SI 3 10 5 4 7 9 4 5 39

S14 10 5 2 10 9 9 10 Total 73 52 28 53 60 51 67 Note. Br = British. SI = Slovak. R = Recording. On the scale from 1 tolO, where 1 means the least authentic and 10 means the most authentic.

Consequently, the rating numbers were summed up and the scale from the most authentic to the least authentic accents of speakers was created as presented in Table 5.

Table 5

Ranking of the performers based on the authenticity of accent

Ranking Name Total 1 Celeste 73 2 Misha 67 3 Puskailer 60 4 Andrew May 53 5 Kirschner 52 6 Zbirka 51 7 Kristína 28

According to Table 5 and the information provided early in chapter 3, about the characteristics of each group, there was drawn a conclusion of which factors have the most significant effect on the SLA and essentially the pronunciation of speakers. In this case, growing up in a bilingual environment and the study-abroad setting with formal instruction of

English were found as the most influential. The evidence is the fact that Celeste Buckingham and Misha were mistaken for being native speakers and the authenticity of their accents was rated very high. However, it is not applicable in all of the cases. Albeit Miroslav Zbirka was in a category of having an early age influence of bilingual environment, he was ranked as having second to least authentic English accent. This also applies to Jana Kirschner, who was ranked on the fifth place with not so authentic English accent, even though she has spent a considerable amount of time in the majority language setting. This may be due to the fact that 40 both of the respondents were affected by RP English and felt the need to produce their songs in this accent. However, as stated in chapter 1.5, it is not possible, and the Amalgam English thus sounds more nativelike.

Further, personal determination and motivation, which was the main factor in the case of Andrew May, proved to be not as important as other factors. He was not mistaken for native speaker by British respondents only by Slovak ones, who may not notice the mistakes they themselves make in their own pronunciation.

In addition to Table 5, Table 6 proves this conclusion based on the answers of respondents, who were asked to state which of the factors were in their opinion the most influential in terms of SLA.

Table 6

Factors influencing acquisition ofL2

Watching Interference Time Listening Musical movies BE of mother Motivation spent in to ES aptitude and tongue ESC videos Br 1 1 3 2 Br 2 2 1 3 Br 3 3 1 2 Br 4 2 3 1

SI 1 1 3 2 SI 2 2 1 3 SI 3 3 2 1 SI 4 1 3 2 Note. Br = British. SI = Slovak. BE = Bilingual Environment. ES = English Songs. ESC = English-speaking Country. Rating from 1 to 3, where 1 means the most influential factor and 3 means the least influential factor.

Table 6 shows that they likewise regard bilingual environment and time spent in

English-speaking country as having the biggest effect on the proficiency of English accent.

On the other hand, interference of mother tongue or musical aptitude, discussed in chapters 41

2.3 and 2.4, were not given as much importance. However, the factor of interference of mother tongue was prominent in the pronunciation of Kristina, who followed the pattern of

Slovak phonology (see 3.4.2).

The additional factors, which the assessors stated as having a significant effect on

SLA, are provided in the summarized survey responses in Appendix.

3.4.4 Ability to differentiate between native and non-native speakers

An additional question, if the respondents were able to differentiate between native and non-native speakers in general, was asked. Overall, native respondents stated that it is easier to recognize the differences in spoken speech rather than singing, because of the lack of suprasegmental features in songs, such as stress or intonation. Slovak assessors have in general more difficulties recognizing the foreign speaker, while they themselves are non- native speakers. However, they recognized and appreciated the fact that there are non-native speakers who are able to master their pronunciation to such an extent that they are mistaken for natives.

3.4.5 Slovak accent

Lastly, the native respondents were asked about their perception of the Slovak accent.

