Hu Shih's Synthesis of Confu

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ey’s Chinese students, Hu Shih was perhaps The Influence of John the most influential representative of Dewey’s pragmatism during the Chinese Republican Dewey on the Chinese Lit- period (1912-1949). One of the key contribu- erary Revolution: Hu tors to Chinese literary reform, Hu Shih claimed that, starting in 1915, Dewey’s prag- Shih’s Synthesis of Confu- matism became the guide of his life and thinking, as well as the foundation of his philoso- cian Learning and John phy. He furthermore asserted that his idea of Chinese literary revolution was a reflection of Dewey’s Pragmatism pragmatist thought.2 The May Fourth Movement period intro- James Z. Yang duced Western learning (i.e., the ideas of science and democracy) while attacking Confu- Beijing Normal University-Hong Kong Bap- cian tradition. As a student of Dewey and of tist University, United International College pragmatism, Hu Shih supported the group of Chinese Language and Cultural Center Chinese iconoclasts who advocated the slogan “Down with Confucius and sons.”3 In 1919, in his lecture titled, “Dewey’s Experimentalism One of the most fascinating and least publi- (Pragmatism),” Hu Shih publicly criticized the Confucian principles of “Three Cardinal cized aspects of John Dewey’s scholarly work 4 is his influence on Chinese society. Dewey’s Bonds and Five Constant Virtues,” which he claimed obstructed China’s transformation to sojourn to China from 1919 to 1921 provided 5 modern Chinese intellectuals with an unparal- democracy and modern civilization. leled opportunity to disseminate Dewey’s From Hu Shih’s perspective, Dewey’s phi- pragmatism throughout Chinese society. losophy contradicted Confucianism. Never- Throughout the May Fourth/New Cultur- theless, before studying in the United States, al Movement period,1 a group of Chinese educators, most of whom had studied with Dew- 2 Hu Shih, “Self-Introduction,” in Hu Shih’s Diary of ey at Columbia University, strived to apply Studying Abroad (), (Beijing, China: Tong Dewey’s pragmatic philosophy to Chinese so- Xin Press, 2012). cial and cultural reformations. Among Dew- 3 Tse-tsung Chow, The May Fourth Movement: Intellectual Revolution in Modern China, (Cam- bridge: Harvard University Press, 1960), 307. 1 The May Fourth Movement was an anti-imperialist and 4 In Confucianism, the “Three Cardinal Bonds” are as political movement growing out of student protests in follows: “the emperor was the master of his subjects, Beijing on May 4, 1919, against the Treaty of Versailles, the father the master of his sons, and the husband and which allowed Japan to receive territories in Shan- master of his wife.” “The Five Constant Virtues” in- dong from Germany after World War I. Although the clude benevolence, righteousness, propriety, knowledge, movement generated strong political appeal by sparking and sincerity. the sense of a modern nation-state across China, its influence greatly expanded from a mere political appeal to 5 Hu Shih, “Dewey’s Experimentalism a cultural reformation. Thus, by extension, the May (),” in Ou-Yang Zhesheng (Ed.), in Col- Fourth Movement is also called the New Cultural lected Works of Hu Shih, 2, (Beijing: Beijing Universi- Movement, which refers to the period 1919-1928. ty Press, 1998), 223.

