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Denaturalisation of Collective Identities Within Pro-Euromaidan Discourse (On Field of Facebook Representation)

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Denaturalisation of Collective Identities Within Pro-Euromaidan Discourse (On Field of Facebook Representation) Denaturalisation of Collective Identities within pro-Euromaidan Discourse (on field of Facebook Representation) IULIIA SOROKA V.N. KARAZIN KHARKIV NATIONAL UNIVERSITY Abstract: The spreading violence beyond Euromaidan space in Kyiv have be- come one of the main issues of Ukrainian society in winter 2013–2014. For Euromaidan support- ers their relatively safe space of every-day interaction came under pressure of discourse which divided the whole world into “friends and enemies”. The naturalisation of collective identities of Euromaidan supporters and their opponents served the purpose of symbolic struggle and provided the simplified social worldview. The last one is, on the one hand, a useful tool of social mobilisation but, on the other hand, this kind of worldview (simplified, “Black and white”) pro- vokes violence. The topic of this article is a denaturalisation as an opposite strategy which creates the complicated worldview. The research issues of this article are the following: does denaturali- sation exist within pro-Euromaidan discourse; in what kind of discursive strategies and modes does it appear? Online social networks, Facebook in particular, were chosen as a field of study. The research method is traditional analysis of text. The implication of this research is revealing of internal dynamic of pro-Euromaidan discourse. Keywords: denaturalisation, Euromaidan, pro-Euromaidan discourse, symbolic struggle, nominations, online social networks, internal dynamic of pro-Euromaidan discourse. Denaturalisation of Collective Identities within pro-Euromaidan Discourse (on field of Facebook… 45 Introduction sector, colorady4, etc. are the examples of natu- OSNs in discursive dimension is reduced to In other words, we need to use the ap- ralised group (and collective identities) nomi- the circulation of solidarity-building materi- proach which gives ability to interpret rapid Among many questions of the current situa- nations. These group nominations usually fall als and means for sharing interpretation of changes in peoples’ behavior, caused not tion in Ukraine let me focus on the following into two binary oppositions, i.e. people–power actions frame, actors, identities (Dickinson, by dynamics of material condition of their one: why did peaceful protest on Euromaidan and Ukrainian–Russian. Naturalisation helps 2014). I propose to study Facebook in the life, but by the shifts in common meanings. turn into violence (Onuch & Martsenyuk, to legitimise violence, to spread it beyond the context of internal dynamics within the pro- Cultural-symbolic space attracted my atten- 2014; Kulyk, 2014)? This question is mostly immediate place of conflict and to destroy the Euromaidan discourse and as a space of de- tion, because not only it mediates meanings answered from either ideological or psycho- relatively safe space of every-day interaction. ployment of power relationship in the protests and actions, but is also a place of construction logical perspective: some groups or catego- Denaturalisation (Batler, 1990) is an opposite movement. of meanings, creation and reinterpretation ries of people are recognised as aggressive, process which returns complexity to social of symbols, which “lead to” action. Symbolic warlike or dangerous (in case of Euromaidan world and safe space of every-day interaction. Conceptual frame of research space is also a place of struggle between these are “berkut”1 and “Pravyi sector”2 for It is important to emphasize that denaturalisa- The situation in Ukraine in fall 2013 was char- different competing modes of interpretation instance). Another common explanation ap- tion is becoming a part of the pro-Euromaidan acterised by rapid growth of social confronta- of reality (see. symbolic struggle – Bourdieu, peals to geopolitics or money. According to discourse, helping to develop and reinforce tion, aggression and hostility not only in the 1989) and distinct discourses. According to sociological view, action (and violence as such) the correspondent values and ideas. space of Euromaidan in Kyiv and other cities, poststructuralist methodology, used in this is influenced by networks of meanings and Naturalisation as communicative strategy but also in online space and social media. research, changeability of symbolic space is is supported by cultural symbols. Therefore claims to be dominant in public representa- These processes have become a challenge for correlated to a struggle for domination within I propose to study the processes in Ukrainian tion, in pro-Euromaidan discourse in particular. social science, which tried to use concepts of society, and the concept of discursive