In many cases, society stigmatized by perfectionism is very strict on the accent sounding foreign; thus, the opinions of native speakers were attractive. Even though it was a very small number of responses, the overall perception was rather positive. The British find and describe

Slovak accent as "nice and smooth." Despite the fact, they are able to detect the typical errors, they like the uniqueness of the accent, such is the "the slight 'lilt'" or that the accent is

"more fluid and flows easier, whilst English is rigid." 3.5 Research outcome

It has ascertained that the factors with the cardinal importance during the process of second language acquisition are the influence of bilingual environment during an early childhood and the influence of natural setting, where formal instruction is present, such as study-abroad programs. On the other hand, it was discovered that even though the factor of natural setting is important, it is insignificant when a personal determination is lacking. The presence of pronunciation mistakes among the speakers recognized as non-natives proves the fact that interference of mother tongue influences English accent as well. Besides, it can be also concluded that non-native speakers can be mistaken for native ones by both groups of

British and Slovak respondents. In summary, the attainment of high English proficiency for non-native speakers is possible when there are favourable conditions and motivation. 43

Conclusion

The present thesis analyses the pronunciation of non-native performers and its perception by native and non-native assessors. In consequence, it investigates which factor has the most significant effect on second language acquisition (SLA), not only in the case of the particular singers but also in general among speakers of English as their second language.

In order to fully comprehend the actual survey analysis and its results, key terms had to be explained. Such important terms were the similarities and dissimilarities of English and

Slovak in terms of consonants and vowels, the concept of Amalgam English, common pronunciation mistakes among non-native speakers determined as undesirable, and explanation of individual factors of SLA concerned with the performers. Consequently, the questionnaire was analyzed, and research questions were answered.

The questionnaire was provided to both groups of native (the British) and non-native speakers (Slovaks), who assessed the recordings provided, which were produced by Slovak singers with various backgrounds of SLA. The main focus was on the actual perception of their accent and detection of pronunciation mistakes.

By analyzing the survey responses and taking into consideration different backgrounds of SLA as they were mentioned, it was confirmed that the main influencing factor in SLA is the early age influence of bilingual environment and the factor of the natural setting, specifically study-abroad setting, where the formal instruction is present.

Surprisingly, it was concluded that it is not applicable to all the performers in that particular group, while there was the presence of other internal or external factors.

Besides, it was consequently ascertained and concluded that non-native speakers can attain native-like competence in their pronunciation of English and can be mistaken for native speakers. The presence of common pronunciation mistakes and any deviations from standard norms was the leading phenomenon in identifying the performers as non-native. Thus, the 44 knowledge and awareness of these mistakes can serve as a helpful tool to avoid them in later usage and make the pronunciation of non-native speakers sound native-like. In addition to the list of already known pronunciation mistakes, new ones were discovered in the singing pronunciation of the performers, not only by the respondents but also by the author.

There are a number of researchers who have done concise summaries of the similarities and dissimilarities of Slovak and English, and the problems in the English pronunciation, which arise from such differences. Nevertheless, the present thesis provides such summarization as well. It can serve as a helpful source of information for further studies. To better understand the briefly mentioned phenomenon of transphonemization, which was crucial in the explanation and comparison of these two languages, Martin Olostiak elaborates on this topic in his works. Besides, many Slovak students of English in their diploma theses looked into the topic of singing pronunciation, however, of Czech performers.

Their theses are also recommended to explore this topic from a different point of view.

Eventually, this thesis proposes a new perspective on language acquisition, not only from the practical point of view as is the actual production of sounds, but also external factors which have considerable influence. Avoiding undesirable mistakes or, on the other hand, seeking out the positive factors are the first steps in order to achieve desirable results in the pronunciation of non-native speakers. It can also serve as a guide for ambitious Slovak performers starting their careers in producing English songs, on how to successfully attain native-like proficiency in their English pronunciation. 45

Works cited

Primary sources:

Andrej Mutnansky. (2019, September 22). Andrew May - On my knees [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/w7j54DSU-ss

Celeste Buckingham. (2013, November 3). Crushin' My Fairytale [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/t-fCCC3fxRU

