The Friendly Association

ILLIAM PENN'S fair dealings with the Indians and the Quakers' traditional love for peace are oft-told subjects Wand familiar to everyone. But few, except historians and antiquarians, have heard of the Friendly Association which had its origin among the Quakers during the French and Indian War and the avowed purpose of restoring peace with the Indians. This Associa- tion was a powerful organization, provided with ample funds, and led by prominent members of the Society of Friends in Pennsylvania. The prospect of making peace with the Indians, flushed with victory and dazzled by French intrigue, was not encouraging. Nevertheless, the leaders of the Association, with the enthusiasm of idealists, not only zealously labored for peace with the Indians, but set on foot reforms calculated to place Pennsylvania's Indian relations on a permanently peaceful basis. Unfortunately, from the outset, the activities of the Friendly Association were involved with Provincial politics. Pennsylvania was afforded an opportunity to prepare itself for the impending Indian war in the time between General Braddock's defeat in July, 1755, and the following October, when the Indians turned their tomahawks upon the frontier settlements. But regard- less of constant warnings by non-Quakers, the Pennsylvania Assem- bly declined to alter its traditional policy of pacifism and non- defense. Although the Quakers admitted that the Indians had suffered much at the hands of the Proprietors,1 they seemed to believe that the Delawares harbored such a deep attachment for the Quaker colony that the Province would be spared the horrors of an Indian war. Consequently, the Quaker element were quite unprepared for the utter lack of regard shown by the Delawares and Shawnee for Pennsylvania's pacifism when these tribes fiercely attacked the out- lying settlements. Even then, the Quakers were not ready to admit their pacific policy a failure. Rather, they blamed the Proprietors l Etting Collection: Pemberton Papers, II, 71 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 356 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 357 whose handling of Indian affairs they had criticized for years.2 And for the purpose of clearing themselves of blame for the miserable plight of the frontier, the Quaker Assembly set on foot an investigation of the causes of the Indian war. Failing to establish proof of Proprietary wrongdoing, the Assembly contented itself for the time being with a more or less vague indictment of Proprietary misman- agement of Indian affairs. In December, remnants of certain Delaware clans and of other tribes who had been living in the northern districts of Pennsylvania but who were now collected at a town called Diahoga,3 at the junction of the Chemung and Susquehanna rivers, entered the war against the English by raiding the northern frontiers of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. The Quakers had counted on the loyalty of the Susquehanna Delawares and great was their disappointment upon receiving the bad news. But the alienation of these Indians only strengthened their belief that the Delawares were harboring some deep resentment against the Proprietors and the Province. It was not long before it was evident that Pennsylvania had for enemies not only the Delawares, Minisink,4 and Shawnee, but many of the Seneca as well, who from the first had encouraged Indians to join the French. War parties now came streaming down from Tioga and the Minisink and Seneca towns, causing the major the- ater of the war to pass from the western to the northern districts of the Province. After the outbreak of war, the strict Quakers in the Assembly lost control and the leadership passed to the group led by Benjamin Franklin. Measures were presently passed for the defense of the Province, and during the winter of 1755-1756 forts were con- structed along the entire Pennsylvania frontier from the region of Stroudsburg to the Maryland border below Carlisle. But despite the number and closeness of the forts, the Indians continued their raids upon the frontier, taking delight in harassing the countryside within sight of the forts. In April, Governor Robert Hunter Morris and his Council decided that more direct methods must be employed for pro- tecting the lives and property of the people. It was decided that war would be declared against the Delawares and their allies, that a

