DOCSLIB.ORG

Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph 3 Society Defined by Republican Politics

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph 3 Society Defined by Republican Politics HARRIET FLOWER Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/ca/article-pdf/39/1/1/386301/ca_39_1_001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 The triumph was the most prestigious accolade a politician and general could receive in republican Rome. After a brief review of the role played by the triumph in republican politi- cal culture, this article analyzes the severe limits Augustus placed on triumphal parades after 19 BC, which then became very rare celebrations. It is argued that Augustus aimed at and almost succeeded in eliminating traditional triumphal celebrations completely during his life- time, by using a combination of refusing them for himself and his relatives and of rewarding his legates who fought under his auspices with ornamenta triumphalia and an honorific statue in the Forum of Augustus. Subsequently, the elimination of the triumph would have been one natural result of the limit placed on further imperial expansion recommended by Augustus in his will, a policy his successors chose not to follow. Tiberius, however, was unwilling to conform to this new order and retired from public life to Rhodes the year after celebrating a triumph in 7 BC, the first such celebration since 19 BC. Tiberius’ two triumphs and the senate’s repeated offers of further triumphs to Augustus himself represented a differ- ent vision of the role triumphal celebration should take in a restored res publica and an ongo- ing challenge to the princeps. For Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp, on the occasion of his 65th birthday bis ovans triumphavi et tris egi curulis triumphos et appellatus sum viciens et semel imperator, decernente pluris triumphos mihi senatu, quibus omni- bus supersedi. Augustus RG 4 This paper was written for the celebration of Karl-Joachim Hölkeskamp’s 65th birthday at the Fritz Thyssen Stiftung in Cologne on 25 July 2018. Other versions were delivered as a Poultney Memorial Lecture at Johns Hopkins University and at workshops at the University of Lille and the University of Chicago. I am especially grateful to the following for their help: Yelena Baraz, Hans Beck, Stéphane Benoist, Angela Ganter, Michael Flower, Wolfgang Havener, Tanja Itgenshorst, and the anonymous read- ers for Classical Antiquity. Classical Antiquity, Vol. 39, Issue 1, pp. 1–28. ISSN: 0278-6656(p); 1067-8344(e) © 2020 by The Regents of the University of California. All rights reserved. Please direct all requests for permission to photocopy or reproduce article content through the University of California Press’sRightsand Permissions website at https://www.ucpress.edu/journals/reprints-permissions. DOI: https://doi.org/ 10.1525/ca.2020.39.1.1 2 CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY Volume 39/No. 1/April 2020 iam tantus erat Caesar, ut triumpho augeri contemneret. Flor. 2.33.53 This paper aims to reexamine the emperor Augustus’ role in limiting the celebration of a traditional triumph in Rome, despite both the many military successes during his time in power and his extensive use of the imagery of victory and world con- quest. After 19 BC, triumphs became rare in Rome and were only ever celebrated by members of the imperial family or household.1 The interruption of an ancient and very public celebration must have been striking at the time, perhaps even shock- ing. Augustus’ intervention shaped the way triumphs would be celebrated by all Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/ca/article-pdf/39/1/1/386301/ca_39_1_001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 future Roman emperors; triumphs became rituals enacted only once or twice in a generation, even at the height of Rome’s imperial reach. But what was Augustus try- ing to achieve? How does his decision to change triumphal practice reflect on the long history of the triumph before his own magnificent triple victory celebration in 29 BC? Why did Augustus himself consistently refuse to triumph again after 29 BC, despite repeated offers from the senate? I will first examine the republican triumph as Augustus inherited it, since this tradition forms the essential background to the princeps’ own experience, before going on to offer a new analysis of his use of triumphal celebrations within the imperial context of his own day. Republican norms and habits shaped Augustus’ expectations and policies in vital ways; his choices can be read as his commentary on the republican triumph as he himself understood