The Gaza Strip: Access Report February 2005
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Jnf Blueprint Negev: 2009 Campaign Update
JNF BLUEPRINT NEGEV: 2009 CAMPAIGN UPDATE In the few years since its launch, great strides have been made in JNF’s Blueprint Negev campaign, an initiative to develop the Negev Desert in a sustainable manner and make it home to the next generation of Israel’s residents. In Be’er Sheva: More than $30 million has already been invested in a city that dates back to the time of Abraham. For years Be’er Sheva was an economically depressed and forgotten city. Enough of a difference has been made to date that private developers have taken notice and begun to invest their own money. New apartment buildings have risen, with terraces facing the riverbed that in the past would have looked away. A slew of single family homes have sprung up, and more are planned. Attracted by the River Walk, the biggest mall in Israel and the first “green” one in the country is Be’er Sheva River Park being built by The Lahav Group, a private enterprise, and will contribute to the city’s communal life and all segments of the population. The old Turkish city is undergoing a renaissance, with gaslights flanking the refurbished cobblestone streets and new restaurants, galleries and stores opening. This year, the municipality of Be’er Sheva is investing millions of dollars to renovate the Old City streets and support weekly cultural events and activities. And the Israeli government just announced nearly $40 million to the River Park over the next seven years. Serious headway has been made on the 1,700-acre Be’er Sheva River Park, a central park and waterfront district that is already transforming the city. -
30 October 2020 SDEROT Shabbat Greetings to Everyone, I Feel That The
Friday Evening Message – 30 October 2020 SDEROT Shabbat greetings to everyone, I feel that the Friday night message is a great idea by the community and hopefully it will continue beyond this time of craziness. I have recently started a new project myself which is reconnecting with friends who I haven’t spoken to for a while, there is nothing as nice as getting a message from someone who we haven’t heard from in ages, especially during these difficult days. So I have started to contact someone every week just to wish them Shabbat Shalom and check in with them. One of those who I have recently reconnected with was a dear friend Stewart Ganullin who happens to be the CEO of an organisation who I volunteered with on my many trips to Israel. Stewart is the amazing head of Hope for Sderot based in what is sadly known as the rocket capital of the world. The small “museum” of Kassam, Grad and Kadyusha rockets in the cities police station is a reminder of the over 16000 rockets to be fired from the nearby Gaza Strip to the civilian population 2km away in Sderot. The “rocket museum” located at Sderot police station. In the year preceding, to the year following, the Gush Katif disengagement rocket attacks on Sderot and surrounding Western Negev increased by ten-fold. Even though those who could afford to flee reducing the city population to less than 20000 it was allowed to retain city status and at the last year’s census had risen to almost 28000. -
Environmental Assessment of the Areas Disengaged by Israel in the Gaza Strip
Environmental Assessment of the Areas Disengaged by Israel in the Gaza Strip FRONT COVER United Nations Environment Programme First published in March 2006 by the United Nations Environment Programme. © 2006, United Nations Environment Programme. ISBN: 92-807-2697-8 Job No.: DEP/0810/GE United Nations Environment Programme P.O. Box 30552 Nairobi, KENYA Tel: +254 (0)20 762 1234 Fax: +254 (0)20 762 3927 E-mail: [email protected] Web: http://www.unep.org This revised edition includes grammatical, spelling and editorial corrections to a version of the report released in March 2006. This publication may be reproduced in whole or in part and in any form for educational or non-profit purposes without special permission from the copyright holder provided acknowledgement of the source is made. UNEP would appreciate receiving a copy of any publication that uses this publication as a source. No use of this publication may be made for resale or for any other commercial purpose whatsoever without prior permission in writing from UNEP. The designation of geographical entities in this report, and the presentation of the material herein, do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the publisher or the participating organisations concerning the legal status of any country, territory or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimination of its frontiers or boundaries. Unless otherwise credited, all the photographs in this publication were taken by the UNEP Gaza assessment mission team. Cover Design and Layout: Matija Potocnik -
General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French