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Hu Shih’s education had been steeped in the This philosophy evolved from orthodox Confucian tradition. It therefore seems unlike- Confucianism, which was developed during the ly that Confucian thought would remain en- periods of the Spring and Autumn (770 BCE- tirely absent from Hu Shih’s later work (after 476 BCE) and the Warring States (476 BCE- his time at Columbia). After all, as Dewey’s 221 BCE). During the Song dynasty (960-1279), philosophy suggests that educational experi- Buddhism and Taoism challenged Confucian- ences embody the characteristics of continuity, ism’s privilege, and Neo-Confucianism can be which run through all stages of a person’s life.6 seen as an evolutionary response to this con- In this paper, I illuminate the cross- flict. When elaborating on Confucian ideas, cultural philosophical dynamics that took Neo-Confucians chose to change their scholarly place during the May Fourth period by explor- rhetoric by introducing Buddhist and Taoist ing the ways in which Hu Shih’s literary revo- elements. Historically, the leading figures of lution synthesizes his Confucian educational Neo-Confucianism treated Confucius’s thought experience with Dewey’s pragmatism. In other as the root of their philosophies. As a philo- words, this work seeks to answer a crucial sophical school, Neo-Confucianism is thus a question: How did Hu Shih fuse his Confucian product of the reformation of orthodox Confu- education and his Deweyan learning to bring cianism within China’s changing historical and about a Chinese literary revolution? philosophical circumstances. My inquiry begins with the exploration of After the Song period, two intellectual what Hu Shih learned from his Confu- threads emerged from Neo-Confucianism: the cian/New Confucian educational experience. “School of Principle” and the “School of Next, I will turn to the question of how Hu Mind.” Both schools hold that everything in the Shih bridged the gap between his Confucian universe is a manifestation of the concept education and his Deweyan learning. Last, I “principle” (li), an idea that comes from the analyze how he applied Dewey’s pragmatic Confucian view of cosmology. “Principle” re- philosophy to Chinese literary revolution. fers to the underlying reason and order of na- ture as reflected in its organic forms. More im- New Confucian Father Figure portantly, “principle” in Neo-Confucianism denotes a pattern or order to the whole of the Hu Shih was born in 1891, when China was in cosmos, and this pattern serves as the basis of developing Confucianism’s ethical codes re- the very late stages of the imperial period. His father, Hu Chuan, was a lower ranking official garding hierarchical relationships. and a faithful Neo-Confucian scholar. Hu During the Ming and Qing periods (1368- Shih’s educational journey thus began with a 1644 and 1644-1911, respectively), the School of Principle enjoyed a prestigious position in Neo-Confucian education instilled by his father. Before analyzing Hu Chuan’s influence official ideology. During this time, the School on Hu Shih, it is worth providing a brief dis- of Principle was represented by the Cheng-Zhu cussion of the historical roots of Neo- school, founded by the Neo-Confucian scholars Cheng Yi and Zhu Xi during the Song period Confucianism. (960-1279), which stressed the significance of the “investigation of things and extension of knowledge” in leading students of Confucian- 6 John Dewey, Experience and Education, (New York: Macmillan, 1938).

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ism to an understanding of the essence of prin- downplay the role of religion in human life, alt- ciple.7 hough the philosophical thought absorbed Although Confucian civilization was under- some elements from Taoism and Buddhism. going unprecedented challenges from the West For instance, one of the leading figures of during the late imperial period (1840-1911), the Cheng-Zhu school, Zhu Xi (1130-1200), did Cheng-Zhu school of Neo-Confucianism as an not highly promote the worship of spirits or official ideology still exerted a strong influence offerings to images. Neo-Confucian rites gener- on Chinese society and education. The Cheng- ally were secular, linking people to each other Zhu school enjoyed high popularity among lo- rather than to the divine. In other words, to cal residents of Hu Shih’s hometown in Anhui Neo-Confucians, the purpose of ritual practice Province.8 As a dedicated Neo-Confucian was to maintain an ethical code and hierarchical scholar in Anhui Province, Hu Chuan wrote relations within a human society.10 several books to educate Hu Shih. These works’ In the Analects, Confucius himself tended to primary goal was to teach Confucian ethical pay more attention to human problems than to codes and Neo-Confucian cosmology. metaphysical matters: “not yet being able to According to Hu Chuan’s writings, the uni- serve other people, how would you able to verse and world consist of two concepts from serve the spirit . . . Not yet understanding life, ancient cosmology, qi (vital force) and li (prin- how could you understand death?”11 The secu- ciple), instead of ghosts and devils, as claimed lar confusion people face in the real world is in popular understandings of Buddhist and Ta- always one of the most important concerns in oist teachings. The Neo-Confucian father be- Confucius’s philosophical thought. lieved that all things are brought into being by In their introduction to the Analects, Ames the union qi and li, meaning that it is impossible and Rosemont state that Confucianism’s “ab- for supernatural beings to exist at all. Because sence of an essential religious orientation to life of his firm standpoint on Neo-Confucianism, rendered secular education, as a form of human Hu Chuan not only strongly objected to any effort toward the achievement of the aims of form of religious activities in his family, but al- life, that much more imperative.”12 For in- so formulated strict family regulations to sepa- stance, in the Analects, the Master further said, rate his family from the influence of Buddhism “the expression ‘sacrifices as though present’ is and Taoism.9 taken to mean ‘sacrifice to the spirit as though Hu Chuan’s deeds and writings truly em- the spirits are present’ ... if I myself do not par- bodied Neo-Confucianism’s view of religion. In ticipate in the sacrifice, it is as though I have fact, Neo-Confucianism’s founders tended to not sacrificed at all.”13 In other words, Confu- cius’s philosophy did not center at all on a study of religion. Overall, both Confucian and 7 Tianyu Feng, Jiming Zhou, and Xiaoming He, The His- Neo-Confucian scholars held the view that an tory of Chinese Culture (), (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 1990). ethical practice would produce correct action 8 Zhaojun Zhang, Neo-Confucianism and Classic Learnings between Late Qing and Early Republican Period 10 Feng, Zhou, & He, History. (), (Beijing: Shang Wu Press, 11 Confucius, The Analects of Confucius, translated by 2006). Roger T. Ames and Henry Rosemont, Jr., (New York: Ballantine Books, 1999), 144. 9 Hu Shih, Autobiography of My Forty Years (), 12 Confucius, Analects, 85. (Beijing: Zhuo Guo Hua Qiao Press, 1994). 13 Confucius, Analects, 85.

