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Ducal Patronage and Performance As a Power Expression in Conquered Cities 47 OSKAR JACEK ROJEWSKI Ducal patronage and performance as a power expression in conquered cities 47 DUCAL PATRONAGE AND PERFORMANCE AS A POWER EXPRESSION IN CONQUERED CITIES: THE CASE OF THE BURGUNDIAN LOW COUNTRIES MECENAZGO DUCAL Y ESPECTÁCULO COMO EXPRESIÓN DEL PODER EN LAS CIUDADES CONQUISTADAS: EL CASO DE LOS PAÍSES BAJOS BORGOÑONES OSKAR JACEK ROJEWSKI Universitat Jaume I Recibido: 19/10/2017 Evaluado: 30/10/2017 Aprobado: 07/11/2017 ABSTRACT: At the end of the 14th century, the County of Flanders, held by Louis of Male, was inherited by his daughter Margaret and her husband Philippe the Bold, Duke of Burgundy. Te new sovereigns had to prove their authority in the face of significant privileges previously gained by the cities in the county, one of the most developed territories in Europe. Te Revolt of Ghent and the Battle of Roosebeke (1384), won by the ruler, confirmed the control of the Valois Burgundy Dynasty over the recently acquired lands. Te conflict between cities and the political aspirations of the Dukes of Burgundy would be a constant problem throughout the 15th century in the Low Countries, as confirmed by the many other riots and revolts that took place in Ghent and Bruges. Every conflict between a city and the sovereign inspired the court to celebrate victory and applaud ducal control over Flemish cities. Ducal control was expressed in the iconography of art works, which portrayed the glorious entry of the duke into the humiliated city in question. Te aim of this paper is to investigate and describe the construction of the visual glory of the duke by analysing the chronicles that describe the celebrations associated with the ducal entry into a city. Te comparison between the iconographical analysis of the manuscripts, tapestries and 48 POTESTAS, No 11, diciembre 2017 e-ISSN: 2340-499X | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/Potestas.2017.11.3 - pp. 47-70 other pieces from the collection of the duke and the chronicles of Jean Froissart, Georges Chastellain and Enguerrand de Monstrelet allows for a deep understanding of the image of mightiness, as created by the court around the figure of the Duke of Burgundy in relations to the collapsed cities. Te result will finally show how the image of the early modern city in peace was constructed with a sovereign dominating it, as well as whether this corresponds to the ducal ideology of justice, equity and the common good. Keywords: Duchy of Burgundy, XVth Century, Joyeuses Entrées, Philippe the Bold, Philippe the Good. INTRODUCTION hilippe the Bold, through his marriage to Margaret of Flanders, obtained political control over Flanders and, at the same time, introduced that territoryP into his Duchy of Burgundy.1 In the final years of the reign of Louis of Male and following his death, Philippe’s power and authority was confronted by the liberty and privileges of the Flemish cities. Terefore, even if the Duke had won the armed struggle, he would have lost some of the city privileges.2 During the 15th century, Philippe’s heirs had the same problem with controlling the cities, which resulted in successive revolts.3 On many occasions, but especially after the revolts, ceremonial entrances (also called Joyeuses Entrées) served a highly important role in establishing and maintaining good relations between the duke and the city and finally they form part of ducal propaganda in Flemish cities. Te Joyeuses Entrées as a spectacle and ritual in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe were references to the ancient roman tradition that can be defined as «apotheosis of glory», «celebration of the military triumph» or «solemn procession of the roman general after won beattle». For making possible the Triumphus it was necessary to demonstrate virtues and the military success4. At the same time the entrance of the sovereign to the city could be 1. Tis research was supported by the James I University: Pla de promoció de la investigació de la Universitat Jaume I per a l’any 2016, programa de mobilitat del personal investigador, E-2016-09. 2. Te city was pardoned and preserved all its privileges, as did all of its supporters. Te duke granted free commerce, but demanded that its alliance with Pope Urban VI and England should end. Richard Vaughan, Philip the Bold: Te Formation of the Burgundian State (Woodbridge: Te Boydell Press, 2002), 38. 3. Wim Blockmans, «Alternatives to Monarchical Centralisation: Te Great Tradition of Revolt in Flanders and Brabant», Republiken Und Republikanismus Im Europa Der Frühen Neuzeit, 1988. 