And Profit in Tudor England: the Career of Sir Wymond Carew (1498—1549)

Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit in Tudor England: The Career of Sir Wymond Carew (1498—1549)

Patrick Carter

In the daily administration of its estates and revenues, the Tudor crown relied upon a small group of experienced financial officials: receivers, treasurers and auditors. These men frequently served in several capacities, in both the central and local administration, thereby aiding the crown to both extend and consolidate its power. In exchange the crown offered its officials excellent opportunities for social and economic gain. Few careers better illustrate the close correlation between royal service and private profit than that of the Cornishman Wymond Carew, who held a succession of posts in the royal financial administration during the 15305 and 15405. Deputy receiver’general of the Duchy of Cornwall, treasurer to three Tudor queens consort, and treasurer of the Court of First Fruits and Tenths, Carew was a successful administrative pluralist. Yet his rise to fortune owed as much to patronage and court politics as to industry or ability‘ In particular his marriage into the Denny family of Hertfordshire enabled him to profit from the power exercised Within the king’s privy chamber during the I 540s by his brothers—indaw Anthony Denny and John Gates. With such powerful connections Carew became an active conduit channeling suits for lands and offices to the king and his councillors. His favorable position gave Carew a certain measure of influence, which he exploited energetically (if not always successfully) for the benefit of his friends and himself. At the same time, however, his career also illustrates the trials of Tudor financial administrators who struggled to meet the spiralling fiscal demands of war while ensuring that the crown received its revenue and covered its expenses promptly and in full. A decade ago Dale Hoak argued for a new framework for writing Tudor political history, which considers the importance of the pluralists Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 21

who held offices at court, in crown administration and in parliament. A study of Carew’s career (and others like him) contributes to construction of this framework, while also deepening our understanding of the role of the Henrician court as a centre of patronage.‘ Wymond Carew came from a cadet branch of one of the chief gentry families of southwest England. His great’grandmother Joan Courtney of Haccombe in Devon, an heiress, had married first Nicholas Carew; following his death in 1446 she took as her second husband Sir Robert de Vere, brother of the Earl of Oxford. Through these two alliances she amassed a considerable estate, which was divided between her five sons at her death in 1480: Wymond’s grandfather Alexander inheriting the manors of East Antony in Cornwall and Shobrooke (Crediton) in Devon as his portion.Z Sheriff of Cornwall in 1488 and a JP from 1486 until his death in September 1492, Alexander was succeeded by his son John, who in 1515 followed in his father’s footsteps as sheriff of Cornwall.3 John married Thomasin Holland of Exeter, and their eldest son, Wymond, was born (probably at Antony) in 1498. Nothing is known about Wymond’s life before the summer of 1519, when he married Martha, daughter of the Exchequer baron Edmund Denny of Cheshunt in Hertfordshire. Carew's father—in—law had been the lord treasurer’s remembrancer before being appointed a baron in 1513.4 Unfortunately Denny’s death within months of the marriage precluded the possibility of an Exchequer career for Wymond, but in his will Edmund did leave two hundred marks to the Martha and her husband, provided that Wymond fulfilled the conditions of the recent agreement relating to his wife’s jointure.i Wymond may have owed his introduction to the Dennys to Sir Thomas Denys, an auditor of the Duchy of Cornwall, 3 Devon JP and a leading figure at court, who represented him in the marriage negotiations of I 519; perhaps Wymond was a member of his household at the time. The marriage to Martha Denny proved crucial in furthering Carew‘s fortunes. Martha’s brother Anthony was destined to occupy a powerful position in the king’s privy chamber, where he was joined by John Gates, who married Martha’s sister Mary. Another sister, Joyce, wed the London lawyer William Walsingham, and was the mother of the Elizabethan statesman Sir Francis Walsingham. Through his work in the Queen’s household, Carew was later associated with Joyce’s brother—inelaw Edmund Walsingham. In turn his ties to Carew may have influenced Anthony Denny’s own choice of bride. In I 5 38 he married the daughter of Sir Philip Champemon of Modbury in Devon, across Plymouth Sound from the Carew family seat at Antony; the bride’s mother was Catharine Carew of Mohun Ottery, a distant cousin of Wymond Carew.6 22 Patrick Carter

Carew’s career in the crown’s service began in the administration of the Duchy of Cornwall, the landed estate preserved since the fourteenth century to furnish the Prince of Wales with an independent income. With no adult Prince during the reign of Henry VIII, the revenues of Duchy manors in Cornwall, Devon, and Somerset, and from duties levied upon tin mining, were at the disposal of the crown; during the early sixteenth century these amounted to more than £4,500 per annum (approximately 5% of total ordinary royal revenue). The financial administration of the Duchy of Cornwall was overseen by the receiverr general and his deputy, who supervised the activities of the particular receivers responsible for individual manors.7 The Duchy offered local gentry in southwest England considerable opportunity for employment in the crown’s service. During the first half of the sixteenth century the post of receiver—general was the preserve of the Arundell family of Lanheme, Cornwall: Sir John Arundell, receiverageneral from 1507, was succeeded in March 1533 by his second son Thomas, who held the post until his execution in 15 52. Wymond Carew was first included among the stannary commissioners for the Duchy in 1532, and the following year the new receiver/general selected him to serve as his deputy. In July I 535 Carew was one of the Duchy officers assigned responsibility for valuing and leasing Duchy lands in Devon and Cornwall; at the same time he served on the commission charged with overseeing the seventeen ‘assessionable’ manors in Cornwall which constituted the core of the Duchy’s holdings.8 As Arundell’s deputy in the Duchy, Carew received the profits of individual manors and issued receipts to the particular receiver or bailiff concerned. For example in 1545—6 a total of £52 35. 5d. was paid to Carew by Christopher Cok, responsible for the assessionable manor of Helston» in—Triggshire.g The bulk of the receiver—general’s income was delivered to the treasurer of the Chamber, although substantial sums were directed to defray the costs of constructing a castle at Falmouth.10 From its tin revenues the Duchy traditionally paid £16 135. 4d. per annmn to the bishop of Exeter for ‘tithe tin’. In October I 5 3 5, however, bishop Veysey wrote to Arundell to complain that Carew had refused to pay the customary tithe tin for several years, despite repeated requests from the bishop, who protested that he was ‘not well handled thus to be delayed of my dewtye from yere to yere’.11 By 1538 the disputed sums were once again regularly paid, but Carew had already acquired a reputation for a reluctance to make payments. By grasping the opportunity for entry into royal service offered by the Duchy administration, Carew gained valuable experience of financial affairs, while cementing the ties with Sir Thomas Arundell which would later further his career in the Queen’s household. Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 2 3