JkirschnerOfficial. (2018, July 28). Shine [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/40hvSHGABio

KristinaVEVO. (2011, April 28). Life Is A Game [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/CVydUm-3-j4

Misha. (2015, September 21). Now I Do [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/_IlHsttpetc negativfilm. (2014, March 12). Miro Zbirka - Fair Play (English version) [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/ueL8QCJUfwO

Thomas Puskailer. (2020, April 15). Doesn't Matter Where We Are [Video]. YouTube. https://youtu.be/zxn-SMPqGVo

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Alahmadi, N., & Lahlali, M. (2019). The Role of Learners' Gender Differences in L2 "Inter- Language" Errors of Intermediate- Level Saudi Language Learners. Journal of Arts & Humanities,

Birdsong, D. (2009). Interpreting Age Effects in Second Language Acquisition. In J. F. Kroll & A. M. B. De Groot (Eds.), Handbook of Bilingualism: Psycholinguistic Approaches (p. 109). Oxford University Press.

Cruttenden, A. (2014). Gimson's Pronunciation of English (8th ed.). Routledge.

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Dziubalska-Kolaczyk, K., & Przedlacka, J. (2008). English Pronunciation Models: A Changing Scene: Second Edition (Linguistic Insights) (2nd ed.). Peter Lang AG, Internationaler Verlag der Wissenschaften.

Ellis, R. (2015). The Study of Second Language Acquisition (2nd ed.). Oxford University Press.

Filipovič, R. (1982). Phonologization and activation of latent phonemes in linguistic borrowing. Journal of the International Phonetic Association, 12(1), 36-47. https://www.jstor.org/stable/44526681

Flege, J. E. (1987). The production of "new" and "similar" phones in a foreign language: evidence for the effect of equivalence classification. Journal of Phonetics, 15(1), 47- 65. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0095-4470(19)30537-6

Han, Z. (2012, November 1). Fossilization. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/316092875_Fossilization

Kráľ, A., & Sabol, J. (1989). Fonetika afonológia [Phonetics and Phonology]. , Slovakia: Slovenské pedagogické nakladateľstvo.

Kráľova, Z. (2011). Slovensko-anglická zvuková interferencia [Slovak-English Phonic Interference]. Žilina, Slovakia: Fakulta humanitných vied Žilinskej 46niversity v Žiline. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/288975439_Slovensko- anglicka_zvukova_interferencia_Slovak-English_Phonic_Interference

Lai, H. Y. T. (2013). The Motivation of Learners of English as a Foreign Language Revisited. International Education Studies, 6(10), 90-101. https://doi.org/10.5539/ies.v6nl0p90

Milovanov, R. (2009). The Connectivity of Musical Aptitude and Foreign Language Learning Skills: Neural and Behavioural Evidence, https://www.utupub.fi/handle/10024/50249

New, T. L., Dong, M., Chan, P., Wang, X., Ma, B., & Li, H. (2010, July 1). Voice conversion: From spoken vowels to singing vowels. IEEE Conference Publication | IEEE Xplore. https://ieeexplore.ieee.org/document/5582961

Ološtiak, M. (2007). Adaptácia anglických proprií v Slovenčine [Adaption of English Propria in Slovak Language]. Prešov, Slovakia: Filozofická fakulta Prešovskej 46niversity v Prešove. http://olostiak.webz.cz/Publikovane/propria_monografia_2007.pdf

Piske, T., MacKay, I. R., & Flege, J. E. (2001). Factors affecting degree of foreign accent in an L2: a review. Journal of Phonetics, 29(2), 191-215. https://doi.org/10.1006/jpho.2001.0134

Pronouncing vowels. (2016, September 17). SEAS, http://seas3.elte.hu/phono/notes/141- vowels.html 47