United Nations A/56/428 General Assembly Distr.: General 3 October 2001 English Original: English/French Fifty-sixth session Agenda item 88 Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Report of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories Note by the Secretary-General* The General Assembly, at its fifty-fifth session, adopted resolution 55/130 on the work of the Special Committee to Investigate Israeli Practices Affecting the Human Rights of the Palestinian People and Other Arabs of the Occupied Territories, in which, among other matters, it requested the Special Committee: (a) Pending complete termination of the Israeli occupation, to continue to investigate Israeli policies and practices in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967, especially Israeli lack of compliance with the provisions of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War, of 12 August 1949, and to consult, as appropriate, with the International Committee of the Red Cross according to its regulations in order to ensure that the welfare and human rights of the peoples of the occupied territories are safeguarded and to report to the Secretary- General as soon as possible and whenever the need arises thereafter; (b) To submit regularly to the Secretary-General periodic reports on the current situation in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem; (c) To continue to investigate the treatment of prisoners in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, including Jerusalem, and other Arab territories occupied by Israel since 1967. -
The Gaza Strip: Access Report May 2005
The Gaza Strip: Access Report May 2005 This report monitors monthly humanitarian access and movement in the Gaza Strip.1 All movement through the Gaza Strip’s borders is controlled by Israeli authorities. A security fence surrounds all of the Gaza Strip and sea access is restricted. Palestinian movement in and out of the Gaza Strip is through: • Erez crossing for workers and merchants who have permits to enter Israel; • Erez crossing for international humanitarian organisations; • Rafah crossing, between the Gaza Strip and Egypt, for access to other countries, including for overseas medical referrals; • Four commercial crossings of which Karni is the largest. Palestinian movement within the Gaza Strip is restricted: • through Abu Houli checkpoint in the central Gaza Strip; • by over 200 observed closure obstacles; • for Palestinians living in enclaves in close proximity to Israeli settlements.2 1. Gaza Strip Crossing Points A. Erez crossing and industrial estate Between January and March, there was a steady increase in the number of Palestinian workers and merchants entering Israel and the Erez industrial zone. This trend ended following the closure at Erez with the onset of the Jewish Passover holidays in the third week of April. The closure continued until 15 May for Palestinian workers and merchants, and 16 May for access to Erez industrial zone. This closure was imposed on the grounds that some workers had been submitting false documents while trying to leave the Gaza Strip. Restrictions continue on international humanitarian organisations who need prior coordination with Israeli authorities to enter and leave the Strip. A few high-level Palestinian UN staff are permitted to cross. -
Hamas Takeover of Gaza
Hamas takeover of Gaza The Hamas Takeover of the Gaza Strip 1949- Egypt gains control of the Gaza Strip following armistice agreement with Israel. Israeli settlements are evacuated. 1950 1951 1952 1953 1954 1955 1956 1957 1958 1959 1960 1961 1962 file:///C|/Larimore/Fall2007/anonymous/Files/index.htm (1 of 4) [5/30/2008 5:26:27 AM] Hamas takeover of Gaza 1963 1964- The Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) was founded by the Arab League 1965 1966 1967- Israel gains control of the West Bank, Gaza Strip, and Jerusalem following the Six Day War 1968 1969 1970-72- The Israeli re-settlement of the Gaza Strip begins with Kfar Darom which grew to become Gush Katif 1973 1974 1975 1976 1977 1978 1979- Israel-Egypt Peace Treaty defined the border between Egypt and the Gaza Strip. Egypt rejected claim of the Gaza Strip 1980 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986 1987- Formation of Hamas by Sheikh Ahmed Yassin 1988 1990 1991- Madrid Peace Summit 1992 1993- The Oslo Accords 1994- The Palestinian Authority is established in the West Bank and Gaza Strip. Yasser Arafat wins Nobel Peace Prize file:///C|/Larimore/Fall2007/anonymous/Files/index.htm (2 of 4) [5/30/2008 5:26:27 AM] Hamas takeover of Gaza 1995- Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin assinated at peace rally in Tel Aviv 1996- Yasser Arafat becomes Palestinian Authority President 1997 1998 1999 2000- The Second Intifada begins following the Camp David Summit 2001- Ariel Sharon becomes the Israeli Prime MInister 2002- Israel begins construction of security barrier around the West Bank 2003- The US publishes the "Road Map" for the peace process 2004- Prime Minister Sharon announces disengagement plan. -
Creating the Jewish State: Projects of (In)Security and the Disjuncture to Price-Tag Violence