it. THE REPUBLICAN TRIUMPH AND THE CULTURE OF THE NOBILES Many rich sources of ancient evidence survive to conjure up various aspects of Roman parades, games, and religious festivals.2 As has often been recognized, how- ever, the celebration of a triumph was traditionally the ultimate honor for a Roman general; and, consequently (and unsurprisingly), it provided the ultimate show for his fellow citizens, as they lined the streets of the city to hail his victory.3 Ancient city states operated as face-to-face societies, in which citizens and others interacted personally in regular ways. But no culture was as engaged with spectacle or as polit- ically dependent on making achievements visible as republican Rome.4 It is within this specifically Roman context that the triumph stands out as the prime example of a celebration of community success that reflected a way of life based on war and a 1. For a tabulation of all triumphs and similar or possibly equivalent ceremonies, see Goldbeck and Wienand 2017: 588–95. There were eight triumphs after Balbus’ in 19 BC before the empire reached its greatest extent under Trajan, who celebrated two further triumphs of his own. 2. Bernstein 1998 remains the fundamental treatment of republican games. For the Augustan and Julio-Claudian period, see Benoist 1999. 3. The bibliography on the triumph is extensive. I have found the following recent works especially informative: Auliard 2001; Itgenshorst 2005; Hölkeskamp 2006, 2007; Bastien 2007; Beard 2007; Hölkeskamp 2008, 2010a, 2010b; Krasser, Pausch, and Petrovic 2008; La Rocca and Tortorella 2008; Rüpke 2008; Östenberg 2009a, 2009b; Lange and Vervaet 2014; Goldbeck and Wienand 2017. 4. See Hölkeskamp 2011 [1987]; Flaig 2003a; Sumi 2005; Flower 2014; Hölkeskamp 2017. FLOWER: Augustus, Tiberius, and the End of the Roman Triumph 3 society defined by republican politics. Even as the career structure of Rome’s office- holding elite, the nobiles, evolved over time in tandem with Rome’s growing influ- ence within the Mediterranean and beyond, in each new political context the triumph remained the top prize for a Roman politician, a prize that defined his ultimate status within his own community. The unique prestige of the triumph is most clearly demonstrated in the funeral ritual—specifically during the pompa funebris, as practiced by Rome’s political leaders. This ceremony involved wax masks (imagines) of those who had held high political office, as described most fully for us by Polybius in the mid-second century BC.5 Each deceased magistrate, represented by an actor wearing a lifelike Downloaded from http://online.ucpress.edu/ca/article-pdf/39/1/1/386301/ca_39_1_001.pdf by guest on 30 September 2021 mask, would appear in the costume and display the attributes of the highest politi- cal office to which he had been elected during his lifetime. In other words, even in death relative rank and status within the political hierarchy was preserved in a fixed pattern; not all distinguished ancestors were equal. But a man who had cele- brated a triumph stepped outside this hierarchy of political office (cursus honorum) and wore his triumphal garb forever after, first at his own funeral and then at each subsequent family funeral.6 Even if, for example, he had gone on to hold the office of censor after celebrating a triumph, a not uncommon pattern for the highest achievers, that further promotion was not commemorated as his ultimate status after death. In effect, to remember him was to recall his triumph and his wearing of the special triumphal costume in perpetuity. It is this visual prominence of the purple and gold associated with the triumph, as well as the opportunity offered by a family funeral to re-parade spoils, maps, pic- tures, or placards from the actual triumphal procession, that brings us face to face (as it were) with the essential paradox of the republican triumphal celebration. Whatever its ultimate origins may have been, whether in Etruria or in Rome, triumphal garb (and the whole ritual with its intense focus on the general himself) had a distinctly unrepublican, possibly monarchical aspect to it.7 That is to say, the ultimate prize for a nobilis was not actually the highest political office or a recognition of the status of that high office conferred by the citizens voting in the electoral assembly within a republican system. Rather, it was a celebration allotted primarily by his peers in the senate and thought by Romans to have originated as a way to recognize a victorious king (initially Rome’s founder Romulus) as the single, highest military leader of the community, accompanied by a costume that recalled the garb of the cult statue of Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the Capitoline temple.8 5. See Flaig 1995 and Flower 1996. 