The turbulent politics of the English court soon presented Carew with an opportunity to enlarge his role in royal financial administration. The matrimonial machinations of Henry VIII during the 15305 and 15405 carried more than political and religious consequences, since each of his consorts possessed her own lands, income and household officers. The revenues of the queen’s various manors and fee farms were the responsibility of her receiver'general, supervised by a council headed by her lord Chamberlain and chancellor. Anne Boleyn’s household officials were closely associated with the Boleyn family; as a result the family’s destruction in the spring of 1536 cost most of them their places in the royal administration. Anne’s receiver’general George Taylor had previously been in the service of her father the Earl of Wiltshire, and was reportedly relieved to survive the turmoil of early 1536 with his life. With the queen’s execution his authority as receiver—general lapsed, although he was later temporarily reappointed receiver of the late queen’s lands in order to conclude his accounts.12 Within weeks of Anne's execution a new household was assembled for Henry’s bride Jane Seymour, in which Wymond Carew obtained the chief financial post of receiver—general. Unfortunately little evidence survives for Carew’s activities during her short reign. Following her death he continued in office for two years as receiver’general of the lands of the late queen, which were maintained as a discrete estate in readiness for the king’s remarriage.13 At last in September 1539 negotiations were concluded for a union between Henry and Anne, elder daughter of the Duke of Cleves. Preparations began almost immediately to re; establish the full household required for a royal consort. There was fierce competition for places in the new establishment; for example Lord Lisle sought the office of lord Chamberlain but was passed over in favour of the Earl of Rutland. Carew’s familiarity with the queen’s financial affairs enabled him to retain his post as receiver—general; he was among the chief men of the new queen’s household who rode out to meet Anne at Blackheath 0n 3 January 1540.‘4 His surviving accounts vividly depict the expansion of the queen’s household upon Anne’s arrival: wages for the Midsummer quarter 1539 were £76, those at Christmas £108, while by the Annunciation 1540 they had swollen to £3 76. Even as Henry VIII was beginning to express reservations about his marriage to Anne of Cleves and consult his councillors on possible avenues of escape from the alliance, the queen’s new officials were completing her domestic arrangements and the necessary legal and constitutional formal— ities. Anne’s gentleman usher Richard Dauntsey was paid 95. 4d. for preparing her lodgings at Greenwich, while 535. 4d. was given to the herald who proclaimed the queen’s titles and style, and £9 was paid for 24 Patrick Carter engraving the queen’s great seal (needed to authenticate acts of her council).15 As receiverrgeneral Carew handled the income of the queen’s manors: thus in r 5 39—40 John Holway, local receiver of the honour of Berkham’ sted (Bucks. and Herts.) paid £178 185. 5d., while John Poyntz and the queen’s usher Dauntsey (through his deputy Thomas Mompesson) accounted jointly for £1,255 175. ad. from lands in Norfolk and Suffolk. The queen also enjoyed a substantial income from fee farms of various towns, the value of which exceeded £500 per annum. Anne’s total revenues during the year 1539—40 amounted to £3,856 115. 6d.; from this sum Carew paid wages and the running costs of the household and stables as necessary upon his own authority, while additional sums were expended as ordered by specific warrants from the queen’s council. The queen’s personal expenses were paid directly by Carew; he also supplied sums to Anne for her own use as required.16 The accounts which Carew kept detailing the queen’s private expen/ diture offer glimpses of daily life during her brief reign.17 Anne spent Easter I 540 at Hampton Court, before travelling with the court to Greenwich in May. In the absence of Henry’s attentions she amused herself at cards with her ladies, or playing with a pet parrot (a gift from a stranger). The royal parrot accompanied Anne throughout the succeed— ing months: on one occasion her page earned 12d. by fetching the bird, while another servant was rewarded ‘for carving your gracs parot by water to grenewyche’. The queen was presented with numerous gifts: leeks from some Welshmen on St, David’s day, apples from a poor man, even an ornate brooch set with diamonds and depicting ‘the hystorie of Sampson'. There was also a steady stream of messengers from Cleves, bearing letters and presents for the queen (including a barrel of eels). Even as her brief reign was drawing to a close, Anne’s household officers continued to discharge their duties without interruption: in late May I 540 the accounts were audited, while the surveyor, attorney and solicitor continued the task of settling her jointure.18 By the summer of 1540, however, Henry VIII had succeeded in extri— cating himself from his vows to Anne, by raising questions about a precontract between Anne and the Duke of Lorraine. Convocation duly dissolved the marriage, a decision which parliament ratified. In contrast to her predecessor Katharine, Anne did not demur, but preserved royal favour through compliance with Henry’s wishes. As one of the queen’s senior officials, Carew was inevitably involved in the divorce proceedings. Early on 9 July I 540 the Cleves ambassador visited Anne at Richmond, to discuss a message from Henry concerning her future status. The interview was attended by her Chamberlain Rutland, who summoned Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 25

Carew to act as interpreter to assist him to follow the conversation between Anne and the ambassador. After this discussion Carew was despatched to the Earl of Southampton to report the outcome of the meeting, and to request that in future a trained interpreter be provided (suggesting that Carew’s own linguistic skills were limited).19 Finally on 17 July the queen’s household staff, including all of the chief officers save for Carew, were discharged.20 Four days later the task began of establishing a new household for Anne, who was to remain in England. Anne’s new household was headed by the Sussex gentleman Sir William Goring as Chamberlain, with Jasper Horsey as steward and Carew remaining as receiver'general. Anne was also provided with a cofferer, secretary, clerk comptroller, and a full complement of servants and attendants.21 A number of Anne’s fellow countrymen, including her trusted servant Dr Cornelius, remained in England with her. Granted the rank and title of the king’s sister, Anne was given two houses (at Richmond and at Bletchingley in Surrey), together with considerable lands in Sussex, Essex, and Suffolk. While not ungenerous, Anne’s settlement cost Henry little. Many of the manors involved had recently come to the crown through the attainder of Thomas Cromwell (ironically a principal architect of the Cleves match), while the manor and park at Bletchingley had been the property of the recently executed courtier Nicholas Carew (no relation of \X/ymond).22 Administration of this estate was to be the joint responsibility of Anne’s steward Horsey and her receiver Carew. Matters did not begin smoothly, however, for within weeks Carew had grown disenchanted with his new situation. He begged either for an augmentation of his annual fee to match the remuneration of his colleague Horsey (since he was ‘no meaner’ than the steward), or else to be discharged from Anne’s service. Because of the difference in fees received by their husbands, Anne allegedly regarded Mrs. Horsey as of superior status to Martha Carew; a situation which Carew confessed: ‘of truythe sumwhat greveys me consideryng that we know them both [ie. Horsey and his wife]’. More critically, the receiver complained that his mistress was ‘bent with her women to do me dysplesure for as I suppose she hath had knowlige how I procured the knowlige of such letters as was sent to her whiche of truyth at the begynnyng she denyed’.“ Despite Anne’s promise to send the king all letters which she received from abroad, Carew had observed her accept a letter from the Cleves ambas— sador which she did not immediately forward to Henry. He subsequently drew the incident to the ambassador’s attention, and asked Anne’s Chamberlain Goring to impress upon her the risks of clandestine corre— spondence. The Duke of Suffolk had earlier instructed Carew to supply 26 Patrick Carter the Council with information on all correspondence received by Anne; her apparent hostility towards Wymond and his wife probably stemmed from resentment of his activities as a council spy in her household. These early tensions seem to have quickly dissipated, however, for Carew remained in Anne’s service until the summer of 1543. As one of her principal officials, much of his time was spent overseeing her affairs at Richmond and Bletchingley. He supervised repairs to the park at Bletchingley, and in July I 543 was instructed by the Council to make arrangements for Anne to dine with the king.24 Lady Anne’s attendants included a number of gentlemen from Cleves, whose wages were paid by Carew. Efforts were made to halt payments to those not resident in England, leaving the receiver»general with an unanticipated revenue surplus (and plagued by disgruntled ‘Dutchmen’).25 Despite their initially cool relations, Carew came to display genuine concern for his mistress’s welfare. On one occasion when she was unhappy at having received no reply to a greeting sent to the king, Carew wrote to his brother—inrlaw John Gates at court asking him to inform Henry of Anne’s distress and to urge him to send a token of his continued friendship. Carew had once candidly confessed that his temperament was unsuited to a woman’s service (‘though sum here cann flatter I cannot’), yet even he could be moved by her tears, for this particular letter to Gates was written ‘at iij of the clok in the mornyng l leying not best at ease’.26 The king’s marriage in July 1543 to Katharine Parr (following his disastrous union with Katharine Howard), led to a further reorganisation of the queen’s household. This included Carew’s return to court by early I 544 as Katharine’s treasurer and receiver—general, leaving the service of Anne of Cleves. Wymond probably owed his appointment to his close ties to the Duchy of Cornwall, which overlapped considerably in per— sonnel with the queen’s household. The new queen’s chancellor was Sir Thomas Arundell, receiver»general of the Duchy (and Carew’s superior), while her attorney John Cocks had been attorney—general of the Duchy since I 532. In addition, through the Denny family Carew was also connected to Katharine’s vice’chamberlain Sir Edmund \X/alsingham.Z7 Carew’s new position was certainly more lucrative than his previous post of receiver to Lady Anne; indeed his fee of £62 65. 8d. per annum exceeded that of any other officer of the queen’s household. This sum was supple— mented by daily diets of 63. 8d. and an annual housing allowance. He was also provided with a clerk whose fee was paid by the queen.28 Following his previous practice under Jane Seymour and Anne of Cleves, Carew collected the revenues of the queen’s lands from local receivers, supplying them in exchange with acquittances for presentation to the auditor.29 In the summer of I 544 Katharine’s council directed Financial Administration, Patronage and Proﬁt 27 letters to individual farmers and particular receivers requiring them to pay arrears of their accounts to Carew: the farmer of the fishery at Hadley in Essex was ordered to deliver £20 still owing, while the farmer of the honour of Berkhamsted was to produce £8; in each case the debts were to be discharged immediately or else the accountant was to appear before the council to answer for his contumacy. Early in the following year (1545) the council issued further letters specifying that any remaining revenues due to the late John Smyth, receiverrgeneral to the former queen Katharine Howard, were henceforth to be paid to his successor Wymond Carew.3O At first there were problems, however, since Carew possessed only imperfect knowledge of the extent of the queen’s lands. In I 545 he complained to the queen’s auditor that he had been obliged to rely too much upon the honesty of the local receivers, for ‘I was not pryvye what lands were appoynted before I had receyvyd the hole Reve— nues'. This lack of Vital information had led to difficulties with the crown’s general surveyors, making Carew fearful of the king’s ‘yll opynyon’ if the situation were not soon rectified.31 Out of his revenues Carew made specific payments as ordered by warrants and letters of the queen’s council, and also paid the many bills submitted by household officers and advanced sums to them to meet their ordinary expenses. Thus in late I 544 Carew was directed by warrant to pay a daily allowance to two royal falconers, and several months later to pay the arrears of the queen’s Devon receiver.32 In some cases (pap ticularly for single payments) a note or letter of authorisation sufficed. The queen’s chancellor Arundell wrote to Carew in May I 544, asking him to pay the auditor £12 for his work preparing an account of lands added to the queen’s jointure. Likewise in late 1545 the master of the horse Robert Tyrwhit sent a note to the treasurer reminding him to pay the semi’annual rent of a London benefice farmed by the queen.33 In addition to these letters and warrants, Carew also covered countless bills for incidental expenses and luxury items, from rose water to the binding of primers and a French New Testament.34 In financial matters Carew worked closely with the queen’s auditor Anthony Bourchier and with Arundell, as when the three met at court in late June I 545 to discuss ‘certeyn reckenings’. Carew corresponded regularly with Bourchier, and may have been instrumental in his appointment as auditor in 1544; he certainly offered him advice on securing the vacant post and recovering his rightful fees.35 The climax of Carew’s career in royal financial administration came in April I 545 with his appointment as treasurer of the Court of First Fruits and Tenths, succeeding the late Sir John Gostwick. Established in 1540 to handle the income accruing from clerical taxation (almost 28 Patrick Carter