Schütz, R. (1998). Stephen Krashen 's Theory of Second Language Acquisition (Assimilaqäo Natural - o Construtivismo no Ensino de Linguas). English Made in Brazil. https://web.archive.Org/web/20171122150432/http:/www.sk.com.br/sk-krash.html

Siegel, J. (2003). Social Context. In C. J. Doughty & M. H. Long (Eds.), The Handbook of Second Language Acquisition (p. 178). https://studylibid.com/doc/4344470/---the- handbook-of-second-language-acquisition-bookzz.org- Sundberg, J. (1969). Articulatory differences between spoken and sung vovels in singers. Quarterly Progress And Status Report, 10(1), 33^-6. https://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/download?doi=10.1.1.415.3042&rep=repl&type =pdf

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Summary (English)

The present thesis analyzes the perception of English singing accents of non-native performers. The primary purpose of this thesis is to determine what the main influencing factor of second language acquisition (SLA) is and how it is reflected in the pronunciation of particular Slovak singers. Further, it is to find and summarize the common pronunciation mistakes in the pronunciation of non-native speakers and essentially establish whether they can be mistaken for natives.

The survey important for the research was conducted through a structured questionnaire, which was provided to both groups of native and non-native speakers in a total number of 8 respondents, who assessed the recordings produced by Slovak singers. This thesis consists of three main chapters. The first one describes and compares Slovak and

English languages in terms of the similarities and dissimilarities of phonetic sounds. The second chapter discusses and describes the various factors influencing SLA. Lastly, in the third chapter, the analysis proper of the questionnaire is provided.

Consequently, it can be concluded that non-native performers can be mistaken for native speakers. The main influencing factors in SLA were determined to be the influence of the bilingual environment during an early childhood and the factor of the natural setting, specifically study-abroad programs where the formal instruction is present. This research can serve as a helpful tool in studying the process of SLA, what pronunciation mistakes to avoid, and consequently in ways of attaining a higher level of proficiency in the pronunciation of

English. 49

Summary (Czech)

Tato práce analyzuje vnímání anglického pěveckého prízvuku umělců, kteří nejsou rodilými mluvčími. Primárním účelem této práce je zjistit, jaký je hlavní ovlivňující faktor v procesu osvojování druhého jazyka, a jak se to odráží ve výslovnosti konkrétních slovenských zpěváků. Dále je cílem potřeba najít a shrnout běžné chyby ve výslovnosti slovenských mluvčích a v zásadě zjistit, zdaje lze zaměnit za rodilé mluvčí.

Informace důležité pro výzkum byly získány prostřednictvím strukturovaného dotazníku, který byl poskytnut oběma skupinám rodilých i nerodilých mluvčích v celkovém počtu 8 respondentů, kteří hodnotili nahrávky vytvořené slovenskými zpěváky. Tento bakalářský výzkum se skládá ze tří hlavních kapitol. První popisuje a porovnává slovenský a anglický jazyk z hlediska podobností a odlišností hlásek. Druhá kapitola pojednává a popisuje různé faktory ovlivňující proces osvojování druhého jazyka. Ve třetí kapitole je uvedena samotná analýza dotazníku.

Nakonec byl učiněn závěr, a to takový, že umělce, kteří nejsou rodilými mluvčími, lze zaměnit za rodilé mluvčí. Hlavními ovlivňujícími faktory v procesu osvojování druhého jazyka byly stanoveny vliv bilingvního prostředí během raného dětství a faktor naturálního prostředí, konkrétně studijní programy v zahraničí, kde je přítomna formální výuka. Tento výzkum může sloužit jako užitečný nástroj v procesu osvojování druhého jazyka, může napomoci vyhnout se chybám ve výslovnosti a v zásadě dosáhnout vysoké úrovně ve výslovnosti angličtiny. 50

Appendix - Questionnaire blank and survey responses

Hello, my name is Vanesa, and I am studying at the English Department of Masaryk

University in Brno. I am now doing a research for my bachelor thesis on the topic of perception and intelligibility of English accent in singing, specifically native and non-native singers in English, where the non-native performers are Slovaks. I would like to ask you for help by filling up this short anonymous questionnaire. The questionnaire includes different questions which will be each explained. It will take roughly about 40 minutes, so please reserve your time and provide your best conscious answers. This is a research on perception of English accent, therefore there are no wrong or right answers. Thank you very much for your help and participation!