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irrespective of belief, and this eventually devel- to leave their hometown to make a living. While oped into an atheistic stance. fulfilling the custom of shou jie, Hu Shih’s Hu Chuan’s Neo-Confucian ideas had a mother actively participated in domestic wom- deep influence on Hu Shih’s thinking. Although en’s practice of Chinese Buddhism. Therefore, Hu Shih criticized Confucianism’s ethical codes Hu Shih was exposed to the religious activities during the period of the May Fourth/New Cul- of his mother and other females. Although he tural Movement, he embraced his father’s rejec- had already learned from his father the basic tion of the worship of supernatural beings, a teachings of Neo-Confucian atheistic thought, stance that stemmed from his Neo-Confucian he was still frequently terrified by Chinese Bud- perspective: dhism’s many ghosts and demons, which the women of his family discussed.16 My father had no chance to be exposed to However, Hu Shih’s classical education the influence of modern natural science. eventually unyoked him from the shackles of However, his emphasis upon the ideas of li superstition. One day at the age of eleven, Hu and qi from Neo-Confucianism was helpful Shih had a meaningful encounter with the writ- to get rid of many ideas of superstition. ings of Sima Guang (1019-1086). Sima Guang Furthermore, the Cheng-Zhu school always was one of the pioneers of Neo-Confucianism advocated gewu qiongli (the investigation of during the Northern Song Dynasty (960-1127). things and extension of knowledge), which He is best remembered as a key contributor to somewhat matches the spirit of modern sci- the historical masterwork Comprehensive Mirror to ence.14 Aid in Government (zi zhi tong jian). In his autobiography, Hu Shih clearly doc- Hu Shih obviously recognized his father’s Neo- uments how Sima Guang’s sayings enlightened Confucian atheism as a cultural asset in classic him as he read a paragraph of family precepts Chinese learning, and it is clear that this was written in this work: conducive to his intellectual growth. According to Sima Guang, the spirit was The Way to Atheism, and gone away once the human body died. As a result, it is useless to pay any sacrifice and Dewey’s Pragmatism memorial ritual to a ghost and spirit…. [A]fter repeatedly reviewing this passage, I Even though Hu Shih’s father made great ef- suddenly jumped with a great happiness!17 forts to create a Neo-Confucian atheistic at- mosphere for his family, the family members After that revelation, Hu Shih was no longer influenced by his thought were mainly the afraid of evil spirits, and he began to question males, because Chinese women’s observance of the existence of hell in Chinese Buddhism. Neo-Confucianism was typically limited to His writings further recorded a historical maintaining a chaste widowhood (shou jie).15 moment during his educational journey: After Hu Chuan died, when Hu Shih was still a little boy, all adult males in the family had

14 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 136. 16 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 40 15 Zhang, Neo-Confucianism and Classic Learnings. 17 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 40.