£50,000 per annum during the early 15405), First Fruits and Tenths administered considerable revenues (albeit not on the scale of its sister Court of Augmentations).36 The swiftness 0f Carew’s appointment (only four days after Gostwick’s death) suggests that he was already manoeuver— ing to gain the position before it fell vacant. While many of the lesser offices in the court were filled by clients of the chancellor Sir John Baker, Carew probably owed his success to his powerful brothers—in’law (particularly Anthony Denny). Although administrative pluralism was commonplace, Carew did eventually withdraw from the Queen’s house— hold following his move to First Fruits and Tenths. In September I 545 Katharine Parr appointed her attorney John Cocks as ‘generall Receyvour [and] treasourer of our Chamber’, while Carew continued making pay— ments to members of the Queen’s household until at least December of that year.37 Thereafter he devoted his energies to First Fruits and Tenths and (to a lesser degree) the Duchy of Cornwall. As treasurer of First Fruits and Tenths Carew was responsible for the receipt, storage and disbursement of clerical tax revenue, and was required to render an annual account of his charge before the chancellor and auditors of the Court. In addition Carew played a role in the court’s ordinary administration, approving the sufficiency of sureties provided by clergy compounding for first fruits, and regularly signing the register of orders issued by the court to local commissions of inquiry. Carew received clerical tenth and subsidy revenues from the diocesan officials responsible for their collection, while individual clergy paid their first fruits directly to the treasurer. During the early I 540s the treasurer of First Fruits and Tenths had personally disbursed substantial sums to cover military and other expenses on the authority of specific warrants from the privy council. Under Carew, however, such direct payments dim— inished in frequency. Instead the treasurer transferred the bulk of the receipts to the cofferer of the household, who controlled their disburse— ment. The privy council issued periodic warrants dormant to the treasurer of First Fruits and Tenths authorising the regular delivery of surplus specie t0 the cofferer. By 1549 less than 30% of the Court’s revenue flowed directly from the treasurer to royal officials and creditors.38 Carew was of course already accustomed to such arrangements since, as noted above, the majority of the receipts of the Duchy of Cornwall were paid en bloc to the treasurer of the Chamber. The crown’s policy of increasing cash reserves and coordinating ex— penditure through the cofferer 0f the household may have been prudent, but it did pose problems. In particular it limited the treasurer’s own ability to meet unexpected demands upon clerical tax revenue. Given the extraordinary fiscal pressures resulting from the wars of the mid—15405, Financial Administration, Patronage and Proﬁt 29