6. Polyb. 6.53–54. In 191 BC Scipio Nasica is represented as saying that his standing would not be enhanced by a triumph (Livy 36.40.8–9). 7. For the origins of the triumph, see Versnel 1970; Bonfante Warren 1970; Beard 2007: 305–318; Armstrong 2013. 8. Polyb. 6.53.7 is specific about the use of triumphal costume in the aristocratic funeral around the middle of the second century BC. Itgenshorst 2005: 193–200 and 2017 reads the costume as that of a king. Rüpke 2008 and Janda 2009 argue for the triumphator dressing like the statue of Jupiter Optimus Maximus.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Hadrian and the Greek East
    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
    [Show full text]
  • Domitian's Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome
    Rising from the Ashes: Domitian’s Arae Incendii Neroniani in New Flavian Rome Lea K. Cline In the August 1888 edition of the Notizie degli Scavi, profes- on a base of two steps; it is a long, solid rectangle, 6.25 m sors Guliermo Gatti and Rodolfo Lanciani announced the deep, 3.25 m wide, and 1.26 m high (lacking its crown). rediscovery of a Domitianic altar on the Quirinal hill during These dimensions make it the second largest public altar to the construction of the Casa Reale (Figures 1 and 2).1 This survive in the ancient capital. Built of travertine and revet- altar, found in situ on the southeast side of the Alta Semita ted in marble, this altar lacks sculptural decoration. Only its (an important northern thoroughfare) adjacent to the church inscription identifies it as an Ara Incendii Neroniani, an altar of San Andrea al Quirinale, was not unknown to scholars.2 erected in fulfillment of a vow made after the great fire of The site was discovered, but not excavated, in 1644 when Nero (A.D. 64).7 Pope Urban VIII (Maffeo Barberini) and Gianlorenzo Bernini Archaeological evidence attests to two other altars, laid the foundations of San Andrea al Quirinale; at that time, bearing identical inscriptions, excavated in the sixteenth the inscription was removed to the Vatican, and then the and seventeenth centuries; the Ara Incendii Neroniani found altar was essentially forgotten.3 Lanciani’s notes from May on the Quirinal was the last of the three to be discovered.8 22, 1889, describe a fairly intact structure—a travertine block Little is known of the two other altars; one, presumably altar with remnants of a marble base molding on two sides.4 found on the Vatican plain, was reportedly used as building Although the altar’s inscription was not in situ, Lanciani refers material for the basilica of St.
    [Show full text]
  • Brutus, Cassius, Judas, and Cremutius Cordus: How
    BRUTUS, CASSIUS, JUDAS, AND CREMUTIUS CORDUS: HOW SHIFTING PRECEDENTS ALLOWED THE LEX MAIESTATIS TO GROUP WRITERS WITH TRAITORS by Hunter Myers A thesis submitted to the faculty of The University of Mississippi in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Sally McDonnell Barksdale Honors College. Oxford, Mississippi May 2018 Approved by ______________________________ Advisor: Professor Molly Pasco-Pranger ______________________________ Reader: Professor John Lobur ______________________________ Reader: Professor Steven Skultety © 2018 Hunter Ross Myers ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Dr. Pasco-Pranger, For your wise advice and helpful guidance through the thesis process Dr. Lobur & Dr. Skultety, For your time reading my work My parents, Robin Myers and Tracy Myers For your calm nature and encouragement Sally-McDonnell Barksdale Honors College For an incredible undergraduate academic experience iii ABSTRACT In either 103 or 100 B.C., a concept known as Maiestas minuta populi Romani (diminution of the majesty of the Roman people) is invented by Saturninus to accompany charges of perduellio (treason). Just over a century later, this same law is used by Tiberius to criminalize behavior and speech that he found disrespectful. This thesis offers an answer to the question as to how the maiestas law evolved during the late republic and early empire to present the threat that it did to Tiberius’ political enemies. First, the application of Roman precedent in regards to judicial decisions will be examined, as it plays a guiding role in the transformation of the law. Next, I will discuss how the law was invented in the late republic, and increasingly used for autocratic purposes. The bulk of the thesis will focus on maiestas proceedings in Tacitus’ Annales, in which a total of ten men lose their lives.