2 ibid., II, 2. 3 Diahoga is since known as Tioga. 4 The Minisink Indians were the Wolf clan and the best warriors of all the Delawares. 358 THEODORE THAYER October bounty would be paid for scalps, that a strong fort would be built at Shamokin, a key position at the junction of the East and West branches of the Susquehanna, and that a formidable militia body would be led against the principal Delaware towns. The Quakers were greatly disturbed when the Governor's program became known. They believed that the government should seek peace with the Delawares rather than provoke a long and bloody war. They especially disapproved of the stipulation granting rewards for Indian scalps, an expedient which they termed barbaric and shameful for a civilized people to employ. Furthermore, they declared the bounty would endanger the lives of all Indians and soon lead to a general Indian war. On behalf of Friends, Israel Pemberton, a prominent Philadelphia Quaker, and Samuel Fothergill, an English Quaker preacher, laid their views before the Governor. Failing to impress him with their logic on this occasion, Pemberton sought out the Governor a second time with an offer to raise among Quakers as much as £5,000 if the money would be used to restore peace with the Indians.5 Now thoroughly aroused, the Quakers were determined to exert themselves to the fullest to save Pennsylvania from a program which they believed would be conducive to grave and humiliating conse- quences. Their opinions were presently strengthened by the assur- ance of Conrad Weiser, who knew the Indians as well as anyone in the Province, that peace with the Delawares might yet be restored and should be sought after at all costs. Presently, Weiser sent Pemberton a friendly Delaware whom he thought might be used to convey a peace offering to the Indians. The opportunity was quickly seized upon and permission obtained from the Governor for the Friends to meet with the friendly Indians in Philadelphia for the purpose of discussing overtures of peace. On April 19, 1756, Israel Pemberton gave a dinner at his home on Chestnut Street to which all Indians then in Philadelphia were invited. In all fourteen Indians were present, led by Scarroyady, the Oneida chief and faithful friend of the English. Included in the company were many prominent Quakers, among them Anthony Benezet, Abraham Farrington, James Pemberton, John Reynell, 5 Address to Governor Denny, August, 1757, Parrish Collection: Pemberton Papers (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 359 Owen Jones, Daniel Stanton, John Smith, and Isaac Zane. Also present in a semi-official capacity were Conrad Weiser, the principal Indian interpreter in Pennsylvania, Daniel Claus, one of Sir William Johnson's deputies, and Andrew Montour, a half-breed often employed in Indian affairs. After dinner, in an address to the Indians, Israel Pemberton said: "I am glad to see you here and to have an opportunity of Informing you that as William Penn & our Fathers who first settled this Province were men of Peace & against all Wars, so there are still many of us their children, who hold the Same Principles, and we hope there are many of your People who still have a Love & Regard for their old Friends." Scarroyady answered that he knew the Indians preferred to live in peace with the English, and if the Quakers had not forgotten the Indians but had continued to show them the regard of former days, the Delawares would not have become embittered and alienated from the English.6 Israel Pemberton then explained to Scarroyady and the people assembled a plan to restore peace between Pennsylvania and the Delawares. If Scarroyady and the other Indians would become messengers of peace to the Delawares, Pemberton said, the Quakers would become mediators between the Delawares and the Province. By this means peace could be restored and the Indians receive amnesty and forgiveness from the government of Pennsylvania. Scarroyady replied that he would do his best to have the Six Nations present the offer to the Delawares. Whereupon the meeting soon ended. Two days later a larger meeting was held at Pemberton's home. This was attended by about twenty Quakers and most of the Indians in the city. Israel Pemberton opened the conference by presenting Scarroyady with a string of wampum, a ceremony essential for the transmission of any business with Indians in council. After reviewing the substance of the first gathering, Pemberton presented Scarroyady with a belt of white wampum, which constituted a message of peace to the Delawares. A third meeting was presently held. At that time Scarroyady thanked the Quakers for the peace belt and announced that three friendly Delawares would take the message to the Indians at Tioga. Scarroyady then left for New York to enlist the help of Sir William Johnson and the Six Nations in the Quaker peace 6 Etting Collection: Miscellaneous I, 84. 360 THEODORE THAYER October movement, leaving the Delawares to convey the belt directly to Tioga. The success of their meetings with the Indians left the Quakers in high spirits.7 After discussing the matter thoroughly with Conrad Weiser they decided that the peace messages ought to be represented to the Delawares as arising from the recommendation of Scarroyady and having the approbation of the Governor of Pennsylvania. But Governor Morris hesitated to commit himself, and after consulting his Council replied that inasmuch as the government had so recently declared war upon the Delawares, it was deemed inadvisable to afford the Quaker enterprise an official endorsement.8 Moreover, after Scarroyady had left for New York, the Delaware messengers expressed their disinclination to carry the peace belts to Tioga. While the Quakers were concerned with these setbacks to their plans, Governor Morris received a report from the Governor of New York announcing that Sir William Johnson was likely to obtain a peace with the Delawares through the efforts of the Six Nations. Immediately Morris determined to send the messengers to Tioga in his own name. The Quakers, seeing a great opportunity to raise themselves in the public esteem slipping from them, earnestly en- treated the Governor to allow them to finance the peace mission; but the latter declined, stating his aversion to having private persons concerned in official business.9 The Quakers, however, were some- what placated to learn that the Governor was including in the message a statement to the effect that there were a large number of the descendants of those who came over with William Penn who desired to become the mediators in establishing peace between Pennsylvania and the Delawares.10 When Sir William Johnson heard that Pennsylvania had declared war on the Delawares and offered a reward for their scalps, he was highly indignant. The action, he feared, would ruin all his carefully laid peace plans and leave matters infinitely worse than before.11 Even Richard Peters, the Proprietary secretary, was soon compelled

7 Penn MSS.: Official Correspondence, VIII, 75 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 8 Samuel Hazard, ed., Pennsylvania Colonial Records (Philadelphia, 1852-1853), VII, 104. 9 Peters' Letter Book, 1755—1757, 3$ (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 10 Etting Collection: Miscellaneous I, 87. 11 Colonial Records, VII, 117. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 361 to admit that the Governor and Council had acted precipitously.12 Shortly thereafter, the Quakers had the satisfaction of witnessing a cessation of hostilities by order of the Governor until the outcome of the peace moves should be known.13 Quaker enthusiasm for the peace program continued to rise. In May the northern border became quiet and confidence in the peace movement soon was expressed in all quarters of Pennsylvania. Before the close of the month word reached Philadelphia that the peace message had been well received by the Delawares who would meet with the Governor for the purpose of ending the war. A second message was sent in June to Tioga requesting the Indians to set a time and place for the meeting. On returning, the messenger reported that the Delawares would meet the Governor at Easton in a few weeks.14 Word reached Philadelphia on the nineteenth of July that a band of Delawares led by Teedyuscung had arrived at Easton and awaited the arrival of the Governor. Whereupon the Assembly voted £300 for treaty purposes.15 Meanwhile, Israel Pemberton busied himself formulating plans for Quaker participation in the peace conference. Pemberton justified himself in this on the premise that he had been assured by the Indian messengers that the presence of a large number of Quakers at the conference was expected by the Delawares. The confidence the Indians had in the Quakers, he maintained, was one of the principal reasons for their coming to Easton. Were the Quakers absent from the conference, the Indians would be alarmed and distrustful.16 Believing that the Quakers were now to be afforded an opportunity to demonstrate their willingness to give freely for the public interest whenever it was consistent with their religious pro- fessions, Israel Pemberton called a meeting of Friends interested in