4. Juan Chiva Beltran, ‘El Triumphus Romano. Una Ceremonia Del Mundo Antiguo Con Larga Proyección Histórica’, in Actas Del V Encuentro de Jóvenes Investigadores. Ideología, Estrategias de Definición OSKAR JACEK ROJEWSKI Ducal patronage and performance as a power expression in conquered cities 49 perceived and compared with the entrance of Jesus to Jerusalem before his passion. Both parallelisms served to mark that the Duke was the legal superior power for the city and had a complete control of the local government. In order to arrive at a definition for a Joyeuse Entrée in the Burgundian case we refer to definition suggested by Holenstein and accepted by Blockmans: Joyeuse entrée became the solemn moment when a ruler made his first visit to one of his territories or cities and swore to respect their rights, privileges and customs. This mutual promise of protection, on the one hand, and fidelity and support, on the other hand, derives from a feudal oath, as far as the form is concerned.5 Fascinatingly, the Dukes of Burgundy, legal sovereigns of the Low Countries and the rebel cities of Flanders developed a specific political code, which was applied to artistic production and festival organization at the end of 14th and during the 15th centuries. Tese events led to a magnification of their governmental roles.6 Te organization of public ceremonies and visual media, such as tapestries, tableaux vivants, ephemeral decoration, cloths or gestures became vital elements in the encoding of splendour. Positivist historians, such as Victor Fris or Henri Pirenne, never mentioned the impacts of these festivals on society.7 Unfortunately, they only chose to consider the outcome of the revolts by analysing documents sourced from the court environment. However, contemporary historians have considered more profound aspects, such as the perceptions and social moods in Flemish cities, based on vernacular sources.8 It seems highly likely that artistic patronage partly informed how the court expressed itself, in order to have a direct influence on the social mood and how the court was perceived in the city during celebrations of a ducal victory. Additionally, ceremonies in the case of the Burgundian State serve as a medium for communication between the duke and the city. Tis hypothesis is the main idea behind the festival research by Johan Huizinga,9 who explained that communication between the sovereign and the vassals Y Formas de Relación Social En El Mundo Anitguo, ed. Fernando Echeverría Rey and Ma Yolanda Montes Miralles (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2006), 270-71. 5. Blockmans and Donckers, «Self-Representation of Court and City in Flanders and Brabant in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries», 85. 6. Wim Blockmans and Esther Donckers, «Self-Representation of Court and City in Flanders and Brabant in the Fifteenth and Early Sixteenth Centuries», in Showing Status. Representation of Social Positions in the Late Middle Ages, ed. W. Blockmans and A. Janse (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 82; Werner Paravicini, «Te Court of the Dukes of Burgundy Α Model for Europe?», in Princes, Patronage and the Nobihty Te Court at the Beginmng Ofthe Modern Age, C. 1450 1650 (London: Oxford University Press, 1991), 75. 7. Jalle Haemers, «A Moody Community? Emotion and Ritual in Late Medieval Urban Revolts», in Emotions in the Heart of the City (14th-16th Century) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005), 63-64. 8. Peter Arande, Realms of Ritual: Burgundian Ceremony and Civic Life in Late Medieval Ghent (New York: Ithaca, 1996); Barbara Rosenwein, «Worrying about Emotions in History», Te American Historical Review 107, no. 3 (2002); Haemers, «A Moody Community? Emotion and Ritual in Late Medieval Urban Revolts». 9. Johan Huizinga, El Otoño de La Edad Media (Madrid: Alianza, 1996). 50 POTESTAS, No 11, diciembre 2017 e-ISSN: 2340-499X | DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.6035/Potestas.2017.11.3 - pp. 47-70 was mainly expressed by specific language, which contained verbal elements, such as oaths, occasional poems or discourses with references to the past. Furthermore, his followers, such as Jacques le Goff, applied this theory to other cases and showed that early modern Europe, even if it was divided into kingdoms, had a large number of common characteristics.10 Te specific cases of the Low Countries’ Joyeuses Entrées during the 15th century will be studied here and described as events with a political context and a historical approach.11 Andrew Brown describes not only the historical context but also non-verbal signs, such as cultural background, colours or symbols, and their respective visual codes, associated with festivals in Bruges.12 Elodie Lecuppre- Desjardin highlights the typology and social aspects of the ducal entrances into cities and, at the same time, analyses the intention and aim of every single element that are mentioned in the chronicles.13 Te Joyeuse Entrée, therefore, is not only a festive entrance, but also an occasion involving a power spectacle, an event when the sovereign confirms the relationship between himself and the city. Festivals of splendour, both for the court and for the city, required an appropriate preparation of the ephemeral decoration that converted urban streets in a theatrum ceremoniale for the court.14 During the celebration of the Joyeuse Entrée, the political meaning of the event could be linked to the general political ideology of the Burgundian State, as defined by Jan Dumloyn,15 on the basis of the chronicles, in particular, that 10.
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