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Minnesota National Forest; the Politics of Compromise, 1898-1908 [By w ^ .i^ '^ % a^- »^:;^', ""«St •' '••• 4Vi ^lag^,. ?-<r?l y'-^-'^^^-'"^^ ^-^SJ 'm MINNESOTA The NATIONAL Politics of Compromise, FOREST 1898-1908 Newell Searle If and when the necessary land is acquired and at­ early 1900s, therefore, the ultimate disposal of the na­ tendant problems are overcome, recently designated tion's remaining timber resources constituted an issue Voyageurs National Park is expected to draw thousands of heated controversy in Minnesota and other states. of visitors to the Kabetogama Peninsula area of north­ In 1899, a proposal to make a national park out of ern Minnesota. The opening of the park toill fulfill a the pine lands belonging to the Chippewa Indians of dream not only of today's supporters hut also of those Minnesota ignited a four-year contest between conser­ who plumped for a national park in Minnesota s noHh- vationists, social reformers, lumbermen, settlers, and land around the turn of the century and even earlier. government officials. A compromise agreement in 1902 As far hack as 1891, the same year that it created finally dispensed with the national park and substi­ Itasca State Park, the Minnesota legislature petitioned tuted a scientifically-managed, federal forest reserve in the president to set aside unsettled land on the north­ its stead. ern boundary for a national park. Although nothing This compromise embodied significant changes in came of this request and public opposition to a park conservation ideas. The original "woodsman, spare that soon was evident, a park movement developed that tree" sentiment gave way to one of "highest use" de­ culminated in the formation of a forest reserve that termined by long-range planning and scientific admin­ eventually became Minnesota National Forest (later istration. The latter theory and the public agitation Chippewa National Forest). This aHicJe tells the story both for and against the reserve provide a case study of that earlier movement.—Ed. in the political behavior common to conservation groups. Against such a benchmark the maturity and MINNESOTA PINERIES throbbed with prosperity development of contemporary conservation movements during the hell-for-leather logging days of the late might eventually be assessed. 1890s and 1900s. The state's lumber production reached Like most conservation projects since, the Minne­ its peak at the time Theodore Roosevelt became presi­ sota Forest Reserve required lengthy pubfic agitation, dent in 1901. His administration strengthened the ef­ skillful pohtical maneuvering, and bureaucratic reor­ forts of the nation's fledgling conservation groups, and ganization. The 1902 forest reserve bill materialized as rather quickly the federal government changed many an amendment to an 1889 statute relating to the Chip­ of its long-standing resource policies. Throughout the pewa Indian lands in Minnesota. Page Morris, a Du­ luth congressman who had hitherto voted against con­ Mr. Searle is a graduate student at the University of Minne­ servation proposals, sponsored the act. The so-called sota and a part-time research assistant to the director of Morris Act created the first forest reserve established the Minnesota Historical Society. He received his B.A. at by congressional action rather than by presidential Macalester College in 1965 and his M.A. at the University proclamation. Congress assigned supervision of the re­ of Wisconsin in 1966. This is his first published article. serve to the United States Bureau of Forestry, thereby Fall 1971 243 elevating that agency from a minor informational office tion first, and afterward the welfare of the generations to a managerial department. The reserve gave Gifford to follow."4 Pinchot, chief of the Forestry Bureau, the chance to Planners quickly recognized the intricate relation­ test the principles that his organization exhorted pri­ ship between one resource and another. To them, con­ vate foresters to employ. Under Pinchot's direction, the servation signified the highest or wisest (that is, most Minnesota Forest Reserve served as a laboratory for profitable and long-term) use for a resource, not its the first comprehensive forest management plans un­ preservation from use. "Wisest" use, therefore, de­ dertaken by a federal agency. With this as their cor­ pended upon judgments determined by economic, so­ nerstone, Pinchot, Henry Graves, and other lieutenants cial, and political, as well as aesthetic and moral, laid the foundations for a comprehensive national re­ considerations. Governmental determination of wisest source plan.