    [Show full text]
  • Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University
    Boise State University ScholarWorks History Faculty Publications and Presentations Department of History 1-1-2007 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl Boise State University Publication Information Odahl, Charles Matson. (2007). "Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy". Connections: European Studies Annual Review, 3, 89-113. This document was originally published in Connections: European Studies Annual Review by Rocky Mountain European Scholars Consortium. Copyright restrictions may apply. Coda: Recovering Constantine's European Legacy 111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111111 Constantine the Great and Christian Imperial Theocracy Charles Matson Odahl, Boise State University1 rom his Christian conversion under the influence of cept of imperial theocracy was conveyed in contemporary art Frevelatory experiences outside Rome in A.D. 312 until (Illustration I). his burial as the thirteenth Apostle at Constantinople in Although Constantine had been raised as a tolerant 337, Constantine the Great, pagan polytheist and had the first Christian emperor propagated several Olympian of the Roman world, initiated divinities, particularly Jupiter, the role of and set the model Hercules, Mars, and Sol, as for Christian imperial theoc­ di vine patrons during the early racy. Through his relationship years of his reign as emperor
    [Show full text]
  • Handout Name Yourself Like a Roman (CLAS 160)
    NAME YOURSELF LIKE A ROMAN Choose Your Gender 0 Roman naming conventions differed for men and women, and the Romans didn’t conceive of other options or categories (at least for naming purposes!). For viri (men): Choose Your Praenomen (“first name”) 1 This is your personal name, just like modern American first names: Michael, Jonathan, Jason, etc. The Romans used a very limited number of first names and tended to be very conservative about them, reusing the same small number of names within families. In the Roman Republic, your major options are: Some of these names (Quintus, Sextus, • Appius • Manius • Servius Septimus, etc.) clearly originally referred • Aulus • Marcus • Sextus to birth order: Fifth, Sixth, Seventh. Others are related to important aspects of • Decimus • Numerius • Spurius Roman culture: the name Marcus probably • Gaius • Postumus • Statius comes from the god Mars and Tiberius from the river Tiber. Other are mysterious. • Gnaeus • Publius • Tiberius But over time, these names lost their • Lucius • Quintus • Titus original significance and became hereditary, with sons named after their • Mamercus • Septimus • Vibius father or another male relative. Choose Your Nomen (“family name”) 2 Your second name identifies you by gens: family or clan, much like our modern American last name. While praenomina vary between members of the same family, the nomen is consistent. Some famous nomina include Claudius, Cornelius, Fabius, Flavius, Julius, Junius, and Valerius. Side note: if an enslaved person was freed or a foreigner was granted citizenship, they were technically adopted into the family of their “patron,” and so received his nomen as well. De Boer 2020 OPTIONAL: Choose Your Cognomen (“nickname”) Many Romans had just a praenomen and a nomen, and it was customary and polite to address a 3 person by this combo (as in “hello, Marcus Tullius, how are you today?” “I am well, Gaius Julius, and you?”).
    [Show full text]
  • THE MADNESS of the EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A
    THE MADNESS OF THE EMPEROR CALIGULA (Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus) by A. T. SANDISON, B.Sc., M.D. Department of Pathology, the University and Western Infirmaty, Glasgow THROUGHOUT the centuries the name of Caligula has been synonymous with madness and infamy, sadism and perversion. It has been said that Marshal Gilles de Rais, perhaps the most notorious sadist of all time, modelled his behaviour. on that of the evil Caesars described by Suetonius, among whom is numbered Caligula. Of recent years, however, Caligula has acquired his apologists, e.g. Willrich; so also, with more reason, has the Emperor Tiberius, whose reputation has been largely rehabilitated by modern scholarship. Our knowledge of the life of Caligula depends largely on Suetonius, whose work D)e vita Caesarum was not published, until some eighty years after the death of Caligula in A.D. 41. Unfortunately that part ofTacitus's Annals which treated of the reign. of Caligula has been lost. Other ancient sources are Dio Cassius, whose History of Rome was written in the early third century and, to a lesser extent, Josephus, whose Anht itates Judaicac was published in A.D. 93, and Philo Jqdaeus, whose pamphlet Legatio ad- Gaium and In Flaccum may be considered as contemporary writings. It seems probable that all these ancient sour¢es are to some extent prejudiced and highly coloured. Suetonius's Gaius Caligula in De vita Caesarum is full of scabrous and sometimes entertaining stories, on some ofwhich little reliability can be plat-ed. Nevertheless, the outlines of Caligula's life-history are not in doubt, and a usefiul summary is given by Balsdon (i949) in the Oxford-Classical Dictionary.