12 Norris' Letter Book, 1719-1756, April 22, 1756 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 13 Colonial Records, VII, 117; Pennsylvania Gazette, June 10, 1756. 14 Northampton County Miscellaneous MSS.: Bethlehem and Vicinity, 1741-1849, 3$ (Historical Society of Pennsylvania); Etting Collection: Miscellaneous I, 87; Charles Thom- son, An Enquiry into the Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest and into the Measures Taken for Recovering Their Friendship (London, 1759), 9i- 15 Samuel Parrish, The History of the Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures (Philadelphia, 1877), 16. 16 Address to Governor Denny, August, 1757, loc. cit.; Northampton County Miscellaneous MSS., loc. cit. 362 THEODORE THAYER October aiding the peace program.17 The Assembly appropriation may have been purposely small to afford Quakers this occasion, for on matters other than defense they still had no little influence in the Assembly. On July 22, a large number of Quakers met in the new Meeting House.18 To Israel Pemberton the gathering presented an opportunity to raise a fund large enough to provide for a long-range Indian program. Friends responded with a surprising eagerness and enthusiasm, more than £2,000 being subscribed at this meeting by about one hundred and twenty persons. Four Quakers—Israel and John Pemberton, John Reynell, and Jonathan Mifflin—gave £100 each.19 Shortly thereafter plans were made to increase the fund greatly for the purpose of founding a permanent endowment for the Indians.20 Although nothing was done toward formally organizing the contributors into an association at this time, the date, July 22, marks the birth of the "Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures." About forty Quakers attended the conference between Teedyus- cung and the Governor at Easton. The Quakers brought presents for the Indians to the value of £120, and from the outset took it upon themselves to entertain the Indians and offer them the benefit of their advice. The Governor, fearing that the best interests of the Province might be injured by this, endeavored to curb Quaker activities. But though guards were placed near the Indian quarters and strict orders issued against private persons conversing with the Indians, these measures had little effect.21 When the conference opened, the Quakers embarrassed the Governor by taking notes of all that was said or done in council with the Indians. Teedyuscung, who did all the talking for the Indians, admitted in council that the Delawares had been persuaded to go to war by French intrigue, but he made the repeated loss of hunting grounds and the persistent white encroachment upon the remaining lands of the Indians the principal question upon which peace negotiations must turn.22 The

17 Address to Governor Denny, August, 1757, loc. cit. 18 Smith MSS., V, 12 (Ridgway Library). 19 Ibid. 20 Thomas W. Balch, ed., Letters and Papers Relating Chiefly to the Provincial History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1855), 57. 21 Parrish, Friendly Association, 18-19. 22 Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1754-1757, 97. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 363 Governor replied that Pennsylvania desired to do the Indians justice, and asked Teedyuscung to take peace belts to all the Indians within his reach and to return with as many as possible for a treaty of peace.23 The Indians were then given the Provincial and Quaker presents, and the conference came to a close. The Quakers' contribu- tion probably saved it from complete failure. Richard Peters admitted: "I assure you if the Quakers had not . . . added their large present to that provided by the Assembly, we should have been ruined, the Indians would have gone away dissatisfied, and matters infinitely worse."24 After the conference, Teedyuscung loitered about the frontier, be- having in such a manner as to arouse the deepest suspicions of the frontier people. Rumors spread that the Indians were dissatisfied with their treatment at Easton and would presently resume hostilities.25 Sir William Johnson feared that few of the Delawares had been won over by the Easton conference. In August, Oswego fell to the French, causing disaffection to spread among the Six Nations and further depressing the peace efforts of Pennsylvania.26 Benjamin Franklin believed that no good was likely to result from the late conference with the Indians who would, in his opinion, first have to be dealt a sound beating.27 Franklin had his wishes partly met in September when Colonel John Armstrong with three hundred and sixty hardy Indian fighters attacked and burned the Delaware and Shawnee town of Kittanning on the Allegheny River.28 Colonel Armstrong's defeat of the Indians may have convinced Teedyuscung and his warriors that it was to their interest to keep their pledge to return later in the year for a treaty of peace with Pennsylvania. At any event word came to Philadelphia toward the end of October that the Delawares had arrived at Easton prepared to resume peace negotiations. Already Israel Pemberton had called a