power symbolic space, i.e. naturalisation and denatu- Denaturalisation can be considered as a kind manipulation, informational war, hate speech, (or power of discourse, knowledge/power ralisation, which influenced the escalation of of resistant against naturalisation. The naturali- xenophobia, etc., for their interpretation. All (Foucault, 1980) is crucial for it. violence. sation–denaturalisation interaction produces of these concepts have their traditions and As we know, functionalists and structuralists Researchers of Euromaidan symbolic space a specific context of symbolic struggle and advantages, but they cannot give complete in sociology considered power as a second- usually define only two competing discourses: internal dynamics of the discourse itself. My interpretation for the particular process and ary element of social life, as a subject–ob- pro-Euromaidan and Anti-Maidan. This view research helps to explain the mechanisms of have essential restriction for using in Ukrainian ject relation and defined it as an intention, corresponds to the binary vision of mass pro- exclusion as a discursive and practical strategy academic and public context. Concept of a will, an ability to achieve some results. test movements, which are supposed to have of mass protests movement, which is recog- manipulation, for example, requires a basic un- Poststructuralists criticise objectivistic vision two opposite camps, standpoints and lan- nised by researchers (Baysha, 2015) as one of derstanding of its potential subjects, “custom- of domination as an analogy of natural forces guages. On the contrary the pro-Euromaidan the most important causes of its failure. ers” and ability to compare distorted image of and subordinates as an obedient machines. discourse seems to have greater diversity and The blogosphere of Euromaidan is consid- reality with its true picture. It is not achievable According to them, power is a type of social dynamics, which are reflected in naturalisation ering in this article as a space of naturalisa- when the links between group of interests are relation of domination, which exercise as and denaturalisation. tion and denaturalisation processes, taking not transparent, events are accelerated and influence, control, governance, manipulation, Naturalisation is a discursive tool of mass OSN (online social networks), Facebook in alternative descriptions of reality are multi- supremacy, etc. Power exists everywhere, in all mobilisation via producing an enemy with the particular, as a specific field of my research. plied. These conditions also restrict using of levels of social interaction – societal, interin- help of a simplified worldview (Barthes, 1972 As a rule OSNs in mass protests movements the informational war concept. Explanation dividual, intergroup and intragroup. Power (1953); Foucault, 1980). Berkut, titushky3, Pravyi (Occupy (US), Tahrir (Turkey), Bolotnaya (RF), of violence through the growth of xenopho- exercises in different strategies of establishing Euromaidan, etc.) are considered to be the bia requires a reliable data of dynamics and of hierarchy including persuasion, coercion, tools of spreading information, mobilising structure of the events participants. We need force, assessment, competence, credibility, supporters and organising logistics (Barbero, time to determine the causes of increasing of charisma, etc. This interpretation of power 1 Disbanded special police unit at the regional Ministry Mezger 2014; Beriro 2014; Cao, Cheong, Li xenophobia, which also limits the interpreta- base on M. Foucault concepts of power/knowl- of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. 2014; Onuch 2014; Szostek 2014). The role of tion of current events. The explanatory poten- edge or discursive power (Foucault, 1980). It 2 Political party. tial of “hate speech” concept is weak, because operates horizontally, regulates interaction 3 Collective term for naming the young people are the representative mode of language is still through knowledge, norms, rules and stand- used secretly for political purposes as a mercenaries 4 Nomination of people who carry “George” ribbon, for the organisation of actions with the use of another naturalised nomination of anti-Ukrainian common, like “objectivism” in understanding ards, which become parts of common sense. physical force. people or anti-Maidan supporters. of social reality. Discursive power is productive: it creates social Denaturalisation of Collective Identities within pro-Euromaidan Discourse (on field of Facebook… 47 reality, establishing groups of people and of social interaction, which aim is to legitimate the signifier gave a foundation to the signified: their messages, become a space of naturalisa- distinction between them by categories of skin such vision (or interpretation) of world and es- the myth exists from the precise moment when tion. For example, huge number of people color, sex, age,
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