1. Please strike out inappropriate and provide your nationality

I am: a native speaker of English / a non-native speaker of English

nationality: British - 4

Slovak - 4

2. If a non-native speaker, how did you learn English? (Please provide answers to the following questions)

- At what age did you start?

Slovak 1 I started learn English at primary school so I was about 7 years old.

Slovak 2 3 Slovak 3 At the age of 7. Slovak 4 -in school, during my travels, talking with friends, watching loads of videos, films... -8years (primary school with some basics from nursery school) 51

- Did you learn it in school, or did you attend any private lessons? Specify

Slovak 1 How I mentioned above, I started learn it at school, no private lessons. I wanted to attend one of these lessons but at that time we didn't have enough money for it. Slovak 2 In school and from my family members. Slovak 3 I learned at school and also at language school. Slovak 4 Both school and additional language courses.

- Did you attend a study-abroad program? If yes, what country and for how

long?

Slovak 1 Yes, it was something like exchange program. We passed one week with English native-speaker teacher in Slovakia - at primary school and then I also participated for the same program in Czech Republic for one week. Slovak 2 No Slovak 3 No Slovak 4 Exchange programs -lweek (Netherlands, Spain) Erasmus - France

Now, I would like to ask you to listen to the recordings provided. They are numbered from 1 to 7 and they are not labeled by the names of the singers or their nationality. There may be a mix of native speakers and non-native speakers, all of them may be native speakers, or all of them may be non-native speakers (Slovaks). I am keen to find out if you are able to recognize and differentiate between native and non-native speakers based on their singing pronunciation.

3. Please listens to the recordings provided and state NS (native speaker) next to the recording which you think is produced by a native speaker of English or NonS (non-native speaker) next to the recording which you think is produced by a non-native speaker.

Recording 1

Recording 2 52

Recording 3

Recording 4

Recording 5

Recording 6

Recording 7

Answers summarized in Table 3

4. Please listen to the recordings again, once or twice, and rate them on the scale from 1

to 10, based on the authenticity of English accent. (1 being "very foreign accent", 10 being

"native accent").

Recording 1

Recording 2

Recording 3

Recording 4

Recording 5

Recording 6

Recording 7

Answers summarized in Table 4 and Table 5.

5. What is your reason for stating that those particular songs are sung by native speakers? (please provide at least one reason for each recording you stated to be produced by a native speaker) 53

British 1 Across all - pronunciation of vowels. Syllables and the emphasis placed on them - dependent on sounding more like native language. Use of grammar and pauses in songs - consistent with native speakers spoken conversation British 2 I think it's because of the way they say specific words - like 'fair' has an 'f sound. Also, the rhythm of the songs, some sounded more English British 3 1) Sounds very English 7) pronounced & stressed every letter correctly British 4 1) Pronounced difficult to pronounce words with ease 2) was less convinced that the rest of the ones I marked as native however pronounced words currently and her voice had that of a native english speaker 4) Pronounced many english words correctly 7) pronounced each word correctly at the correct speed Slovak 1 Recording 1 -1 tried to listen lyrics, words and their pronunciation and in this song I heard nice English, perfect, which we hear on American radios or tv programs. Recording 4 - For the first time when I heard the song I knew that the singer is native speaker. It was obvious for me, I don't know explain why. Maybe like the genre of music or English and how he sing words correct in a pronunciation way. I knew it in the first time that it's not Slovak. Recording 5-1 think that I didn't find some bad pronunciation or something that might tell me that it is a non-native speaker. For me, everything was clear and 'correct' so I go with native speaker for this one. Recording 7 - Nice voice, good pronunciation, I enjoyed this song and I don't know exactly if this singer is from a English speaking country but for me it sounded like she is a native speaker. Slovak 2 I knew the first three songs and also the singers. Maybe if I didn't know them, I would also put Celeste (recording 1) into a non-native, because I can sometimes (but it's just my point of view) hear that the Slovak affected her English. The other 4 recordings sound to me as if it was sung by a native speaker, but it is also possible that it may be a non-native with a native-like accent. Slovak 3 Recording 1 - The pronunciation is very natural and fluent. Recording 4 - The singer sounds very natural. Recording 5 - The overall effect of the song is very English Slovak 4 1. Clear pronunciation, the song is pretty popular, and it's generally known Celeste's of American descent, thus being bilingual makes her fall within this category 2. Correct pronunciation of dental sounds and the phonemes that Slovaks lack 4. sounds like proper pronunciation 54