23 Pemberton Papers, XI, 98 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania); Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, I754~i757> 97- 24 Penn MSS., he, cit. 25 Smith MSS., V, 17; Colonial Records, VII, 225. 26 A. W. Lauber and A. C. Flick, eds., Sir William Johnson Papers (Albany, 1939), IX, 515. 27 Albert H. Smyth, ed., The Writings of Benjamin Franklin (New York, 1907), III, 141-142. 28 John S. Fisher, "Colonel John Armstrong's Expedition Against Kittanning," THE PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, LI (1927), 1-14. 364 THEODORE THAYER October meeting of the trustees of the Quaker peace fund who agreed that Friends should again attend the conference with a large supply of presents. It was also decided to call a general meeting of all contributors to the fund for the purpose of forming an association. Israel Pemberton opened this meeting with a narrative of the peace movement, stressing the part Quakers had played in it, and asked that an association be formed immediately. As in April, when he had called for contributions, his proposal met with instant and unanimous approval of the Friends. A committee was appointed to draw up articles for the association.29 Early in December another general meeting of the contributors was held. Rules were adopted and six- teen trustees and other officers chosen. It was decided that the society should be called "The Friendly Association for Regaining and Preserving Peace with the Indians by Pacific Measures/' The Asso- ciation now had a fund of over £3,000 and subscriptions were being taken among the Schwenkfelder and Mennonite as well as Quaker communities.30 The trustees of the Friendly Association voted £500 for clothing and other presents for the Indians at Easton. Hearing that Teedyus- cung was uneasy over the Governor's delay in meeting him and that the Indians were likely to cause trouble, Israel Pemberton hurried ahead of the main body of Quakers and other Philadelphians. Upon his arrival at Easton Teedyuscung explained that the Indians had formerly not known what to believe but now they were reassured and satisfied.31 It would seem, perhaps, that Israel Pemberton was justified in believing that the Indians would never have returned but for the confidence they had in the Quakers. Upon being told by the Quakers and prominent leaders of the Assembly, including Benjamin Franklin, that the Indians undoubt- edly had cause for attacking the Province, William Denny, the new Governor, determined to inquire into the matter in open council with the Indians.32 Richard Peters, the Proprietary secretary, who was greatly alarmed by the way things were going, declared that it was 29 Papers of the Friendly Association, Parrish Collection: Pemberton Papers. 30 Ibid.; Pemberton Papers, XI, 154; Etting Collection: Pemberton Papers, II, 19. 31 Israel Pemberton to Richard Denny, November 7, 1756, Autograph Collection (His- torical Society of Pennsylvania); Pemberton Papers, XI, 140; Parrish, Friendly Association, 19. 32 Julian P. Boyd, ed., Indian Treaties, printed by Benjamin Franklin, 1736-1763 (Phila- delphia, 1938), 154; Pemberton Papers, XI, 137; Parrish, Friendly Association, 33. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 365 generally known that the Quakers had come to Easton with the set purpose of having Teedyuscung complain in council of Proprietary injustices.33 Unable, however, to bridle the Quakers or persuade the Governor not to ask the Indians to state the cause for their going to war, Peters and the Council were compelled to agree to a general question which made no mention of the Proprietors. However, Teedyuscung, when asked to give the cause for the war, declared before all that the Delawares had been defrauded of their land by the "Walking Purchase" and that this fact accounted for the fierceness of their raids upon Pennsylvania.34 On being asked by Governor Denny if the Delawares would accept an immediate settlement of the matter, Teedyuscung replied that for this it would be necessary to bring down the Minisinks and other Delawares who had formerly occupied the land in question.35 Although the delay was displeasing to Pennsylvanians in general, it may have suited the Quaker leader, Israel Pemberton, who already was making plans for the creation of a huge reservation for all the clans of the Delawares.36 In this regard it is interesting to note that even Conrad Weiser, who believed Teedyuscung's charge against the Proprietors to be false in the main, thought that the Province had been neglectful of the Delawares and should provide them with some land which they could call their own.37 By the close of the conference, Governor Denny was not so sure that the Quakers were playing an entirely disinterested part in Indian affairs. Weiser had been forced to complain to the Governor on several occasions of the frequent calls made by the Indians on the principal Quakers, and the English Friends, John Hunt and Christo- pher Wilson, were finally reprimanded for their continual tampering with the Indians.38 Subsequently, Denny wrote to Johnson expressing his amazement that the Indians should now give land fraud as the cause for their alienation when, in conversations with Johnson and at 33 Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 112-113. Z^Ibid.; Pemberton Papers, XI, 137; Etting Collection: Pemberton Papers, II, 23; Par- rish, Friendly Association, 34; Thomson, op. cit., 100.

35 Boyd, op. cit.} 164; Parrish, Friendly Association, 38-39; Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 115. 36 Etting Collection: Pemberton Papers, II, 19.

37penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1754-1757, 106; Colonial Records, VII, 431-432; Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 114-116. 38 Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 114. 366 THEODORE THAYER October Easton in July, they had attributed the war mainly to French intrigue.39 Early in 1757, George Croghan, erstwhile Pennsylvanian fur trader, but now Sir William Johnson's deputy, came to Philadelphia to help forward the peace negotiations. Johnson instructed him to endeavor to bring the Indians of the Ohio into the peace orbit, and the Friendly Association loaned him £250 for the work.40 Peace messages were presently sent to the Ohio Indians but the latter could not be induced to enter into negotiations for peace. Croghan had instructions also to look into Teedyuscung's charges and if possible to make an immediate adjustment in the interest of peace.41 Within les§ than a year the Quakers had accomplished much toward lifting from the Society of Friends the stigma of having left Pennsylvania defenseless and open to Indian attacks. They had shifted the blame for the war in the minds of most people to the Proprietary shoulders and were widely acclaimed for their part in the peace movement. Lord Loudoun, the commander-in-chief of the British armies in America, confessed that he had been misled regarding Quaker motives, and even Sir William Johnson felt compelled to reserve his opinion for a time.42 Richard Peters, however, did not change his views regarding Quaker aims and motives. Writing to Thomas Penn, he declared: "Israel Pemberton and the Association will mould, fashion, turn, twist, and manage matters at the ensuing treaty as they please. When they have made the Prop." as black as the enemy of mankind, then they will officiously come with towels to wipe off the dirt they have thrown on them, then they will offer cash in aid of the poor Prop.rs and publish to the world the innocense and righteousness of their proceedings, . . ."43 In July, 1757, Teedyuscung came to Easton with a large band of Delawares and Seneca for the purpose of ending the truce with