Carew found himself caught between his standing obligation to the cofferer, and a council desperate for funds. In September 1546 the treasurer informed the council that he had no cash reserves available to remit to the army in the north as requested, and that in any case he was obliged to pay any surplus to the cofferer at Westminster. Frantic for funds, the council professed ignorance of these arrangements, and warned the king of the ultimate consequences of Carew’s stance: ‘soo in dede if the conduits be stopped wee shalbe dryven of necessyt to tarry for the water’.39 Nor was this the first time that Carew had refused to honour a council request for money, for four months earlier he had declined to pay £1,000 to the treasurer of war at Bolougne. The day after their warrant was issued (and refused) the council wrote to Carew, ordering him to deliver the sum involved immediately to their messenger, or else appear before them the following day to answer for his contempt.40 As no further action is recorded, it may be that this conciliar admonition encouraged Carew to find the necessary £1,000. Word of Carew’s reluctance to make payments, even when duly auth— orised by a council warrant, soon spread. As early as October I 545 Stephen Vaughan, the English agent in the Low Countries, wrote to Secretary Paget imploring him to intervene with Carew to ensure that arrears of his diets and expenses were paid promptly, convinced that ‘he woll not paye me, without your word or wryting though he have a warrant’. Two months later Vaughan again sought assistance to obtain payment of outstanding post charges. Finally, in March I 546 a warrant dormant was issued authorising Carew to pay any future sums requested by Vaughan. This apparently was honoured.41 The frustration of royal officials and creditors in such circumstances is entirely understandable. Yet refusals to pay must be considered within the context of the many regular charges upon Carew’s funds. In addition to the dozens of particular warrants each term, Carew needed to ensure that he covered regular payments of fees to the king’s justices and officials in First Fruits and Tenths, and a number of annuities (including, ironically, one to Anne of Cleves). All the while he was expected to contribute to the reserves held by the cofferer of the household. Seasonal fluctuations compounded Carew’s cash flow problems. First fruits receipts trickled in steadily throughout the year, but these accounted for only one~fifth of the treasurer’s revenue. The remainder comprised clerical tenths and subsidy receipts, which were mostly collected during the spring and early summer. By early autumn, therefore, the Court’s income could be far below expenditure. The council’s demands continued unabated, while Carew also needed to pay the many fees due at Michaelmas. During the severe fiscal crisis of September I 546 Carew 30 Patrick Carter even declined to supply the council with a declaration of the state of his treasury ‘because he said he had nothing in his hands’.42 Part of the treasurer’s difficulties stemmed from reliance upon diocesan officials for so much of his revenue. Carew did what he could to encourage prompt payment of tenth and subsidy receipts; on one occasion he drafted a forceful letter to the bishops who were proving ‘veray slak’ in their duties, ordering them to complete their collections as quickly as possible.43 Such cash flow problems were not of course unique, for treasurers of other revenue courts faced similar difficulties. In Carew’s case, however, they were compounded by his inability, under the system of periodic transfers to the cofferer ordained by the council, to accumulate the cash reserves required to cover any temporary shortfall. As Carew collected offices in the crown’s financial administration, he increasingly relied upon his own servants to assist him in discharging his manifold responsibilities. Some of these individuals were men of sub stance in their own right, who functioned as his trusted deputies, while others were personal servants. The Southampton merchant John Caplyn, Carew’s deputy in the Duchy of Cornwall, belongs firmly in the former category. He served as receiver from the mid 15305 onwards, and suc’ ceeded Carew as deputy receiver’general upon his death. In I 542 he secured for himself the Duchy post of clerk of tin coinage, and by r 5 5 3 was a commissioner for assessionable manors. Caplyn was also employed as deputy receiverrgeneral by Katharine Parr (a position he probably owed to Carew’s patronage). Caplyn eventually rose to be mayor of Southampton and the town’s MP, before his death in I 570.44 In contrast to Caplyn, both William Alexander and Thomas Perse were personal clerks rather than autonomous agents. Alexander entered Carew’s service before I 542, and subsequently served his master in both the household of Katharine Parr and the Court of First Fruits and Tenths: his duties included delivering money, handling clerical tenth receipts and vouching for the sufficiency of sureties for first fruits. Reputedly a young man ‘disposed to lernynge’, Carew tried unsuccessfully to obtain for him the books of James Mallett, a former chaplain to Katherine of Aragon who was executed for treason in late I 542.45 Carew's most senior servant, Thomas Perse, served as ‘clerk of the receipt’ in the Queen’s household as early as 1539, and was also employed in the household of Lady Anne of Cleves, who granted him the reversion of some Berkshire lands in 1544. Perse remained in Anne’s service after Carew’s departure; at the time of her death in July 15 57 he was cofferer of her household. He also worked for Carew in First Fruits and Tenths, and took charge of all revenues during the two months which elapsed between his master’s death and the appointment of his successor.46 Financial Administration, Patronage and Proﬁt 31

In addition to his principal offices in the Duchy of Cornwall, the queen’s household, and the Court of First Fruits and Tenths, Carew served reguv larly on commissions of the peace for both Cornwall and Devon from 1536 until 1547, and thereafter for Middlesex.47 In 1546 and 1548 Carew was included among the commissioners charged with valuing chantries in London, Westminster and the county of Middlesex, a task for which his experience in First Fruits and Tenths no doubt well qualified him.“ Some services were of a more sensitive nature. Following the arrest of the Duke of Norfolk in December 1546 Carew, john Gates and the general surveyor Richard Southwell were secretly sent by the council to Kenning— hall in Norfolk to take charge of the Duke’s affairs. Arriving at daybreak on 14 December, the three men first secured the house and then informed members of the Howard family of the fate of the duke and his son. After searching without success for incriminating papers they began the task of compiling a detailed inventory of jewels, plate and other valuables at Kenninghall. With the cooperation of the duke’s almoner and steward they examined the accounts of the estate, in order to discover the extent of the lands and income which would pass to the crown with the Dukes attainder. They also set about dismissing the Duke’s servants, retaining only a skeletal staff to serve the remaining members of the household.49 Carew’s participation in such delicate business following the arrest of the Duke of Norfolk reflects the confidence which the king’s council reposed in him, and their faith in his judgment and discretion. Beyond his formal positions and powers, Carew also enjoyed a degree of indirect influence at court. During the closing years of the reign of Henry VIII the power wielded by Carew’s brothersdn—law Anthony Denny and John Gates grew steadily as the king’s health declined. As keeper of the palace of Westminster Denny had been entrusted with large sums from Henry’s private funds, while as a senior gentleman in the privy chamber he enjoyed privileged access to the king’s person. More crucially, Denny and Gates had custody of the dry stamp of the king’s signature, employed from the summer of 1545 to relieve the king of the disagreeable task of signing letters and warrants. Denny and his colleagues in the privy chamber thus acquired considerable control over the exercise of royal patronage and with it increased political power. Allied with a minority of councillors (led by Seymour and Secretary Paget) Denny and Gates worked successfully to poison the dying king’s mind against the conservative faction led by the Duke of Norfolk and bishop Gardiner, and thereby ensured their dominant position in the government of the young Edward V1.50 Custody of the dry stamp enhanced the ability of Denny and Gates to further or frustrate suits to the king in the privy chamber, where the 32 Patrick Carter gentlemen were uniquely placed to advance or block petitions.‘31 The two men were each responsible for preferring a considerable number of documents signed with the stamp (more than any other individuals apart from certain senior royal officials).52 Denny’s powerful position was readily acknowledged, as one ‘near about the king and unmeet to be trifled or mocked with’. Gates’s favour was also actively sought in suits great and small, be they to obtain an advantageous exchange of lands with the crown or a royal license to export cheeses. Most requests for assistance were accompanied by promises of cash gratuities or gifts of game or horses.“ Denny and Gates took particular pains to promote the interests of their families, who tried in turn to derive the maximum benefit from their powerful relations. In October 1 54 3 Denny’s sister Joyce Cary sought his support in a law suit concerning a manor in Kent inherited from her previous husband William Walsingham. Likewise Thomas Joselyn was backed by his brotherdn—law Gates and by Denny in a protracted land dispute; it was widely acknowledged that the two gentlemen of the privy chamber were his ‘bearers’ in the matter.54 Carew exploited his ties to Denny and Gates in order to seek favours for himself and his friends. Yet with the possible exception of the post of treasurer of First Fruits and Tenths, Carew’s efforts met with limited success. Following the death of the Exchequer remembrancer Sir Richard Pollard in November 1542 Carew sought the vacant keepership of Donnyet Park in Somerset. Yet his approaches to both Denny and Gates were to no avail, for the post went instead to a relative of the deceased.55 Haste to obtain offices often showed scant respect for the dead; within two days of the drowning of his cousin Sir George Carew aboard the Mary Rose (19 July 1543) Wymond wrote to Gates seeking either the stewardship of the lands of the Marquess of Exeter, or else that of the royal manor of Havering in Essex (both now vacant). Again his scramble for spoils was unrewarded: the Exeter office went to his cousin Sir Gawain Carew, while Gates reserved Havering for himself.56 A request to Denny to speak with the archbishop of Canterbury in 1542 or I 543 on behalf of Carew’s son may be a reference to Matthew Carew securing a place at Westminster school. If so, this represents one of Carew’s rare successes.57 Some of Carew’s energies were devoted to furthering suits on behalf of friends and clients, trading on his ties at court. For example, a cousin of Jane Seymour sought Carew’s support in seeking a supernumerary position in the household of the young Prince Edward. Recalling his own service in her household, Carew wrote to both Denny and Gates testifying to the queen’s high opinion of her kinsman’s character. In the letter to Gates Wymond candidly acknowledged his own role in the patronage Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 33