(Re)Creating the Jewish State: Projects of (In)Security and the Disjuncture to Price-Tag Violence Nicola S. Mathie Department of Politics, Philosophy and Religion Lancaster University This thesis is submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in International Relations November 2018 Declaration This thesis is the result of my own work and includes nothing, which is the outcome of the work done in collaboration except where specifically indicated in the text. It has not been previously submitted, in part or whole, to any university or institution for any degree, diploma, or other qualification. Signed: Nicola S. Mathie Research Award This thesis is the outcome of Research Award Grant Number 1225917 from The Economic and Social Research Council. My appreciation will always be with The Economic and Social Research Council for funding this PhD. Abstract Jewish-Israeli settlements built over the State of Israel’s internationally-recognised territorial borders are sites of contestation. The focus of this thesis is upon conflicts and contestations which have developed between the State of Israel and some of its own subjects, Jewish settlers, over the evacuation of settlement-communities and structures, and other perceived threats to settlement. From 2008, a new form of violence has been enacted by individuals in the settler community. Self-declared as Price-Tag violence, the attacks take different forms. These include vandalising Palestinian properties and spraying provocative graffiti, and throwing Molotov cocktails at properties. Whilst the attacks are predominantly perpetrated upon Palestinian targets, the attacks are directed at the State of Israel. Price-Tag attacks have also occurred directly on Israeli targets, such as Israeli military vehicles. -
The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality
The Disengagement Plan: Vision and Reality Zaki Shalom Behind the Disengagement Plan A plan to withdraw from the Gaza Strip, which was drafted and implemented during Arik Sharon’s tenure as prime minister, included withdrawing IDF forces from the Strip, evacuating the entire Jewish presence in the Katif bloc, and dismantling four settlements in Judea and Samaria: Ganim, Kadim, Sa-Nur, and Homesh. Once publicized, the plan shocked the Israeli public. The notion of withdrawing the IDF from the Gaza Strip had long been debated, and many felt that Israeli settlements there were an exercise in futility. Three basic claims underpinned this idea. One, Gaza is of no religious or historical significance to the Jewish people. Two, the Jewish settlements in the Gaza Strip would always remain a demographically marginal and geographically isolated enclave in the heart of the most densely populated Palestinian region. Three, in terms of security, Israeli settlement activity in the Gaza Strip is of little importance. 1 However, these opinions were never translated into a concrete political plan. Moreover, all the Israeli governments, both right and left wing, invested tremendous resources into Israeli settlement in the Gaza Strip up until the moment the disengagement plan was decided upon. It was difficult to believe that of all people, Sharon, the individual who more than anyone symbolized the Israeli settlement enterprise in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip, would destine the entire Gaza Strip project Professor Zaki Shalom is a senior researcher at the Ben-Gurion Research Institute for the Study of Israel and Zionism at Ben-Gurion University and a senior research associate at INSS. -
Mitigation of Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms from Chronic Terror Attacks on Southern Israel
Journal of Social, Behavioral, and Health Sciences 2017, Volume 11, Issue 1, Pages 47–64 ©Walden University, LLC, Minneapolis, MN DOI: 10.5590/JSBHS.2017.11.1.03 Mitigation of Posttraumatic Stress Symptoms From Chronic Terror Attacks on Southern Israel Nuriel S. Mor Walden University Kathryn L. Dardeck Walden University Since 2000, the southern Israeli town of Sderot and neighboring rural region, Otef Aza, have been frequently exposed to nearly identical terror attacks by Hamas. While only a small minority of Otef Aza residents have been diagnosed with posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD), more than a third of Sderot residents have been so diagnosed. Factors such as social cohesion and ideology may be the unique factors that protect Otef Aza residents from PTSD; however, a gap in the literature exists as to how these same factors might affect PTSD symptomology in Sderot residents. Orthodox religiosity has also been associated with reduced PTSD symptoms in Sderot; however, previous research on religiosity analyzed demographic characteristics and did not use a measure specifically assessing dimensions of religiosity. The purpose of this quantitative study was to examine the impact of community, ideology, and religiosity on PTSD symptoms among Sderot residents. A survey was distributed to a convenience sample of Sderot residents that 118 participants successfully completed. Standard multiple linear regression revealed that ideology, intrinsic religiosity, nonorganizational religious activity, and fulfillment of needs dimension of sense of community were significant predictors of PTSD symptomatology. Study findings suggested protective factors which could help a large portion of the population. The implications for positive social change for Sderot residents include increased positive interactions, sense of well-being, meaning, and value in their lives. -
Strategic Assessment Vol 18, No 2