39 Ibid., I2i; Colonial Records, VII, 351-352. 40 Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 127; Pemberton Papers, XXXIV, 43; Gratz Collection, Case 17, Box 7, Friendly Association Papers, 1756-1758 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania); Papers of the Friendly Association, Parrish Collection: Pemberton Papers; Franklin Papers,

LII, No. 29 (American Philosophical Society); Colonial Records, VII, 235y 382, 391. 41 Johnson Papers, IX, 609. 42 Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 128; Papers of the Friendly Association, Parrish Collec- tion: Pemberton Papers; Franklin Papers, XLVII, part 1, p. 10. 43 Peters' Letter Book, 1755-1757, 145. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 367 Pennsylvania by a confirmation of peace.44 Teedyuscung remained quite sober until the Philadelphians arrived, and Conrad Weiser was prompted by the good spirit among the Indians to confess that he believed they sincerely desired to make a firm peace with the Province.45 The Friendly Association, as usual, had appropriated a large sum of money for Indian presents and induced as many Quakers as possible to attend the conference.46 But this time the Quakers found themselves confronted by the determined effort of the officials to keep them from interfering with the course of the conference. It was not long, however, before it was apparent that no expedient could be found to stop the Quakers. Presently Pemberton and his supporters discovered an opportunity to have Teedyuscung present a list of demands and claims, upon the acceptance of which peace could be made. Claim was made for land sold by the Six Nations beyond the Blue Hills as well as for the "Walking Purchase." And a request that evidence in the form of deeds and other papers relating to these sales should be collected and laid before the Crown was presented.47 Teedyuscung asked, furthermore, that a large tract of land be set aside for the Delawares in the Wyoming Valley, that cabins be built for them, and a schoolmaster and minister of the Gospel be sent to live with them.48 The Quakers now had the Governor and Council in a difficult position, but the latter still hoped to avoid carrying out the most repugnant of Teedyuscung's demands. Their efforts, however, soon caused Teedyuscung and his Delawares to threaten to break up the conference, in fact, a clash was only narrowly averted. The Indians loaded their guns and Teedyuscung's son even leveled his weapon at James Hamilton. Although the Indians may have been encouraged by the Quakers to threaten to leave the conference when the dispute first arose, the latter group at any event labored frantically to quiet the now aroused Indians. Fortunately, the Delawares responded to Quaker persuasion and put up their arms ". . . as readily & sub-

44 Colonial Records, VII, 649. 45 C. Z. Weiser, Life of Conrad Weiser (Reading, Pa., 1876), 236. 46 Governor Denny tried to keep the Quakers from the treaty, having received a letter from Lord Loudoun who informed him that Lord Halifax, Privy Councillor, was very indignant over the way the Quakers had been allowed to interest themselves in Indian affairs. 47Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1757-1772, 21. 48 Ibid. 368 THEODORE THAYER October missively as common Soldiers wou'd to their officers."49 After this incident neither Governor Denny nor his Council entertained any desire to prolong the conference, and in the morning Denny called all to meet together without delay. After the deeds for the lands in dispute were brought forth and placed on the table, Teedyuscung made peace with Pennsylvania by the exchange of peace belts of white wampum and pledges of everlasting friendship.50 By this time sentiment in England and America had changed again regarding the motives for the Quaker interest in Indian affairs. Johnson was very much disturbed over the course of events, confess- ing that he knew of no way to control the Quakers whom he feared would soon "throw all Indian Politicks into Confusion and perhaps into a flame which may not be easily quenched."51 Late in Novem- ber, 1757, the Pennsylvania Council reported that a careful perusal of the records showed that all Proprietary purchases of Indian lands had been fairly made and faithfully executed. Teedyuscung's charge was instigated by the Quakers, the report declared, who had learned of the loss of the original deed of 1718.52 In spite of mounting opposition, the trustees of the Friendly Association evinced no intention of withdrawing from Indian affairs. Rather, plans were made for an even greater effort to secure the Indians justice not only in Pennsylvania but in other colonies as well. Soon a committee of the Meeting for Sufferings, headed by Israel Pemberton, addressed a letter to the Hopewell Meeting of Virginia, expressing concern for Quakers living on lands in that Province which were never purchased from the Indians.53 Already New Jersey Quakers had formed a Friendly Association patterned after the Pennsylvania society.54 Before winter set in Pemberton persuaded the Assembly to act upon the treaty with the Delawares and to send a contingent of workers to Wyoming to build cabins for the Indians. Before the work was finished, however, the cold