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One day I read a famous paragraph from the story of devils and ghosts in hell.”21 During On the Annihilation of the Soul (shen mie lun) by the May Fourth Period, as a young professor at Fan Zhen18 (450-515), which was cited Beijing University, Hu Shih further decried from Sima Guang in Comprehensive Mirror to Christianity as a cultural liability with a perni- Aid in Government. “The body is the sub- cious effect on Chinese education.22 stance of the soul; the soul is the effect of Hu Shih’s Neo-Confucian learning laid a the body. That means the body refers to the solid psychological and cultural foundation on substance. The soul to the substance is like which he constructed his lifelong and unfavor- sharpness to a blade; the body to the effect able view of religion, a perspective that colored is like a blade to its sharpness. However, his approach to educational reform. It is im- there is no blade without its sharpness, and portant to realize that in Hu Shih’s view, Dew- no sharpness without blade ...”19 ey’s outlook on religion became a key factor linking Hu Shih with Deweyan pragmatism: Fan Zhen’s argument eventually led Hu Shih to become an atheist. He recalled that “these thir- The reason that I became obsessive in ty-five Chinese words from Fan Zhen, cited by [Dewey’s] philosophy was perhaps because Sima Guang, completely drove out all ghosts his view of religion was the most moderate and spirits in my mind. Since then I became a in contrast with other pragmatists. Dewey person disbelieving any supernatural beings.” sharply criticized William James. To be He further concluded: “it was very surprising honest, I never enjoyed reading James’s The that Sima Guang’s Comprehensive Mirror to Aid in Will to Believe. I per se was one of the per- Government had a great impact on my religious sons who lacked “the will to believe.” belief, so that I was completely converted to be Therefore, Dewey’s instrumentalism-related atheist.”20 thought, more based on science instead of Evidently, the atheistic aspect of Neo- religion, greatly attracted me.23 Confucianism was of great benefit in developing Hu Shih’s view of religion. During his life- Indeed, Dewey’s From Absolutism to Experi- time, Hu Shih took a very critical view of Chi- mentalism indicates his reluctant attitude toward nese Buddhism. After studying in the United religion: States, he even criticized Christianity based on his experiences with Chinese Buddhism. For I do not mention this theological and intui- instance, in his diary on October 12, 1912, Hu tional phase because it had [no] lasting in- Shih wrote down his thoughts in response to a fluence upon my own development, except speech made by a Methodist minister: his “views were preposterous and confused, re- 21 sembling a Chinese village woman discussing Hu Shih, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad (), (Beijing: Tong Xin Press, 2012), 49.

22 Hu Shih, “The Difficulties that Church Schools in China Meet Today (),” in Col- 18 Fan Zhen was a Confucian pioneer who argued against lected Writings of Hu Shih, 14, (Taipei: Yuan Liu Press, Buddhism during the period of the Southern and North- 1986), 235. ern Dynasties (420-589). 23 Hu Shih, An Autobiography: As Told by Hu Shih 19 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 40. (), edited and translated by To Tekong, 20 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 41. (Taipei: Yuan Liu Press, 2010), 134.

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negatively. I learned the terminology of an ties between the two philosophical systems in- intuitional philosophy, but it did not go spired Hu Shih to approach and adopt his form deep, and in no way did it satisfy what I was of pragmatism. In short, Dewey’s view of reli- dimly reaching for.24 gion was quite compatible with Hu Shih’s cultural psychology stemming from Confucianism Moreover, in A Common Faith, Dewey made and Neo-Confucianism. Therefore, Hu Shih additional efforts to retain religious values while saw both Dewey’s perspective on religion and removing the indefensible belief in the super- Confucianism’s atheistic stance as cultural as- natural. In Dewey’s view, belief in the super- sets, although they came from different educa- natural clearly was not reasonable in the mod- tional traditions. When approaching Dewey’s ern world. A Common Faith showed that, for pragmatism, Hu Shih was wise enough to build Dewey, human intellectual life must progress a bridge between these two cultural assets of from traditional religious practice to the im- China and the West. provement of knowledge and understanding: Scientific Spirit and the Confu- It is this active relation between ideal and actual to which I would give the name cian School of Evidential “God.” I would not insist that the name Investigation must be given. There are those who hold