Strategic Assessment Assessment Strategic Volume 18 | No. 2 | July 2015 Volume 18 Volume El-Sisi’s First Year as President: Legitimacy, Democracy, and Relations with Israel Ofir Winter El-Sisi and Egypt’s Economic Future: | No. 2 No. Fundamental Challenges, Bold Moves, and High Risks Yitzhak Gal Sinai Militancy and the Threat to International Forces | July 2015 Zack Gold The Implications of the Political Events in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Red Sea for Israeli Maritime Trade Yigal Maor Threats to Stability in Jordan Oded Eran and Eddie Grove “The Decision that Changed History”: Ten Years since the Disengagement from the Gaza Strip Shmuel Even UN Premises as “Cities of Refuge”: The Silence of the Laws of War Daphna Shraga The Arab Citizens in Israel: Current Trends According to Recent Opinion Polls Itamar Radai, Meir Elran, Yousef Makladeh, Maya Kornberg Climate Change and Security: An Israeli Perspective Owen Alterman Strategic ASSESSMENT Volume 18 | No. 2 | July 2015 CONTENTS Abstracts | 3 El-Sisi’s First Year as President: Legitimacy, Democracy, and Relations with Israel | 9 Ofir Winter El-Sisi and Egypt’s Economic Future: Fundamental Challenges, Bold Moves, and High Risks | 21 Yitzhak Gal Sinai Militancy and the Threat to International Forces | 35 Zack Gold The Implications of the Political Events in the Eastern Mediterranean and the Red Sea for Israeli Maritime Trade | 47 Yigal Maor Threats to Stability in Jordan | 59 Oded Eran and Eddie Grove “The Decision that Changed History”: Ten Years since the Disengagement from the Gaza Strip | 73 Shmuel Even UN Premises as “Cities of Refuge“: The Silence of the Laws of War | 89 Daphna Shraga The Arab Citizens in Israel: Current Trends According to Recent Opinion Polls | 101 Itamar Radai, Meir Elran, Yousef Makladeh, Maya Kornberg Climate Change and Security: An Israeli Perspective | 117 Owen Alterman Strategic The purpose of Strategic Assessment is to stimulate and ASSESSMENT enrich the public debate on issues that are, or should be, on Israel’s national security agenda. -
Israeli Settlement in the Occupied Territories
REPORT ON ISRAELI SETTLEMENT IN THE OCCUPIED TERRITORIES A Bimonthly Publication of the Foundation for Middle East Peace Volume 15 Number 2 March-April 2005 ISRAEL READIES RETREAT FROM GAZA AND CREATES NEW FACTS IN THE WEST BANK By Geoffrey Aronson settlers affected by it. Nahum Barnea, whose words appear on Settlers now realize that the disen- page 6 in this issue, noted on February After almost five years of grim deter- gagement train has left the station. All 21, “an authoritative military source, mination and little but promises of but the most fanatical among them [described] this revolutionary change in “blood, sweat, and tears,” Israelis and understand that the settlement enter- the settlers’ position: that after 37 years Palestinians sense the beginning of a prise in Gaza is ending and that the of gnawing away at the power of the new phase in their struggle. For the Gaza Strip will be foreign territory by state, the state is trying to return moment, dialogue and handshakes have year’s end, all the more so if an Israeli- authority to itself.” replaced threats and armed confronta- Egyptian agreement can be reached for Yet disengagement from Gaza does tion. Yet Israelis and Palestinians have Israel’s surrender of the “Philadelphi” not signal the beginning of the end of learned from hard experience that smiles border between Egypt and the Gaza the settlement enterprise—not by a long and vague proclamations can conceal Strip. The most politically astute settlers shot—nor does it portend an irrevocable radically different agendas. continue to oppose the plan not because split between the partisans of settlement Israel’s retreat from the Gaza Strip they believe that it can be stopped—20 on the one hand and Israel’s security- and its redeployment from an undeter- percent of Gaza’s 1,200 settler dwelling political establishment on the other. -
Other Countries: Israel (2006)
Israel \\'11THTHE INTIFADA that began in late 2000 petering out, and the number of Palestinian attacks on Israelis drastically reduced, 2005 was the year of "disengagement," the implementation of Prime Minister riel Sharon's strategy to leave Gaza and four settlements in the north- rn West Bank. Israeli politics during 2005 was largely the story of haron's success in outmaneuvering and overcoming those opposed to erritorial withdrawal, including his dramatic departure from the Likud, which he had largely created, and establishment of a new political party, i, committed to disengagement from heavily Arab areas in the ter- .Thestroke he suffered toward the end of the year, however, raised )ts about his plans and his new party as elections loomed both in Is- and the Palestinian Authority. Liomestically, the "social gap" triggered rising concern. While the gov- mt's free-market policies had undoubtedly boosted Israel's eco- performance and enhanced the prosperity of many Israelis, the of those living in poverty also increased, raising the specter of 1dening disparity between rich and poor. This issue was likely to s important a role in the 2006 national elections as the question of )rial disengagement. ENGAGEMENT: POLITICS AND ' •E MEN TAT ION n Approved iiiucr 16, 2004, Prime Minister Ariel Sharon marked a year te unveiled his plan to disengage from Gaza and some West Bank tts by presenting a status report at the annual Herzliya Confer- 197 198 /AMERICAN JEWISH YEAR BOOK, 2006 ence on National Security. He concluded, "Westand before a window of unique opportunity. Who knows when we will have this opportunity in the future?" Many Israelis, however, especially settlers and those sympathetic to them, were resolved to stop any territorial withdrawal, and a number of rabbis had declared it against Jewish law to remove settlements.