    [Show full text]
  • Vespasian's Apotheosis
    VESPASIAN’S APOTHEOSIS Andrew B. Gallia* In the study of the divinization of Roman emperors, a great deal depends upon the sequence of events. According to the model of consecratio proposed by Bickermann, apotheosis was supposed to be accomplished during the deceased emperor’s public funeral, after which the senate acknowledged what had transpired by decreeing appropriate honours for the new divus.1 Contradictory evidence has turned up in the Fasti Ostienses, however, which seem to indicate that both Marciana and Faustina were declared divae before their funerals took place.2 This suggests a shift * Published in The Classical Quarterly 69.1 (2019). 1 E. Bickermann, ‘Die römische Kaiserapotheosie’, in A. Wlosok (ed.), Römischer Kaiserkult (Darmstadt, 1978), 82-121, at 100-106 (= Archiv für ReligionswissenschaftW 27 [1929], 1-31, at 15-19); id., ‘Consecratio’, in W. den Boer (ed.), Le culte des souverains dans l’empire romain. Entretiens Hardt 19 (Geneva, 1973), 1-37, at 13-25. 2 L. Vidman, Fasti Ostienses (Prague, 19822), 48 J 39-43: IIII k. Septembr. | [Marciana Aug]usta excessit divaq(ue) cognominata. | [Eodem die Mati]dia Augusta cognominata. III | [non. Sept. Marc]iana Augusta funere censorio | [elata est.], 49 O 11-14: X[— k. Nov. Fausti]na Aug[usta excessit eodemq(ue) die a] | senatu diva app[ellata et s(enatus) c(onsultum) fact]um fun[ere censorio eam efferendam.] | Ludi et circenses [delati sunt. — i]dus N[ov. Faustina Augusta funere] | censorio elata e[st]. Against this interpretation of the Marciana fragment (as published by A. Degrassi, Inscr. It. 13.1 [1947], 201) see E.
    [Show full text]
  • Women in Livy and Tacitus
    Xavier University Exhibit Honors Bachelor of Arts Undergraduate 2021-5 Women in Livy and Tacitus STEPHEN ALEXANDER PREVOZNIK Xavier University, Cincinnati, OH Follow this and additional works at: https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab Part of the Ancient History, Greek and Roman through Late Antiquity Commons, Ancient Philosophy Commons, Classical Archaeology and Art History Commons, Classical Literature and Philology Commons, and the Other Classics Commons Recommended Citation PREVOZNIK, STEPHEN ALEXANDER, "Women in Livy and Tacitus" (2021). Honors Bachelor of Arts. 46. https://www.exhibit.xavier.edu/hab/46 This Capstone/Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate at Exhibit. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Bachelor of Arts by an authorized administrator of Exhibit. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Women in Livy and Tacitus By Stephen Prevoznik Prevoznik 1 Introduction Livy and Tacitus are both influential and important Roman authors. They have written two of the most influential histories of Rome. Livy covers from the founding of Rome until the Reign of Augustus. Tacitus focuses on the early empire, writing from the end of Augustus’ reign through Nero. This sets up a nice symmetry, as Tacitus picks up where Livy stops. Much has been written about the men they include, but the women also play an important role. This essay plans to outline how the women in each work are used by the authors to attain their goals. In doing so, each author’s aim is exposed. Livy: Women as Exempla Livy’s most famous work, Ab Urbe Condita, is meant to be read as a guide.
    [Show full text]
  • Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - the Lives of the Twelve Caesars, Volume 3
    Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) - The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. C. Suetonius Tranquillus Project Gutenberg's Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius), by C. Suetonius Tranquillus This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net Title: Tiberius Nero Caesar (Tiberius) The Lives Of The Twelve Caesars, Volume 3. Author: C. Suetonius Tranquillus Release Date: December 13, 2004 [EBook #6388] Language: English Character set encoding: ASCII *** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR *** Produced by Tapio Riikonen and David Widger THE LIVES OF THE TWELVE CAESARS By C. Suetonius Tranquillus; To which are added, HIS LIVES OF THE GRAMMARIANS, RHETORICIANS, AND POETS. The Translation of Alexander Thomson, M.D. revised and corrected by T.Forester, Esq., A.M. Livros Grátis http://www.livrosgratis.com.br Milhares de livros grátis para download. TIBERIUS NERO CAESAR. (192) I. The patrician family of the Claudii (for there was a plebeian family of the same name, no way inferior to the other either in power or dignity) came originally from Regilli, a town of the Sabines. They removed thence to Rome soon after the building of the city, with a great body of their dependants, under Titus Tatius, who reigned jointly with Romulus in the kingdom; or, perhaps, what is related upon better authority, under Atta Claudius, the head of the family, who was admitted by the senate into the patrician order six years after the expulsion of the Tarquins.