that the associations of the term with the In addition to exploring Neo-Confucianism’s supernatural are so numerous and close that atheistic worldview, it also worth examining any use of the word “God” is sure to give the role of Confucian School of Evidential rise to misconception and be taken as a 25 Investigation (pu xue) in Hu Shih’s approach concession to traditional ideas. to Dewey’s pragmatism. The School of Evi- dential Investigation originated during the Although his argument did not completely ex- Qing dynasty (1644-1911). Under Manchu press an atheistic stance, Dewey’s philosophy rule, the policy of literary inquisition by the tended to emphasize observing and understand- court forced Chinese scholars to avoid criti- ing human experience in an earthly society. cal inquiry into Confucian classic canons and In this respect, Confucianism and Dewey’s politics. Hence, most of them had to find a pragmatic philosophy share a similar common “safe” subject to study.26 ground. Because Confucianism evolved into During the period of the Qianglong Neo-Confucianism after the Northern Song (1711-1799) and the Jiaqing emperors (1760- dynasty, the ultimate concern of Neo- 1820), an increasing number of Chinese Confucian scholars was still closely associated scholars concentrated on the School of Evi- with human affairs. These significant similari- dential Investigation, which emphasized a concrete analysis of Confucian classic texts. 24 John Dewey, “From Absolutism to Experi- Through careful study of the classic books mentalism,” in George P. Adams and William and ancient relics, Confucian scholars inter- Pepperell Montague (Eds.), Contemporary Amer- ican Philosophy: Personal Statements, (New York: Macmillan, 1930), 13-27. 26 Benjamin A. Elman, From Philosophy to Philology: Intellec- 25 John Dewey, A Common Faith, (New Haven: Yale Uni- tual and Social Aspects of Change in Late Imperial China, versity Press, 1934), 28. (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1984).

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rogated their authenticity, interpolations, and More importantly, as Hu Shih came to exact meanings. adopt Dewey’s ideas, he began to consider The grand axiom of the School of Evi- the connection between the ancient School dential Investigation was to use evidence and of Evidential Investigation and the modern logical reasoning to determine the truth in scientific method. Hu Shih was inclined to the facts. The school embodied the classic regard Dewey’s thought as a practical meth- methodology of researching classic canons. od for useful leaning. For example, when During the Qing period, familiarity with the studying Dewey’s How We Think in the Unit- School of Evidential Investigation’s teach- ed States, Hu Shih tried to interpret the sci- ings was prevalent among the Chinese intel- entific features of the book from a pragmatic lectual class. Most members of the May perspective. To his understanding, this book Fourth generation received training in this aimed to expound how people can solve scholarship when growing up during the late puzzling problems using scientific thinking Qing period, and Hu Shih was no excep- by formulating hypotheses, gathering and tion.27 analyzing evidence, and using inductive rea- Before coming to the United States, Hu soning. Shih gradually developed a strong interest in Hu Shih thus believed that the Confucian the School of Evidential Investigation School of Evidential Investigation shared through his study of the Thirteen Classics of characteristics with Dewey’s ideas. When Chinese Literature ().28 Even dur- discussing the influence of How We Think on ing his seven years of study in the United his thought, Hu Shih writes: States, the young Chinese scholar spent con- siderable time writing essays focusing on the Dewey’s method of thinking helps me classic school. For instance, based on his understand the procedure of normal sci- training from the School of Evidential Inves- entific research. His idea also helps me tigation, Hu Shih wrote an excellent article understand the methodology of ancient examining the true meaning of certain words scholarship in China for the last three in the Classic of Songs, the earliest collection of hundred years, such as the fields of tex- ancient Chinese poetry, written between tology and exegetics. I translated the to- 1046 and 771 BCE. While studying in the tality of these classic learnings into Eng- United States, he examined many classic lish as “The School of Evidential Inves- works covering the canons of Daoism, Chi- tigation” ... I was the first one who found nese Legalism, Confucianism, and other tra- a common ground between modern sci- ditional approaches of the Pre-Qin period.29 entific law and ancient Chinese textology and exegetics. Dewey’s thought led to my 30 27 Ou-Yang Zhesheng, Historical Interpretation of the May conclusion. Fourth Movement (), (Taipei: Show- wei Information Co, Ltd, 2011). During the May Fourth/New Cultural peri- 28 A famous Qing dynasty collection of thirteen Confu- od, in his famous article titled. “The Re- cian canons edited by Ruan Yuan (1764-1849), together search Ways of the Scholars of Qing Peri- with Confucian scholars’ commentaries. 29 Ying-shih Yu, Hu Shih in Retrospect: Rethinking of Hu Shih’s Life and Thinking (), (Shanghai: San Lian Press, 2012). 30 Hu, An Autobiography, 138-139.