49 Samuel Hazard, ed., Pennsylvania Archives, First Series, 1664-iygo (Philadelphia, 1852-1856), III, 275. See Pemberton Papers, XII, $$. 50 Ibid., 23; Pemberton Papers, XII, $$. 51 Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1757-1772, 25; Johnson Papers, IX, 827. 52 Peters MSS., IV, 122 (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 53 Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, 101-103 (Friends' Book Store, Philadelphia). 54 See MSS. at Haverford College. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 369 weather forced them to return.55 In the spring of 1758, however, the Friendly Association loaned the Provincial Assembly funds for finish- ing the cabins and contributed £97 for the project. Ten dwellings were completed before one of the carpenters was killed by a skulking Indian and the men gave up the work.56 As evidence of the Indians' good faith it should be remarked that many Delawares led by Teedyuscung returned to the Wyoming Valley that year, settled down and planted their corn. By this time, Israel Pemberton, in the name of the Friendly Association, was seeking the help of Dr. John Fothergill and other prominent London Quakers in order to present to the Privy Council a program for a general inquiry into Indian affairs. It was hoped that an investigation would be made in all the colonies, and that the grievances of the natives would be removed. The plan called for a commission to hold a careful investigation into all Indian com- plaints. For chairman, Pemberton proposed the name of General John Forbes, who had given the Friendly Association his full support. It was also proposed that a continental boundary beyond which settlers could not go should be drawn between the colonies and the Indian country. Pemberton was soon pleased to learn that his London friends were doing their best to persuade the Ministry to adopt the Quaker program.57 During the summer of 1758 opportunities arose for approaching many of the Indians who had thus far remained the loyal supporters of the French. Working closely with General Forbes, the Friendly Association collaborated with the government of Pennsylvania in encouraging the more distant tribes to forsake the French and make peace with the English. The expenses involved in sending messages to the Seneca, the Minisinks, and the Delawares and Shawnee in the Ohio region were largely born by the Friendly Association. The Association likewise supported any friendly Indians who found 55Norris' Letter Book, 1755-1765, 83; Parrish, Friendly Association, 82; Balch, op, cit., 98-99. 56 Papers of the Friendly Association, Parrish Collection: Pemberton Papers; Norris' Letter Book, 1756-1765, 92; Pemberton Papers, XXXIV, 78; Parrish, Friendly Association, 9i;**Journal of Isaac Zane to Wyoming 1758," PENNSYLVANIA MAGAZINE OF HISTORY AND BIOGRAPHY, XXX (1906), 417-426. 57 Israel Pemberton to John Foster, May 31, 1758, John Hunt to Israel Pemberton, June 29, 1758, Pemberton Papers, Box 3. Five years later in 1763, the British Ministry set a continental boundary by the proclamation of 1763. 37° THEODORE THAYER October reason to journey to Philadelphia. In June, 1758, beside other Indians, the Association was feeding, clothing and sheltering about a dozen Cherokee warriors from the south.58 In New Jersey the Quakers through their Friendly Association had bought 2,500 acres of good farm land and orchards, had erected cabins and other build- ings, and invited the New Jersey Indians to make their home on the reservation.59 In October, Pennsylvania held a general treaty with the Indians at Easton. More than five hundred Indians attended. Many Seneca, Oneida, Mohawks and other Six Nation Indians, as well as the Wyoming Delawares, the Minisinks, the Nanticokes and the remnants of several other lesser tribes living among the Iroquois and Delawares, appeared. The Friendly Association appropriated a large sum for presents and many Quakers attended the conference. With the Six Nations present in large numbers and led by the Mohawks, the Quakers soon discovered that they could no longer direct proceedings as at the previous treaties. The Mohawks, especially, were offended by the pretensions of Teedyuscung and his claim that the Delawares were now independent of the Six Nations. Nichas, the Mohawk chief and father-in-law of George Croghan, denounced Teedyuscung in open council, making it plain to all that in the eyes of the Six Nations he was no more than a leader of a band of Dela- wares, all of whom were still "women" and subject to the rulings of their overlords.60 At this treaty a large part of western Pennsylvania, purchased from the Six Nations in 1754, was uP°n the request of the latter returned to them for hunting grounds. The Minisink Indians were paid by New Jersey—the Governor of New Jersey and other officials were present—for their claims in that Province.61 The "Walking Purchase/' however, against which Teedyuscung had complained remained an open issue, pending adjudication by the Crown. This conference constituted a major setback to the Quakers who suffered correspondingly from Teedyuscung's reverses. After the treaty of 1758, they never regained the power in Indian affairs they had 58 Parrish, Friendly Association, 90. 59 Pemberton Papers, XII, 141. 60 See the diaries kept by Richard Peters and Benjamin Chew in the possession of The Historical Society of Pennsylvania. 61 Boyd, op. cit., 236. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 371 enjoyed for the preceding two years. Thereafter Indian affairs were directed through the Six Nations, the traditional channel for all important contacts with the natives. For years the Quakers as well as all other people concerned for the peace and welfare of the Indians had advocated regulation of the Indian trade, especially the liquor traffic. In 1758, Pennsylvania passed an act providing for a system of Provincial stores for the Indian trade. Although private traders were not forbidden to operate, they were to be licensed by the Province and prohibited from selling liquor to the Indians.62 The Friendly Association afforded the Assembly its full support in getting the stores established. In fact John Reynell, the treasurer of the Association, was appointed to head the Indian Commissioners appointed by the Assembly to carry out the program. The stores were expected to make a reasonable profit which would be used for hiring schoolmasters for the Indians and defraying treaty and other Indian expenses. The chief aim, however, was to furnish reasonably priced goods for the Indians and thereby create a tie which it was hoped would be strong enough to keep them at peace with the Province.63 Although the act was supported by the Assembly at large, it plainly reflected the spirit of Quakerism and the powerful influence of the Friendly Association. After the fall of Fort Duquesne, General Forbes was in urgent need of supplies in order to keep the Indians from deserting to the French. The Provincial store had not yet been established at Pittsburgh and few private traders cared to risk entering the trans- Allegheny trade at that time. Sensing the importance in having adequate supplies for the Indians at Pittsburgh, Israel Pemberton used £1,500 contributed to the Friendly Association by the Schwenk- felders and Mennonites for the purchase of Indian goods. However, when the trustees heard that Pemberton intended to have the goods not used by General Forbes for official purposes sold at Pittsburgh or Fort Cumberland, they grew uneasy. A sharp letter was sent to Pemberton advising him to leave the goods not used by the military