7. sounds like proper pronunciation (Not sure about the dental sounds though)

6. What is your reason for stating that those particular songs are sung by non-native speakers? (please provide at least one reason for each recording you stated to be produced by a non-native speaker)

Please, provide also passages of lyrics from the songs, which sounded non-native to you.

British 1 Again - points are across all Different syllables had different emphasis placed on them in words, in a different way to native speakers/singers. Vowels' pronunciation different to native speakers Different topics of song Difference in grammar between native speakers and non-native speaker British 2 Pronunciation of consonants and vowels - some consonants in some words and some vowels in others change how they sound based on how the mouth forms around the word - which can make more of a difference between speakers. 'Fair' sounding more like 'vair' as fs sound more like vs Finding it difficult to notice the difference between 'to' and 'do' through the pronunciation and therefore I can only use the context to work out which is being said British 3 2) 0:36 "some kind of dream anymore" K and D of kind not stressed enough 3) 0:41 "sometimes it's not right" pronounced its as zits 4) 1:00 "I know it is right, you don't have tell you", English is wrong and pronounced don't as do 5) nothing about pronounced makes me think this song is not sung by a native, it's just the song itself which sounds foreign 6) 0:49 "Fair Play" didn't stressed the R enough and pronounced it too long British 4 3) did not pronounce the 'r' of harder enough, pronounce "it's not fair" as "zis not fair" 5) pronounced "where" incorrectly 6) did not pronounce some English words as heavily as Fm use too, for example very soft when saying "fair play"

Slovak 1 Recording 2 - 'Cards never lie' ... when I heard this passage I started thinking that singer is someone who's English is not a mother language. In the pronunciation in letter 'r', but in the rest of the song 'r' is pronounced like real British 'r'. And also words 'no ..something ... romance' it sounded the same way like 'Cards never lie'. 55