system: ‘yf I by any meanes myght anything do yn the furtherance of this his sure he shuld be right well assured therof, and by cause I can not but by the meanes of my frends as by my brother deny or you I am so bold to wryte to hym and to you desyryng you to set to your helpyng hand and good word’.58 In the summer of 1542 Carew wrote to Gates on behalf of his servant Thomas Gye, who was now unemployed following the deparking of one of Carew’s properties. Gye desired to be appointed master of one of the king’s ships: ‘for he ys skyllfull hardy and hath wytt to know how he shuld use hymself’. Apparently on Carew’s recommen— dation Gye entered the navy; granted royal letters of marque to attack French vessels in April 1543, by late I 544 he was captain of one of the king’s ships.59 Of course not all suits involved the crown. In I 548 Carew wrote to the dean and chapter of Westminster, asking them to favour one of his friends with the lease of an abbey wood in Worcestershire. The previous year Carew himself had been appointed by the dean and chapter as steward of their courts, likely through the inﬂuence of his brother—in’law Denny, who had been high steward of the abbey since 1545.60 In return for promoting his interests and those of his friends, Carew rendered valuable service as an agent for his brother—in—law John Gates, negotiating sales and making purchases on his behalf.61 On one occasion he oversaw the diversion of a stream and construction of a mill on the latter’s estate at Syon, a task which proved tiresome and time—consuming. Despite considerable expenditure the water continued to flow ‘backr wards', much to Carew’s frustration. A frequent guest of Gates at Syon, Wymond also enjoyed hunting at Havering in Essex, where his brother in’law was steward (a position which Carew had, of course, failed to secure for himself ).62 Wymond Carew’s two younger brothers, both involved in trade along the southwest coast of England, exploited his ties to Denny and Gates to further their business interests. John Carew was deputy controller of customs at Poole by 1529, and with his brother’s help secured the controllership in 1538. In I 542 he represented Poole in parliament; that same year he unsuccessfully sought the butlerage of Poole, offering Gates (through Wymond) an annuity of twenty marks if he gained the prize.63 Wymond’s other brother, Thomas, was a Poole merchant married to a daughter of the inﬂuential Dorset gentleman Sir Giles Strangeways (apparently without her father’s approval, judging from Wymond’s later efforts to mollify him).64 Like Wymond, Thomas proved a valuable and discreet servant of the English crown. In April 1540 he advised the English ambassador at Paris of the warm reception accorded the fugitive son of the Earl of Kildare at St Malo, and arranged for an agent to be 34 Patrick Carter sent to the town to gather further intelligence. Five months later he was personally entrusted with letters from the ambassador to the privy council. An active participant in the trade between southewest England and the ports of Normandy and Brittany, Thomas was described by the English ambassador as ‘a man of honestie and muche estemed here in France’.65 Wymond was closely involved in a number of his brother’s ventures. On one occasion in early 1542, Thomas shipped a consignment of canvasses to Poole, but discovered that the shortage of cash and credit there prevented their sale. Accordingly Wymond Carew wrote to his brotherein—law Gates in an attempt to sell part of the cargo to the king. The Carew brothers offered to deliver the shipment to London or any other port within one month; in payment Thomas suggested a warrant directed to the receiver of the Duchy of Cornwall (whose deputy was of course his brother Vi/ymond).66 Nor did Thomas hesitate to exploit his connections at court to secure a commercial advantage over his competitors. During the I 540s Poole was one of the chief ports for the export of tin, particularly to St Malo and Rouen. In August 1542 Carew was one of a number of merchants shipping tin from Poole to Rouen, but fear of pirates meant that no one would risk the crossing. Sensing an opportunity of profiting from his brother’s connections, Thomas had Wymond write to Gates, asking whether some of the king’s ships might be ordered to escort Carew’s shipment (alone) safely to Rouen. Quick delivery of the tin to the waiting French merchants promised generous profits, as Wymond made clear in his letter: ‘the sale wyll and ys myche better now then yf the hole number schould go together [to Rouen] and for that 1 cause I wold send his before others’. If something could be done, word was to be sent either to Wymond’s agent John Caplyn at Southampton or to his brother John Carew at Poole.67 It is uncertain how far Wymond stood to profit from his brother’s trading activities (they may have been partners, although there is no direct evidence for this). There can be no doubt, however, that Thomas Carew valued his brother’s influence at court, and sought to turn it to his own advantage. The accession of Edward VI in January 1547 brought formal recogni» tion of Carew’s high standing in royal service. The treasurer (together with his brothereindaw Gates) was among those knighted to celebrate the young king’s coronation, and in November of the same year Sir Wymond took his place in parliament for the first time, representing the borough of Peterborough. Although Carew had acquired several small properties in the town in order to qualify as a burgess, he possibly owed his selection to his connection with the Duchy of Cornwall, as Sir John Russell was high steward of both the Duchy and of Peterborough. Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 3 5