^ use often crossed the desires of groups and individuals (The Minnesota Forest Reserve identified the area who embraced conservation as a moral antidote for the 1902 Morris Act set aside. The act of May 23, 1908, the more "artificial, materialistic, and socially unstable changed the name to the Minnesota National Forest. cities." Those concerned only with preserving "objects Although called the Chippewa National Forest from of beauty, scientific curiosity, and recreation" were the start, it was not officially so designated until 1928. frequently disappointed. Political expediency, not sen­ At first the reserve was administered jointly by the timental congeniality, explains whatever affinity the Forestry Bureau, General Land Office, and Bureau of Roosevelt administration showed for "nature lovers."^ Indian Affairs. After Indian claims were finally settled But conservation was more than a calculated politi­ in 1923, the Forest Service assumed full jurisdiction of cal thrust. At bottom it was part of a larger reordering these forest lands. )^ of American cultural and political values in reaction to Twentieth-century conservationists found them­ the preceding generation of excess. A tree, Roosevelt selves in an era already charged with the currents of lamented, inspired but one thought, "and that was to social reformation. Americans seemed caught up in cut it down." He recognized without apology that the the task of national house cleaning. Throughout the frontier experience had instilled in Americans the "ne­ "progressive" period there was popular enthusiasm for cessity to hew down the forests." Roosevelt called upon conservation as well as such diverse causes as trust the businessmen and industrial leaders to mold in the busting, muckraking, rational planning, the cult of the public mind conservative attitudes toward natural re­ "strenuous life," woman's suffrage, and civil service re­ sources. Among the luminaries to hear his plea at the form. The heady, moralistic rhetoric of the era mistak­ 1905 American Forest Congress were Howard Elliott, enly induced many participants to regard conservation president of the Northern Pacific Railroad; Whitelaw as a matter of "intelligent public sentiment" triumph­ Reid, publisher of the New York Tribune; and lumber­ ing over "selfish special interest." This was not the case. men B. F. Nelson and Frederick Weyerhaeuser. The Conservation originated in efforts to "promote efficient president assured businessmen in his message of De­ development and use of all natural resources" through cember 3, 1901, that forestry "gives the assurance of rational planning.^ The earliest conservationists were an elite composed ' Samuel Trask Dana, Forest and Range Policy: Its De­ of public officials and businessmen mutually engaged velopment in the United States, 125 (New York, 1956). in rational planning within pubhc and private institu­ ' See Samuel Trask Dana, John H. Alfison, and Russell tions. To them, conservation meant long-term commer­ N. Cunningham, Minnesota Lands: Ownership, Use, and cial exploitation of resources in the interest of their Management of Forest and Related Lands, 113-116, 399- respective industries and the nation's economy. When 400 (Washington, D.C, 1960). America exhausted its resources, as Gifford Pinchot, 'Gifford Pinchot, Breaking New Ground, 212 (New York, 1947); George Mowrv, The Era of Theodore Roose­ among others, feared it would do, then "disaster and velt, 214-216 (New York,^1958); Samuel P. Hays, Con­ decay in every department of national life follow as servation and the Gospel of Efficiency, 1-3 (Cambridge, a matter of course." The necessities of national great­ Massachusetts, 1959). ness elevated conservation to the "weightiest prob­ 'Gifford Pinchot, The Fight for Conservation, 4 (first lem . before the Nation." Whether the resources quote), 42 (last quotes) (Garden City, New York, 1911); be forest reserves, water power, or mineral rights, it Theodore Roosevelt, "The Weightiest Problem Before Our People," in the Chautauquan, 50:33-43 (June, 1909); was paramount that the people in general receive the Gifford Pinchot, 'The A B C of Conservation," in The Out­ benefits. President Roosevelt warned Americans in 1904 look, 93:770-772 (December 4, 1909); Theodore Roose­ that nonuse of resources was "to be avoided by every velt, State Papers as Governor and President 1899-1909 possible means." Conservation, wrote Pinchot, "stands 235 (quote) (New York, 1926). for development." It means "the welfare of this genera­ ^ Dana, Forest and Range Policy, 159; Hays, Conserva­ tion, 143, 145, 189. 244 Minnesota History larger and more certain supplies. The fundamental idea tinue the industry." And, he asked, "May we not take of forestry is the perpetuation of forests by use." But timely action before it is too late?"^ government forestry would not be successful, he Forestry in Minnesota experienced both setbacks warned, unless "your interest and support give it per­ and advances at the hands of individual
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