62 Pennsylvania Statutes at Large, 1682-1801, compiled by James T. Mitchell and Henry- Flanders (Harrisburg, 1897), IV, 320-326. 63 The Pennsylvania regulation of the Indian trade was based upon laws worked out by Massachusetts early in the eighteenth century. See The Acts and Resolves of the Province of Massachusetts Bay (Boston, 1902), IX, 686; X, 745. 372- THEODORE THAYER October authorities for the Provincial store to handle.64 Determined not to have his hands tied by the over-cautious trustees of the Friendly Association, Pemberton returned the funds of the Association, paying for the goods with his own money. His goods reached Pittsburgh in the spring of 1759 and during the summer other shipments were sent out at the request of General Stanwix and Colonel Bouquet.65 By this time the trustees of the Friendly Association, who had feared that Pemberton's plans would only cause greater criticism to be directed against the Association, admitted their mistake and har- mony was restored. Before the year closed Pemberton withdrew from the Pittsburgh trade leaving it to the newly established Provincial store. Quakers believed that they had at last found a solution to one of the most baffling Indian problems.66 After a year or two, however, they were less confident and many were prepared to strike the project off as a failure. Private traders found that the stores generally offered little competition because they were poorly managed, had inflexible prices, and insufficient stocks.67 The Indian Commissioners, consequently, were often confronted with severe losses. The private traders clinched their hold on the Indian trade by flouting the law and bring- ing in liquor for the natives. When the Indians broke out again in 1763 under the leadership of the Ottawa chief Pontiac, the Provincial stores fell into general dis- repute and were not revived thereafter. The British government attempted to regulate the Indian trade from 1766 to 1769 through its Northern and Southern Indian departments, but the project was subsequently abandoned and the problem returned to the colonies with the recommendation that they set up an intercolonial agency for the control of the Indian trade.68 The suggestion was favorably received by most of the colonies, but little progress was made before the Revolution put an end to further deliberation.

64 Perm MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1757-1772,67; Israel Pemberton to John Hunt, December 10, 1758, Pemberton Papers, Box 3; XIII, 20; James Kenny's Journal (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 65 The Papers of Colonel Henry Bouquet, published by The Pennsylvania Historical Com- mission (Harrisburg, 1940), 153, 219. 66 Pemberton Papers, XIII, 96. 67 Ibid., XIV, 71-72. See Gratz Collection: Indian Commissioners Papers. 68 George A. Cribbs, The Frontier Policy of Pennsylvania (Pittsburgh, 1919), 31. TH I943 E FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 373 The Friendly Association, like the Provincial stores, did not sur- vive the Pontiac War. After the Quaker setback at the Treaty of Easton in 1758, the Association lost much of its former support and popularity. Nevertheless, its leaders, especially Israel Pemberton, retained their enthusiasm and the Association continued to function much as before. The Association continued to provide, as formerly, for Indians visiting Philadelphia, and upon their departure never failed to bestow some presents upon them. Unfortunately, most of the records for the later years of the Friendly Association have been lost or destroyed. It is plain, however, that it kept in touch with as many Indian tribes as possible. In 1760, for example, the Association sent Teedyuscung and Frederick Post to Pittsburgh to attend a treaty with the Indians, appropriating £50 for expenses.69 The next year it provided presents for nearly five hundred Indians who came to Easton to talk with the Governor of Pennsylvania.70 At this meeting the Friendly Association, led by Israel Pemberton, tried every expedient to get the Provincial officials to back their project for deeding the Wyoming Valley to the Delawares.71 The long-standing dispute between the Proprietors and the Dela- wares was finally adjudicated in 1762. Teedyuscung was obliged to appear before Sir William Johnson at Easton where, after a great many backstage maneuvers, the charge of fraud against the Pro- prietors was withdrawn.72 Sir William Johnson, who believed the charge without foundation, was indignant at the Quaker interference with the treaty. In his report to the Board of Trade he placed the origin of the charge and the subsequent persistent demands for redress at the door of Israel Pemberton and the Friendly Associa- tion.73 Although the Delawares were given £1,200 by the Province (the Assembly and Proprietors were to share the expense) and £300 by the Friendly Association, the withdrawal of Teedyuscung's charge constituted a major defeat for the Quakers.74 Writing to Johnson

69penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1757-1772, 92; Charlmer Collection: Philadelphia, I, 38 (New York Public Library); Parrish, Friendly Association, 116. 70 Penn MSS., loc. cit.; Robert Proud, The History of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1797- 1798), II, 320-325; Colonial Records, VIII, 660. 71 Ibid. 72 Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1755-1772, 100, 104-105; James Sullivan, ed., The Papers of Sir William Johnson (Albany, 1921), III, 766, 772-776, 846. 73 Johnson Papers, III, 847. 74 Ibid., Ill, 786; Penn MSS.: Indian Affairs, 1755-1772, 104. 374 THEODORE THAYER October after the conference, Croghan observed that the recent treaty was the chief topic of conversation in Philadelphia and that the Quakers, who had fallen to blaming one another for their defeat and chagrin, were quite subdued. Israel Pemberton, especially, was censored for having carried things too far.75 Nevertheless the Quakers were not ready to leave the Indian field and showed up in force at a treaty with the Ohio Indians at Lancaster a month later. Here they exerted their utmost endeavors, but with no success, to have the Ohio Delawares put in a claim on account of the "Walking Purchase." With the charge against the Proprietors now thoroughly discredited, the Pennsylvania officials had Teedyuscung and the other chiefs sign a paper stating that the Delawares had no claim to any land in the Province.76 At this treaty the Indians returned many captives in exchange for money and goods, much of which was contributed by the Friendly Association. The Association had, since its origin, labored for the return of captives among the Indians and now had James Kenny, manager of the Provincial store at Pittsburgh, employed in bargain- ing for their return.77 For the purpose of releasing persons held by the Indians, the Friendly Association drew upon the funds given by the Schwenkfelders and Mennonites, funds which had been contributed largely with this in view. The Friendly Association was likewise making an effort to send school teachers and ministers of the Gospel to the Indians. Up to 1760, the Ohio Indians positively refused to receive a schoolmaster, eschewing the civilization of the English.78 When, in that year, James Kenny wrote Israel Pemberton that he believed the Indians were prepared to accept a missionary, Frederick Post, the Moravian, was sent out by the Friendly Association.79 But even Post, who was well liked by the Indians, made little headway among them, and finally, disillusioned and discouraged, he returned from the Ohio.80

75 Johnson Papers, III, 826.

76 Pemberton Papers, XVI, 25; Gratz Collection, Case I, Box I; Boyd, op. cit.y 176-277. 77 Pemberton Papers, XV, 147; Kenny's Journal, July 7, 1762; James Kenny to Israel Pemberton, April 4, 1762, Cox, Parrish, Wharton Collection, XII. 78 Pemberton Papers, XIV, 84. 79 Israel Pemberton to Abel James, November 22, 1773, Thomson Collection: Miscellane- ous Section, Pemberton Papers (Historical Society of Pennsylvania). 80 Kenny's Journal, 1761-1763. 1943 THE FRIENDLY ASSOCIATION 375 The Friendly Association never recovered from its reversals in the year 1762, and in 1763 received but £30 in contributions.81 From the first to the last it was essentially Israel Pemberton's organization, designed to carry out various reforms in Indian affairs and offer Quakers an opportunity to recover political leadership. After Pontiac's War and the Paxton uprising Quaker influence in Indian affairs was slight. The British Ministry issued strict orders forbid- ding any persons but those acting in an official capacity to treat with the Indians. Furthermore, British authorities at the western posts and Sir William Johnson in New York dominated Indian affairs so completely after 1763 that little room was left for the Quakers. Although the leaders of the Friendly Association, Israel Pemberton, Isaac Zane, John Reynell and others, were still deeply concerned for the welfare of the Indians, it was difficult to keep alive an interest among Quakers in general. Most of the Friends were disappointed and discouraged by the results. Neither the Provincial stores, the frequent treaties with the Indians, the payments and presents, nor all the benefits conferred by the Friendly Association had succeeded in winning over the Indians and establishing a basis for a lasting peace. However, Indians who visited Philadelphia in the remaining years before the Revolution never failed to find a welcome from the Quakers who upon their departure sent them home laden with both presents and advice.82 The Friendly Association was apparently never dissolved, it simply ceased to function and finally was all but forgotten in the hectic years to follow. The Friendly Association has been alternately the subject of praise and abuse by historians, according to their points of view. Nevertheless, it seems reasonable to conclude that the leaders of the Friendly Association had uppermost in mind a desire to create a spirit of good will with the Indians which would in turn insure a firm and lasting peace. Throughout, they tried hard to bring civiliz- ing influences to bear upon the Indians in the wilderness. When war was raging on all sides, they gave many Indians renewed confidence in the English. Their influence over the Wyoming Delawares led the 81 Gratz Collection, Case 17, Box 7. 82 Israel Pemberton to John Pemberton, October 17, 1770, Cox, Parrish, Wharton Collec- tion, XI; Pemberton Papers, XXXI, 103; Israel Pemberton to Abel James, May 10, 1771, Thomson Collection: Miscellaneous Section, Pemberton Papers; Minutes of the Meeting for Sufferings, I, 386-389, 395; Pemberton Papers, XXXI, 19. 376 THEODORE THAYER October

Seneca and Minisinks to come within the peace orbit and attend the treaty of Easton in 1758. They aided the return of captives among the Indians, supported the Provincial stores, and contributed to the genesis of the Proclamation of 1763. On the other hand, their pacifism and idealistic approach to Indian affairs led them unwit- tingly to provoke an unjust charge against the Proprietors. Less apology can be offered for their part in feeding the fires of Pro- vincial political discord. Certainly, it seems, their accomplishments in the way of reform in Indian affairs would have been greater and more lasting perhaps had the Association remained aloof from Provincial politics. Qornell University THEODORE THAYER