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od,”31 Hu Shih wrote that the strength of the with regard to theories about research methods. Qing scholars’ School of Evidential Investi- He regarded the School of Evidential Investiga- gation lies in the fact that they knew how to tion as a cultural asset of Confucian scholar- formulate a hypothesis and were aware of the ship, which led him to embrace the scientific importance of using evidence to prove their law of Dewey’s philosophy. Moreover, in con- hypotheses. Hu Shih therefore concluded trast with the classic academic school, Hu Shih that the classic school embraced modern sci- judged Dewey’s conception of scientific entific values. thought as more “useful” because it could re- Hu Shih expressed the Qing scholars’ solve all problems in human society. Following methodology in one sentence: “Bring up hy- this conviction, Hu Shih believed that only veri- pothesis bravely while proving it carefully.”32 fiable scientific methods could be applied into Interestingly, he made a similar comment Chinese social reality.35 about Dewey’s pragmatism: More to the point, Hu Shih preferred to view Dewey’s scientific insight with an eye to- John Dewey provided us with a philosophy ward Confucian education’s notion of “learning of thinking, treated thinking as an art, as of practical use to society.” This classic idea well as a skill . . . I found out that this skill emphasized the conviction that learning should was applicable to both natural science and serve the government’s interests by contrib- historical science . . . The substance of this uting to the resolution of social and political skill is located in the conviction to bring up problems. For instance, when talking about ed- hypothesis bravely while proving it careful- ucation in the arts of poetry, Confucius com- ly.33 mented:

During his later years, when discussing the gen- If people can recite all of the three hundred erality of scientific law, Hu Shih further stated: Songs and yet when given official responsi- bility, fail to perform effectively, or when During recent decades, I always simplified sent to distant quarters, are unable to act on scientific law as the formula of “Bring up their own initiatives, then even though they hypothesis bravely while proving it careful- have mastered so many of them, what good ly.” I acknowledged that my understanding are they to them?36 of all procedures of scientific law highly de- pended on Dewey’s instruction. In fact, Confucian education was not inclined to en- both the East (China) and the West share courage learning merely for the sake of learn- the same perspectives of research meth- ing. Instead, Confucian scholars believed that ods.34 education should serve political and social goals. Apparently, Hu Shih believed that there was a Most Confucian scholars, even if they were common ground between China and the West not government officials, focused on the good of the nation. They dedicated themselves to 31 The original title of this piece was “The Scientific Re- scholarship and moral teachings in order to search Way of the Scholars of Qing Period.” 32 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 303. 33 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 18. 35 Yu, Hu Shih in Retrospect, 197. 34 Hu, An Autobiography, 139-140. 36 Confucius, Analects, 58-78.

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benefit society. Consequently, as a pragmatic branch of Confucian education, the idea of Hu Shih’s Application of Dewey’s “learning of practical use to society” paid con- siderable attention to harmonizing and Pragmatism to the Literary strengthening the state by applying “useful” Revolution knowledge from the classic learning to Chinese 37 social reality. In particular, when China lost its On the surface, the central mission of the liter- sovereignty and territories to Western invasions ary revolution was to supplement the classic in the late 1800s, millions of Chinese scholars written literary style with Chinese spoken lan- were inspired by the idea of “learning of practi- guage (vernacular language) as a written medi- cal use to society” to discover “useful” um for scholarship and all communication pur- knowledge to achieve the goal of national salva- poses. In essence, as Hu Shih pointed out, tion. overthrowing the classic written language’s It is worth noting that the idea of “learning dominance over the Chinese people would be of practical use to society” also led Hu Shih to very useful to emancipate their thoughts from approach Deweyan learnings. Hu Shih ex- the restrictions of ancient culture, custom, and pressed his desire for discovering useful learn- character.39 ing in one of his diaries while studying in the In order to justify his advocacy of Chinese United States: vernacular language literature, Hu Shih con- nected his cause of literary reformation with Learning what my country urgently needs is Darwinian language. In his diary essay of July 6, not a novel theory or profound philosophy, 1916, titled “Making a Comparison between but a system of knowledge which can be Classical Writing and Vernacular Language,” practically useful for education, social cus- Hu Shih wrote that “for classical writing, the toms, and government method in China. In spreading of vernacular language is not the re- my view, there are three forms of learning sult of degeneration, but of evolution.”40 More which can be miraculous for Chinese socie- significantly, Hu Shih wisely realized a powerful ty: the method of induction, a historical 38 educational motivation behind the Chinese lit- horizon, and an evolutionary view. erary revolution movement. He saw the Chinese vernacular as more Here, the precept of “learning of practical use than an expedient instrument for communi- to society” became a philosophical driving cating with the semi-literate and teaching the force behind Hu Shih’s access to Western illiterate. Therefore, an important objective of learning. More interestingly, it turns out that the literary reformation was to democratize ed- Dewey’s philosophy embraces these three ucation. While still at Columbia University in forms of learning. Therefore, it is not surprising 1916, Hu Shih asserted that “literature should that Hu Shih became one of Dewey’s faithful not be the private possession of a few educated devotees. elites, but should be accessible to the great ma-

37 Tianyu Feng, The Essence of Classic Chinese Canons (), (Shanghai: Shanghai People’s Press, 1994). 39 Chow, The May Fourth Movement. 38 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Year, 167. 40 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 531.