Recording 3 - 'Hev, hev, the journev of life' .. vou can hear it, it's Slovak English pronunciation. This is a typical English pronunciation at every school in Slovakia. The words are said well, but not well done, that we can hear that she learned English but it's not her mother language. Recording 6 - English is good but I wrote non-native speaker because I know songs of Miroslav Zbirka so I know that he is not native-speaker. But he has a brilliant English but in this case, too, we can hear 'slovak pronunciation' in some words Slovak 2 As I previously said, I knew the first three singers. That's why I put recording 2,3 as non-native. But recording 2 (Jana) has a very native-like accent which can be caused by the fact that she lived (or live, I'm not sure) in England. In the recording 3 (Kristina) I felt the Slovak accent in her voice, but I can't really say where, because it is not that she made mistakes in words or letters, but I felt like she phonetically spoke the vowel as in Slovak language Slovak 3 Recording 2: 'When the stars begin to shine' - the pronunciation of the letter r does not sound very English to me. Recording 3: 'Today is your day' - The pronunciation sounds artificial. We can hear that the singer tries too much to imitate the English accent. As a result, it is not natural. Recording 6: 'I thought I'd reach the sky' - the pronunciation of 'th' is different from the one that native speakers have. It is a very specific sound which it's difficult to imitate. Recording 7: 'And I thought, what's the deal I put you on hold' The final syllables in this song are pronounced strangely Slovak 4 2. mostly dental sounds "d,t" (don't have phonetic keyboard) 3. mispronunciation of dental sounds "d,t", typical mispronunciation of vowels which Slovak language lacks (ae, 3:)... "k,g" too strong pronunciation of "k,g"= prototype of Slovak accent, although it is way harder to recognize an accent in songs as the accent kinda disappears when singing. 5. Not sure about this one as the pronunciation may vary within the regions. There is no general pattern of proper native speaker pattern thus the person might be possibly an inhabitant of other English-speaking country apart from the US and the UK. 6. Not sure to what extend we can consider M. Zbirka as a native/nonnative speaker, for he is of English origin, born Slovak but possibly bilingual.

7. Can you identify common mistakes produced by non-native performers that degrade their English accents? 56

British 1 Changing the vowel pronunciation in some words - makes it more obviously different. Having alterative emphasis placed on specific syllables in words in mays native speakers would not have. The 'F' sound being pronounced with more of a 'V sound to a native speaker. British 2 Changing emphasis on words - especially the ones in the song that are used to make the rhyme/ rhythm or help keep the beats in the song. They are often the ones the non-native speaker seems less confident singing and so the emphasis is not on the correct syllable of the word - altering how it sounds to the native speaker. British 3 Pronounce it's wrong and not stressing particular letters enough. British 4 Typically, not pronouncing their r's and w's enough and finishing off sentences with a different tone than native English people do. Slovak 1 It is a pronunciation of some words, especially when there is a letter 'r'. And maybe also like articulation, that they try to say word correctly so they pay attention to how to say it. In some British and American songs they not always articulate well and sometimes we don't understand what they are saying and in the songs of non-native speakers we hear exactly every word with 'fake' pronunciation (it's not real because they pay too much attention to good pronunciation). Slovak 2 The biggest mistake is when people say out loud letter that should be silent as in "knock" [knok]. Then the other mistake is the accent itself, which is harder to change or learn it right and spoke as a native speaker. Some people even if they aren't native have a very similar accent and because of that it is harder to distinguish between them and the native ones. Slovak 3 I think it is difficult to determine these mistakes. For me, the distinction between a native and non-native accent is especially based on the overall effect of the song. Slovak 4 -dental sounds "d,t" -ae articulated as "e"or "a:" -stress placement -nasal sounds (n) -articulated sounds which should be silent -alveoar "r"

8. What do you think are the most common factors influencing second language acquisition? (please choose 3 of the possible answers and indicate them with numbers where

1 is the most common factor and 3 is the least common)

bilingual environment while growing up (g. mother is English, father is Slovak) 57

mother tongue

personal determination and motivation to learn a second language

listening to the English songs

musical aptitude

watching movies and videos in the English language

time spent in English-speaking country

Answers summarized in Table 6.

9. Please state one more factor which has, in your opinion, crucial effect on the second language acquisition and the pronunciation.

British 1 Time spent in the country that of the language - to be able to learn by listening, speaking and being able to imitate the language and intricicies from the people who speak the language day to day. Can be accentuated and aided by listening to, and watching, videos of the language - so there is context British 2 I think that when people want to learn they are more likely to try harder and therefore will expend a considerable amount more effort to succeed. So personal determination and self-satisfaction can be a huge driving force. I think it's also important - as part of that, to immerse yourself in the language so to learn by speaking, listening, and writing is important to pick up the nuances of the language. So, either by having a bilingual environment to grow up in, or spend time in the country learning from the locals and native speakers. British 3 Age at which second language is learnt British 4 Age Slovak 1 Teachers, social media, games (on the internet), books/magazines Slovak 2 Support from the closest ones (especially when we start learning) Slovak 3 Watching and listening to English radio and TV stations Slovak 4 A pronunciation of their teacher 58