Anthony Denny’s inﬂuence may also have been crucial. The fact that the sheriff inserted Carew’s name in the return in place of that of a local man, and that he was one of the few Tudor MP5 for Peterborough without obvious ties to the dean and chapter, suggest that his election owed much to influential figures at court, perhaps anxious to bolster parliamentary support for Somerset’s regime.“ There is unfortunately no evidence as to whether the new member for Peterborough participated in parliamentary proceedings. Although a novice, Carew’s considerable administrative experience may have led him to take an interest in the I 547 statute to dissolve chantries, as well as discussion of several unsuccessful bills concerning tin mining and wool production in Devon and Cornwall. If his role in commons’ business necessarily remains a matter of conjecture, a brief catalogue of Carew’s colleagues in the I 547 parliament does provide a valuable demonstration of the breadth of Wymond’s personal and professional ties. His associates included the chancellor of First Fruits and Tenths Sir John Baker (the Speaker and MP for Huntingdonshire) and the king’s cofferer John Rither (Colchester). His brothers—inrlaw Sir Anthony Denny (Hertfordshire) and Sir John Gates (Southwark) were both members, as were Wymond’s cousins Sir Gawen Carew (Devon) and Sir Peter Carew (Dartmouth), while his Cornish neighbour Sir Richard Edgcumbe was a knight of the shire for Cornwall. Other familiar faces belonged to officials in the Duchy of Cornwall or the household of Katharine Parr. Foremost among them was Carew’s chief patron Sir Thomas Arundell, who sat for Dorset, as well as the attorney John Cocks (Calne) and the queen’s auditor Anthony Bourchier (New Shoreham). The large number of Cornish boroughs furnished the Duchy with considerable parliamentary patronage.69 Among those provided with Cornish seats were Carew’s own deputy in the Duchy administration John Caplyn (Bodmin), and Thomas Mildmay, a Duchy auditor and Carew’s fellow chantry commissioner in Middlesex, who represented Helston. This catalogue of members of the commons with demonstrable ties to Carew is certainly not comprehensive. At least twenty of the 378 MP5 who assembled with Carew on 4 November I 547 were connected to the treasurer by either office or kinship: testimony to his extensive employment in royal service reinforced by extensive ties of kinship. During the later 15405 Wymond Carew set about actively acquiring property to augment the Devon and Cornwall manors which he had inherited. In July I 546 he purchased from Viscount Lisle the London premises of the dissolved hospital of St Giles in the Fields, and in November of the same year bought the manor of Bridgetown Pomery in Devon.70 His chief objective, however, was to establish himself nearer 36 Patrick Carter the capital, and close to the Denny estates in Hertfordshire. Accordingly in December 1547 Carew obtained the manor of Pishiobury and lands at Sawbridgeworth in Hertfordshire from Sir Thomas Cawarden (an associate of Denny and Gates in the king’s privy chamber).71 The follow— ing February Carew made his most significant acquisition, purchasing Brooke House and the manor of Hackney in Middlesex from Sir Ralph Sadler at a cost of £1,200]2 Carew unfortunately had little opportunity to enjoy his enlarged estates, for he died intestate at Hackney on 24 August 1549, less than three weeks before the death of his brother—inelaw Anthony Denny. Wymond's eldest son Thomas sued for livery of his father’s lands in December 1549; the following month his mother Martha received a life interest in the manors of Hackney and Pishiobury as her widow’s pore tion.73 By 1554 Thomas Carew had decided to consolidate the family’s holdings in the West Country by acquiring the manor of Sheviock (a few miles from Antony) from Thomas Mildmay in exchange for the reversion of Pishiobury in I-lertfordshire.74 It was a transaction which the Mildmays would have cause to regret. Carew’s death may have been sudden, for his accounts as treasurer of First Fruits and Tenths were left in some disarray. His debt to the crown was initially calculated at £7,790, of which £3,277 was promptly paid off by his widow (presumably from the cash surplus in Carew’s possession at his death, which would regularly have passed to the cofferer of the household).75 By early 15 52, however, little progress had been made in discharging the residue of the debt, which now stood at £4,209. While not as grave as some contemporary scandals involving royal financial administrators, this legacy of debt threatened the improving fortunes of the Carew family. When in Novem’ ber 15 54 the Exchequer at last issued writs to distrain Carew’s lands, the family fought back. Thomas Carew succeeded in having the manors of Antony, Shobrooke and Sheviock restored to him in April 15 5 5, on the grounds that the first two manors had formed part of his father’s own inheritance, while the third had never belonged to Wymond Carew, having been purchased after his death.76 As a result the crown seized only the rents of Hackney and Pishiobury. Thus deprived of her main income, Carew’s widow Martha petitioned for her husband’s accounts to be examined by a commission, and in late 1559 she sought to have Hackney restored to her.77 These difficulties apparently obliged Martha Carew to live with friends in London, where she remained until her death in January I 572. Upon her demise title to Pishiobury passed to Walter Mildmay, while Hackney was sold by the Carew family in 1578. In June I 574 Mildmay succeeded in recovering the annual profits of Pishiobury through an appeal to the Exchequer, yet £2,232 charged upon Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 37

the manor was still outstanding.78 The new owners could not escape the crown’s demands, and in June I 598 (almost fifty years after Carew’s death) the manor was ordered to be sold ‘in regard of the greatnes of the debt and the long time it hath bin unpaied’. Two years later the crown was leasing Pishiobury to a tenant at an annual rent of £50, and at last in 161 r the Mildmay family sold Pishiobury to discharge Wymond Carew’s remaining debt to the crown.79 In the absence of a will, there is no direct evidence for Carew’s religious views, although his Close association with Anthony Denny and John Gates suggests possible protestant sympathies.80 Furthermore his sons Roger and Matthew later spent much of Mary’s reign on the continent; they were at Padua with others including their cousins Henry, Charles and Anthony Denny.81 The circumstantial evidence linking Roger and Matthew Carew to protestant circles and Marian exiles, however, is in clear contrast to the confident catholicism of their mother Martha. Twice during the earlier years of Elizabeth‘s reign Sir Wymond Carew’s widow was summoned before the civil and ecclesiastical authorities for hearing mass near her home in London, She was among those who attended a mass celebrated on 8 September I 562 at the residence of Lady Cary in Holborn. When examined by the bishops of London and Ely, Martha and her companions steadfastly refused to give any testimony under oath, frustrating the investigation. Nevertheless she was convicted and imprisoned for six months. This trial did little to alter her beliefs, however, for six years later she was again in trouble for hearing a private mass, this time in her own parish of St. Sepulchre, London. On this occasion she was granted a pardon, perhaps on account of her advanced age.82 Building upon the foundation of Wymond’s service to the crown, the Carew family maintained and enhanced their place among the leading gentry of Cornwall. His eldest son Thomas, educated at Cambridge and the Inner Temple, married the daughter of Wymond’s Cornish neighbour Sir Richard Edgcumbe and twice sat in parliament before his premature death in February I 564. In turn Thomas’s eldest son Richard went up to Christ Church, Oxford, before returning to settle at Antony. Sheriff of Cornwall and an active deputy lord lieutenant of the county during the later sixteenth century, Richard Carew devoted himself to the history and topography of his native county — labours which eventually produced his celebrated Survey of Cornwall (1602).83 While Thomas resided at Antony, his brothers sought their fortunes elsewhere. Roger and Matthew went first to Trinity College, Cambridge, before travelling extensively on the continent during Mary’s reign. Upon his return Roger obtained the post of Exchequer receiver for Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire; 38 Patrick Carter after a period as a captain at Berwick he retired to his manor at Bright; lingsea in Essex.84 Matthew studied civil law at Louvain and practiced first in the court of arches and then in chancery; in 1602 his nephew Richard described him as ‘one of the ancientist masters’ of the latter court. He married the daughter of 3 lord mayor of London and accumu— lated a considerable fortune, dying at an advanced age in 1618.85 Little is known of Wymond’s other surviving offspring, save that his daughter Elizabeth married George Dacres, heir to Cheshunt manor and a ward of her uncle Sir Anthony Denny, while another son, Anthony, was later involved in litigation concerning Carew’s Devon property and served as administrator of his parents’ estates.86 ln verses in A Survey of Cornwall Richard Carew recounts his family’s fortunes: ‘The elder stock, and we a branch,/ at Phoebus’ governing,/ From sire to son do wax and wane,/ By thrift and lavishing./ The sire, not valuing at due price/ His wealth, it throws away:/ The son, by service or by match,/ Repaireth this decay.’87 In composing these lines, Richard may have been thinking chiefly of his grandfather Sir Wymond Carew, who had increased the family’s wealth and prestige through both ‘service’ and ‘match’. His early employment in the Duchy of Cornwall offered Carew valuable experience and contacts which helped to further his career in the household of the three Tudor queens, and in the Court of First Fruits and Tenths. Of equal importance for his success was his choice of Martha Denny as his bride. Through his ties to the Denny family Carew sought to exercise some limited influence in the exercise of royal patronage during the I54os. Building upon dedicated royal service and a successful match, Carew established his descendants among the chief gentry families of Cornwall. In an age in which royal administration and politics was both personal and professional, Sir Wymond Carew typified the loyal and industrious servants upon whom the Tudor monarchy relied and whom it amply rewarded.