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jority in a nation.41” During the period of the ical and governmental arrangement.44 In his May Fourth/New Cultural Movement, Hu Shih 1919 lecture in China on “Education in De- emphasized this point more explicitly: mocracy,” Dewey stated that education in the modern period should not be the privilege of a We have realized at last that certain things chosen few, but an indispensable right to which must be given up if Chinese is to live. If we every citizen is entitled.45 In other words, the really want education, general and universal purpose of education was to improve the education, we must first have a new lan- common people’s well-being.46 guage, a language which can be used and As Dewey’s educational ideas resonated in understood by tongue and ear and pen, and Hu Shih’s thoughts, his scientific wisdom also which will be a living language for the peo- contributed to his idea of the Chinese literary ple. For years and years we tried to have revolution. As discussed above, one of the education, but we feared to use the spoken most influential ideas that Hu Shih learned language.42 from Dewey was the notion that science is a useful method or instrument that can efficiently Clearly, Hu Shih’s promotion of Chinese ver- solve all problems in human lives. It therefore nacular reflected his advocacy of common edu- makes sense that Hu Shih attempted to extend cation in China. this idea to his Chinese vernacular movement, Furthermore, his view of education aligned inferring that Chinese literature can be exam- with his understanding of Dewey’s educational ined using the scientific method. thought. In one of his writings, Hu Shih re- When arguing with some of his Chinese marked, “a key contribution from Dewey’s ed- friends in the United States, who defended the ucational philosophy was to reform educational classic literary style, Hu Shih put forth this posi- system and theory, which was derived from tion: class society. His educational theory aimed to generate the men of talent for a civil society.”43 The history of Chinese literature is simply Indeed, the heart of Dewey’s philosophy of ed- the history of the slow substitution of out- ucation was the importance of preparing stu- moded forms by new literary forms (in- dents for democratic citizenship. struments) ... The vitality of literature de- In Democracy and Education, Dewey argued pends entirely upon its ability to express the that improving common education would lead sentiments and thoughts of given period all members of a society to embrace democracy with a living medium. When the medium as a mode of “associated living” and “conjoint has become ossified, a new and vital one communication experience,” not simply a polit- must be substituted for it: this is “literary

44 John Dewey, Democracy and Education, in Jo Ann Boydston (Ed.), The Middle Works of John Dewey, 9, (Car- 41 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 538. bondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1981). 42 Hu Shih, “The Renaissance in China,” in Chou Chih- 45 John Dewey, “Education in Democracy,” in Yuan Ping (Ed.), English Writing of Hu Shih, (Beijing: Foreign Gang, Sun Jiaxiang, and Rn Bingang (Eds.), Democracy Language Teaching and Research Press, 2012), 28. and Modern Society: John Dewey’s Lecture in China 43 Hu Shih, “John Dewey’s Educational Idea,” in Zhang (), (Beijing: Baogui (Ed.), John Dewey and China, (Shi Jiazhuang: Hebei Beijing University Press, 2004), 354. People Press, 2012), 131. 46 Dewey, “Education in Democracy,” 353.