10. If a non-native speaker, what would you rate your English accent? (by circling a relevant number evaluate your accent on the scale from 1 to 5, where 1 is only a beginner with a considerable mother tongue accent and 5 means a native-like accent)

1 2 3 4 5

Slovak 1 2 Slovak 2 3 Slovak 3 3 Slovak 4 3,5 Average 2,8

11. If a non-native speaker, in general, are you able to differentiate between a native speaker and a non-native speaker of English? (Please provide arguments why and elaborate on your answer)

Slovak 1 Sometimes it can be heard from the first moment that you are not a native speaker. Me, as non-native speaker, I know that I'm not able to use such vocabulary as a native speakers. Often, I don't know how to pronounce some words or I have problem with articulation. I'm not good as well in making sentences with all tenses ins English. Also, I think that a native speaker don't make so much pauses during talking as non-native speakers who's has to think about what he/she wants to say.

Slovak 2 If the non-native speaker has an accent where his own mother tongue's accent dominates, it's easier to distinguish. But when a non-native speaker a very native-like accent it is kind of hard to make a difference, you have to listen very carefully (or with some individuals it is not even noticeable). Slovak 3 I think I am capable of doing it because I listen to lots of English songs. Thanks to that, I can find out when the accent is not native. Of course, there are cases when it's very complicated. Slovak 4 -My answer is sorta cliche but also very accurate- "it depends" As there is no universal "native speaker pattern" it might be tricky sometimes to tell the difference between native speakers from different countries other than the US and the UK (although being pretty obvious, also differ within countries) Then there is Australia, Canada, New Zealand... whose primary language is English but sound very distinctive. Furthermore, there are bilingual people or people with developed language 59

(pronunciation) perception able to speak native-like although not being native speakers. -Overall, I would say I can hear and differentiate the obvious non-native speakers, but certainly not to the extent that native speakers can. Definitely not an expert.

12. If native speaker, do you think you are able to recognize whether the songs produced in English are sung by non-native and native speakers? (Please provide arguments why and elaborate on your answer)

British 1 I think I could recognise some differences, but where the language was well studied and more close within the song it is harder than when someone speaks. This can be due to the rhythm of the song and lyrics and how it fits with the melody - which can mask the difference more than when having a spoken conversation.

British 2 I think I am able to understand the difference when it's an accent I am less familiar with as then there are more 'foreign' elements to the speakers/singers syntax in the songs. I think I often find it more difficult to tell the differences between native and non-native when they are singing in comparison to speaking as the rhythm of the song can alter the speaking differences and sometimes mask them.

British 3 Only to a certain extent, depends how well the non-native have got used to the peculiarities of our accent and the language.

British 4 To a certain extent yes, as they are tiny little details which how certain letters are pronounced and for how long and also how a sentenced is finished which let you know whether they picked up the language natively or not.

13. If a native speaker, what do you think about the Slovak accent? What is the most distinctive feature of the Slovak accent which makes the speaker sound foreign?

British 1 The 'F' sound as a 'V sound in sentences And the changing of emphasis of syllables as well as some pronunciation alternatives

British 2 The slight 'lilt' and pauses between words where a native speaker wouldn't take a breathe, because it interrupts the sentence flow or context. 60

The 'F' sound as a 'V sound in sentences Often needing the context to know if it's 'do' or 'to'.

British 3 Nice and smooth. How Slovaks start and end a sentence in English.

British 4 For the Slovak accent I would say it's how you pronounce your r's and I would also say that your language is more fluid than the English for example like above where "Its" was pronounced as "zis", I.e. the Slovak language flows easier whilst English is rigid.