Notes

1. D. Hoak, ‘The Secret History of the Tudor Court: The King’s Coffers and the King's Purse, 15424553’, Journal of British Studies, XXVI (1987), p, 231. On the role of patronage at the Henrician court, see G.R. Elton, ‘Tudor Government: The Points of Contact 111 The Court’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 5th series, XXVI (1976), esp. pp. 214—16. 2. P(ublic) R(ecord) O(ffice) E 337/2 rot. 4d; The Visitation of Cornwall, ed. J. L. Vivian (Exeter, 1887), I, pp. 68—69. See also Richard Carew of Antony: The Survey of Cornwall, etc, ed. F. E. Halliday (1953), pp. 168469. No portrait of Wymond Carew survives, apart from the brief physical description of the family offered by his grandson Richard Carew: ‘Through nature’s Financial Administration, Patronage and Proﬁt 39

mark we own our babes,/ By tip of th’upper lip;/ Blackbearded all the race, save mine’ (Halliday, Richard Carew, pp. 170—71). . Calendar of Fine Rolls: vol. XXII,1485—1509 (1962), 176, p.81; D. E. Ivall, ‘The High Sheriffs of Cornwall: A Provisional List’, Journal of the Royal Institute of Cornwall, New series 2, I pt ii (1992), p. 179; Calendar of Inquisie tions post mortem: Henry VII vol. I (1898), pp. 347—48; Calendar of Patent Rolls: Henry VII vol. I, 1485—1493 (1914), pp. 178, 323, 483; Calendar of Patent Rolls: Henry VII vol. II, 1494—1509 (1916), p. 488; PRO E 306/12/1/3 (account listing payment to Duchy by John Carew while sheriff). . PRO PROB. 11/19 f. 236r; J. C. Sainty, Ofﬁcers of the Exchequer (List and Index Society special series XVIII, 1983), p. 54. . PRO PROB. 11/19 f. 236r. .Wymond Carew witnessed the will of William Walsingham on 1 March 1533 (PRO PROB. 11/25 f. 7or). .On the administration of the Duchy of Cornwall, see ].Hatcher, Rural Economy and Society in the Duchy of Cornwall, 1300—1500 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 47—51; and G. Haslam, ‘The Elizabethan Duchy of Cornwall, an estate in stasis’ in R. W. Hoyle (ed), The Estates of the English Crown, 1558—1640 (Cambridge, 1992), esp. pp. 88—93. Annual receipts were £4,784 13s. 4d. in 1523—4, £4,835 Is. 9d. in 1538—9, and £4,655 16s. 1d. in 1542—3 (D(uchy of) C(ornwall) O(ffice) Rolls 217, 220 and 221). .The House of Commons, 1509—1558, ed. 5. T. Bindoff (3 vols, 1982), I, pp. 337—39; L(etters and) P(apers), Henry VIII, V, no. 1207(28); LP VIII, n0~ 1158(4). p.453 . DCO Rolls 222, 114, and 127. . In 1538—9 £2,968 13s. 5d. (61.4%) went to the treasurer Brian Tuke, and £800 (16.5%) to the king’s works at Falmouth (DCO Roll 220). In 1542—3 £2,021 8s. 8d. (43.4%) passed to Tuke, while the fortifications at Falmouth accounted for £1,300 (27.9%) (DCO Roll 221). II. PRO SP 1/97 f. 135r. I2. E. W. Ives, Anne Boleyn (Oxford, 1986), pp. 257—58, 373; LP X, no. 1015(21). 13. On 5 December 1 5 38 Carew was appointed receiver’general of the lands of the late Queen Jane (LP XIII(2), no. 1182(6)). 14. The Lisle Letters, ed. M. St. C. Byrne (6 vols, Chicago, 1981), V, pp. 701—3; VI, pp. 9—10. 15. PRO E 101/422/15. On the increase of the Queen’s household costs during the years beginning in 1540, see R. C. Braddock, ‘The Rewards of Office— Holding in Tudor England’, Journal of British Studies, XIV (1975), pp. 39—40. 16. PRO E 101/422/15. 17. Ibid. 18. Thus roos. paid to Anne’s surveyor, attorney and solicitor ‘for certen engrosements of the Quenes graces act of parliament’. 19. Manuscripts of the Duke of Rutland (Historical MSS Commission 12th report, Appendix, pt iv, 1888), p. 27. This letter is dated 6 July 1540 in LP XV, no. 844. 20. Carew received £543 65. 8d. to be given in rewards ‘to certain ladies at their departinge unto Clevelande’ (B(ritish) L(ibrary), Arundel MS. 97 f. 133v). 4o Panic/c Carter

21 . Quarterly wages paid by Carew amounted to £121 5s. 0d. from March 1541 (B. L.Arundel MS. 97, ff. 179v, 192r; B. L. Stowe MS. 554 f. 24r). . LP XVI, no. 530(32). 23. PRO SP 1/162 f. 77r. Horsey received £26 135. 4d., compared to Carew‘s £20. 24. PRO SP 1/244 ff. 90r, 144r. 25. PRO SP 1/172 f. 14or. 26. PRO SP 1/244 f. 91r. Carew reminded his brother«in~law that ‘charyte bynds to comfort the comforteles’. 27. Bindoff, House of Commons, 1, pp. 337—39; pp. 662—64; 111, pp. 539—40. 28. PRO E 101/423/15. 29. Sometimes Carew gave the receiver’s acquittance directly to the auditor (PRO E 315/479 f. 70r). 3o. PRO SP 1/191 ff. 202#216; SP 1/199 f. 69r. 31. PRO SP 1/245 f. 2or. 32. PRO SP 1/201 f. 2Ir; SP 1/244 f. 248r. 33’ PRO E 315/161 f. 47r (the letter was signed at the foot by the auditor, and retained by Carew as a receipt); PRO E 101/424/3/6. 34- PRO E 315/161 f. 69r. 35- PRO SP 1/245 ff. 19r, zor; SP 1/194 f. 223r. . LP XX(1), no. 620(54). For the development of the Court of First Fruits and Tenths, see P. R. N. Carter ‘Royal Taxation of the English Parish Clergy, 1535ﬂ58’ (unpub. PhD. thesis, Cambridge Univ., 1994), esp. pp. 53—69. Only one complete annual account (1548) survives from Carew’s tenure as treasurer (PRO E 336/27/2). 37~ PRO E 315/479 f. 2r. Receipts for expenses in the Queen’s stables name Carew as treasurer as late as 18 December 1545, while as early as September some name Cocks as receiver—general (PRO E 101 /424/ 3, 5 etc.). It therefore appears that Cocks discharged the duties of receiver—general from September 1545, while Carew continued making payments as treasurer until Christmas 1545. 38. PRO E 347/17/3/1. In 1548 Carew delivered £13,837 to the cofferer in five separate payments (PRO E 336/27/2). 39 PRO SP 1/225 ff. 6r, 54v. 40. A(cts of the) P(rivy) C(ouncil of England), I, pp. 408, 410—1 1. 41. PRO SP 1/208 f. 191r; SP 1/209 f.11r; SP 1/213 f. 34r; APC I, p.346. 42. PRO SP 1/224 f. 65v. 43- PRO SP 1/245 f. 32r. Carew drafted the letter, which was approved and signed by the chancellor Sir John Baker. He then sent a copy to John Gates. 44. PRO SP 1/172 f. 14or; Bindoff, House of Commons, 1, p.570; DCO Roll 222 (receipt of ‘]ohn Capelyn, deput. to Wymund Carew esquyer underrer ceyvour of the duchye of Cornwall’, 6 May 1543); DCO ‘Duchy Servants’, p. 45; PRO E 314/79/21 (receipt of toll tin issued by Caplyn as Carew’s deputy, 1538/9). 45. PRO SP 1/244 f. 90r. For example Alexander delivered £20 to the groom of the Queen’s stables in December 1543, and a similar sum two years later (PRO E 3 15/161/9, E 101/424/3/16). For his work in First Fruits and Tenths, see PRO E 314/55 and E 334/3 f. 94r. Some of Mallett’s books are now in Financial Administration, Patronage and Proﬁt 41