    [Show full text]
  • The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great
    Graeco-Latina Brunensia 24 / 2019 / 2 https://doi.org/10.5817/GLB2019-2-2 The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great Stanislav Doležal (University of South Bohemia in České Budějovice) Abstract The article argues that Constantine the Great, until he was recognized by Galerius, the senior ČLÁNKY / ARTICLES Emperor of the Tetrarchy, was an usurper with no right to the imperial power, nothwithstand- ing his claim that his father, the Emperor Constantius I, conferred upon him the imperial title before he died. Tetrarchic principles, envisaged by Diocletian, were specifically put in place to supersede and override blood kinship. Constantine’s accession to power started as a military coup in which a military unit composed of barbarian soldiers seems to have played an impor- tant role. Keywords Constantine the Great; Roman emperor; usurpation; tetrarchy 19 Stanislav Doležal The Political and Military Aspects of Accession of Constantine the Great On 25 July 306 at York, the Roman Emperor Constantius I died peacefully in his bed. On the same day, a new Emperor was made – his eldest son Constantine who had been present at his father’s deathbed. What exactly happened on that day? Britain, a remote province (actually several provinces)1 on the edge of the Roman Empire, had a tendency to defect from the central government. It produced several usurpers in the past.2 Was Constantine one of them? What gave him the right to be an Emperor in the first place? It can be argued that the political system that was still valid in 306, today known as the Tetrarchy, made any such seizure of power illegal.
    [Show full text]
  • The Triumphs of Cilicia and Cicero's Proconsulship
    The Triumphs of Cilicia and Cicero’s Proconsulship Over barely 50 years, at least 9 of the Romans assigned Cilicia requested a triumph and at least 6 received one. Given that many of them had multi-year assignments, this leads to a state of near constant campaigning in southern Asia Minor during the early first century. Even factoring in the conflicts with Mithridates (and perhaps especially then), it is puzzling to see Cilicia as such a volatile province. Clearly, these triumphs did not entail any sort of permanent settlement (see Pittenger 2008). Relying chiefly on the testimony of Cicero, I argue here that Cilicia, which at the time was one of the largest and richest provinces, was also the ideal low-risk province for the triumph-seeker. While triumphal motives have been discussed recently (e.g. Beard 2007, Pittenger 2008), I present Cilicia as an exemplar of typical triumphal machinations. Cicero did not want to be governor of Cilicia. Nevertheless, in some of his letters (ad fam. 2.10 and 8.5), he alludes to the possibility of provoking a fight and attaining a triumph from Cilicia, despite the fact that he arrived as late as he could and left as early as he could. While Cicero’s personal motivations here have also been assessed (see Correa 2013, Wistrand 1979), less is said about the ramifications for the province. Among his other letters, he reveals the activities others, such as Appius Claudius Pulcher, pursued in seeking Cilician triumphs. Hunting for a triumph was not regarded poorly. Cicero rather frankly attributes triumph- hunting to Crassus (cos.
    [Show full text]
  • Calendar of Roman Events
    Introduction Steve Worboys and I began this calendar in 1980 or 1981 when we discovered that the exact dates of many events survive from Roman antiquity, the most famous being the ides of March murder of Caesar. Flipping through a few books on Roman history revealed a handful of dates, and we believed that to fill every day of the year would certainly be impossible. From 1981 until 1989 I kept the calendar, adding dates as I ran across them. In 1989 I typed the list into the computer and we began again to plunder books and journals for dates, this time recording sources. Since then I have worked and reworked the Calendar, revising old entries and adding many, many more. The Roman Calendar The calendar was reformed twice, once by Caesar in 46 BC and later by Augustus in 8 BC. Each of these reforms is described in A. K. Michels’ book The Calendar of the Roman Republic. In an ordinary pre-Julian year, the number of days in each month was as follows: 29 January 31 May 29 September 28 February 29 June 31 October 31 March 31 Quintilis (July) 29 November 29 April 29 Sextilis (August) 29 December. The Romans did not number the days of the months consecutively. They reckoned backwards from three fixed points: The kalends, the nones, and the ides. The kalends is the first day of the month. For months with 31 days the nones fall on the 7th and the ides the 15th. For other months the nones fall on the 5th and the ides on the 13th.
    [Show full text]