the Bodleian Library (A. B. Emden, Biographical Register of the University of Oxford, 1501—1540 (Oxford, 1974), p. 374). 46. PRO PROB 1 1/39 f. 263r; LP XIX(2), no. 340(15). Between late December 1539 and mid February 1540 Perse received £927 4s. 2d. on behalf of Carew (PRO E 101/422/15—16). As treasurer’s clerk of First Fruits and Tenths Perse paid £146 195. 11d. to Anthony Denny during his master’s absence in late 1547, and handled £7,566 15s. 4d. in tenth receipts during the interregnum following Carew’s death (PRO E 314/55; E 314/79/2). 47 LP X, no. 1015(3), no. 1256(53); LP XII(1), no. 1150(12); LP XIII(1), no. 384(63), no. 1519(30); LP XIV(I), no. 1354(23, 24); LP XV, no. 282(33, 52), no. 942(41, 75); LP XVI, n0. 580(90); LP XVIII(1), no. 226(30); LP XX(1), no. 622; C(alendar of) P(atent) R(olls) Edward VI, I, p. 86. 48. London and Middlesex Chantry Certiﬁcate 1548, ed. C.]. Kitching (London Record Society, vol. XVI, 1980), pp. x—xi; PRO E 117/11/48. Of the ten Middlesex commissioners in 1548, Carew was one of only two who had also served in 1546. 49 PRO SP 1/227 ff. 82r—83r. 5o. D. Starkey, ‘Intimacy and Innovation: the rise of the Privy Chamber, 1485— 1547’ in idem, The English Court (1987), pp. 100, 115—17; and idem, ‘The King’s Privy Chamber, 1485—1547’ (unpub. PhD. thesis, Cambridge Univ, 1973), passim. 51. E. Ives, ‘The Political Perspective', in The Reign of Henry VIII: Politics, Policy and Piety, ed. D. MacCulloch (1995), p. 18. 52. Of the close to 1,000 documents which passed the stamp during the final nine months of the reign, 38 were preferred each by Denny and Gates. Only the king’s secretaries, the chancellor of Augmentations, and the master of Wards and Liveries were responsible for more. 53- For example LP Appendix, nos. 1553, 1608, 1625, 1716. See also N. P. Sil, ‘The Rise and Fall of Sir John Crates’, Historical Journal, XXIV (1981), pp. 932-33. 54- LP Appendix, nos. 1539—40, 1607. 55- PRO SP 1/174 f. 127r; LP XVIII(1), no. 100(29). 56. PRO SP 1/245 f. 3or; LP XX(2), no. 707(2, 34); M. K. McIntosh, A Come munity Transformed: the Manor and Liberty of Havering, 1500~1620 (Cambridge, 1991), p. 354. 57~ PRO SP 1/171 f. 42r; G. F. Russell Barker, The Records of Old Westminsters (1928), I, p.162. 58. PRO SP 1/244 ff. 134r, 136r. 59- PRO SP 1/172 f.140r; LP XVIII(1), no. 476(21); LP XIX(2), no. 502; LP XX(2), no. 88. 60. Westminster Abbey Muniments 22976; Acts of the Dean and Chapter of Westminster, 1543—1609: part 1 The First Collegiate Church 1543—1556, ed. C. S. Knighton (1997), pp. 22, 32—33. 61 . PRO SP 1/245 f. 3or. 62. PRO SP 1/174 f. 127r; SP 1/244 f. 90r. In July 1546 Carew hunted with Denny at Havering, but they enjoyed little success owing to the neglect of the deer population (SP 1/245 f. 124r). 42 Patrick Carter

63. Bindoff, House ofCommons, I, pp. 574—75; PRO SP 1/171 f. 41r; PRO PROB. 11/30 f. 167r. 64. Wymond Carew supported one of Strangeways’ suits, telling Gates that if granted it would make Sir Giles ‘more affecyonat’ to Thomas and his wife (PRO SP 1/171 f.42r). 65. PRO SP 1/159 H.117v—118r; LP XVI, no. 41. 66. PRO SP 1/243 f. 269r. 67. PRO SP 1/172 f. 14or; ]. Hatcher, English Tin Production and Trade before 1550 (Oxford, 1973), pp. 129, 132—33. 68. Bindoff, House of Commons, 1, pp. 581—82; Peterborough Local Administration: The Last Days of Peterborough Monastery, ed. W. T. Mellows (Northamptom shire Record Society vol. XII, 1947), p.71. 69. Bindoff, House of Commons, passim; G. Haslam, ‘The Duchy and Parliamen~ tary Representation in Cornwall, 1547—1640’, Journal of the Royal Institution of Cornwall, VIII (1980), 224—42. 7o. LP XXI(1), no. 1383; LP XXI(2), no. 476(107). 71. C.P.R. Edward VI, 1, p. 53. 72. CPR. Edward VI, 11, p. 87. The sale netted Sadler a handsome profit, since he had purchased the property six months earlier for only £1,000. See A.].Slavin, Politics and Profit: A Study of Sir Ralph Sadler, 1507—1547 (Cambridge, 1966), pp. 192, 202. 73~ C.P.R. Edward VI, 111, p.63; PRO C. 142/89/98; C. 142/93/23. In April 1573 administration of the estates of Wymond and Martha Carew was granted to their son Anthony. Three years later this grant was revoked in favour of one to their son Roger (PRO PROB. 6/2 ff. 27v, 94v). 74. The Victoria History of the County of Hertford, ed. W. Page, Vol. 3 (1914), pp» 337—38 75- PRO E 347/17/3/1. . PRO E 337/2 rots. 3r—5d. The crown was generally reluctant to seize lands which formed the core of a family’s inheritance, while Thomas Carew held the manor of Sheviock in propria persona sua. 77* PRO E 337/2 rots. 27r—43r; C.P.R. Philip and Mary, 111, pp. 316—17. . PRO E 337/8 rots. 4r—22d. 79 B. L. Egerton MS. 2644 f. 1051; Calendar of the M38 of MajorrGeneral Lord Sackville: vol. I Cranfield Papers 1551—1612, ed. A. P. Newton (1940), pp. 238, 240. Pishiobury was sold to Lionel Cranfield. 80. Among Carew’s colleagues sympathetic to protestantism were Denny, Gates, Anthony Bourchier, and Walter Mildmay. Against this group however may be placed Carew’s patron Sir Thomas Arundell, who remained a staunch catholic throughout his life. . C. H. Garrett, The Marian Exiles: A Study in the Origins of Elizabethan Puri» tanism (Cambridge, 1938, repr. 1966), pp. 104, 108, 143—44, 319~2o. 82. C.P.R. Elizabeth, IV, 1061, pp. 185—86; W. R,Tri1r1ble, The Catholic Laity in Elizabethan England, 1558—1603 (Cambridge MA, 1964), p. 20; Calendar of the Salisbury M33 (1883), I, p. 269. 83. For the later history of the Carews of Antony, see F. E. Halliday, A Cornish Chronicle: The Carews of Antony from Armada to Civil War (Newton Abbot, 1967). Financial Administration, Patronage and Profit 43

84. The House of Commons, 1559—1603, ed. PW. Hasler (1981), I, pp. 543—4; C.P.R. Elizabeth, III, pp. 80, 234; C.P.R. Elizabeth, IV, p. 62. 85. B. P. Levack, The Civil Lawyers of England, 1603—1641: A Political Study (Oxford, 1973), p. 217; and Halliday, Richard Carew, p. 131. 86. HasIer, House of Commons, II, p. 4. In July 1545 Carew wrote to Gates that ‘my brother Denny promysed me George Dacres. I pray you know my price and the money I well delyver at his pleasure’ (PRO SP 1/245 f.3or). For Anthony Carew, see PRO C. 78/55/4 and PRO PROB. 6/2 f. 27r. 87. Halliday, Richard Carew, pp. 170—71.