revolution” ... Therefore, we can say that all vernacular can be used to write Chinese the literary revolutions in history have been prose by an experimental method or not.50 revolutions in literary instruments.47 In his diary on August 21 of the same year, To support his advocacy of literary refor- after listing the eight necessary prerequisites mation, Hu Shih therefore adopted Dewey’s for the literary revolution, Hu Shih made a claim that science, with its emphasis on ex- strong connection between the scientific perimentation and facts, could be applied to method and Chinese literature reformation, all aspects of social reality. again emphasizing that the “Chinese ver- His diaries from his time in the United nacular language will be my own laboratory States frequently displayed his efforts to ap- to examine the applicability of new Chinese ply the scientific method to reforming Chi- literature.”51 nese literature. On July 30, 1916, Hu Shih More than 20 years later, Hu Shih made articulated his idea of Chinese literary refor- this point clearer while explaining his mation: thoughts about Chinese literature reformation. As he recalled: The question of whether Chinese vernacular language can be used to create The reason why I made a decision to ex- poetry or not depends greatly upon our amine the feasibility of vernacular lan- efforts to find answers. It is impossible guage poetry is because of the triggering to find out the way of resolving this of the debates between I and my friends, problem from ancient Chinese scholars . as well as the influence of pragmatic phi- . . Instead, we need to examine it through losophy on me. Dewey’s pragmatism a scientific method. Why don’t we try for teaches us: any theory should be only a another time after the first failure? If we hypothesis before it is under scrutiny ... truly follow scientific spirit, we are not My thought about vernacular literature is supposed to give up our efforts if we on- indeed a hypothesis. One part of the hy- ly fail once.48 pothesis, such as traditional novel and opera, has already been examined by our Moreover, on August 4, 1916, Hu Shih wrote in history. Nevertheless, vernacular poetry his diary: ... still needs to be testified. Therefore, I am willing to apply the theory of pragma- Shi Nai’an and Cao Xueqing49 already tism into the verification of the feasibility proved the fact that Chinese vernacular lan- of Chinese vernacular poetry ... As a re- guage can be used to write novels. Nowa- sult, I call the book of my vernacular po- days we need to examine whether Chinese etry Tentative Proposal.52

47 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 105. During his later years, Hu Shih again recalled 48 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 555. the influence of Dewey’s pragmatism upon his 49 Shi Naian (1296-1372) is the author of The Story of Water Margin (), one of the four greatest classic novels of Chinese literature. Cao Xueqin (1715-1763) is 50 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 558. the author of Dream of the Red Chamber (), anoth- 51 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 558. er of the four greatest classic novels. 52 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 124-125.

proposal of the Chinese literary revolution. In Hu Shih, the Chinese vernacular language his discussion of Tentative Proposal, he main- movement succeeded in revolutionizing all the tained that: school texts, and it also made the school life of millions of children easier than that of their this book [Tentative Proposal] obviously indi- fathers. Simultaneously, the spread of the Chi- cates the impact of John Dewey’s pragma- nese spoken language gave the nation’s youth tism on me, so that I tried to apply his a new channel for expressing their emotions pragmatism into Chinese literary revolu- and ideas.55 It is perhaps accurate to say that tion. According to this school, any theory the triumph of the Chinese vernacular lan- should be a hypothesis before we examine guage during the May Forth/New Cultural it. Only experiment is the sole criteria of period was a result of Hu Shih’s absorption of inspecting the truth.53 Dewey’s pragmatism.56 In Hu Shih’s view, Chinese literature is not Inspired by Dewey’s ideas, Hu Shih endeav- created for the sake of literature itself: “I be- ored in practice to bring Chinese literature into lieve that literature should be closely related to contact with modern scientific standards. For humans’ real life. Only literature that deeply Hu Shih, in Chinese history, the great writers, influences social reality and people’s minds the people, the street singers, the rustic lovers, can enjoy permanent honor.”57 Hu Shih em- and the tavern entertainers have all accepted phasizes that the rise of England, France, Italy, and used this living language to express their and Germany benefited from the emergence feelings and their aims, but there had been in of new literature and new values in those the past no conscious experimentation to countries. Likewise, the literary revolution was adopt the vernacular language, no conscious also conducive to the cause of national salva- experimentation to defend it.54 tion in China.58 Apparently, the ultimate goal Therefore, the leaders of the literary revo- of Hu Shih’s dedication to the Chinese literary lution, including Hu Shih, tried to meet this revolution was to strengthen and empower need by resolving never to write anything ex- China. cept in this new language. In addition, while writing Tentative Proposal, Hu Shih gradually extended his experiments to novels, prose, and opera. During the period of the May Fourth/New Cultural Movement, influenced by Hu Shih, an increasing number of young 55 Hu, “The Renaissance in China,” 29. writers succeeded in producing presentable 56 However, the literary reformation’s effect on progress specimens of literary experiment. in Chinese society was also a legacy left by earlier Confu- As a result, directed by scientific proce- cian scholars. For instance, within both the Tang and dure from Dewey’s pragmatism, the Literary Ming dynasties, Confucian literati made painstaking efforts to reform the literary style in order to purify Chi- Revolution Movement eventually established nese people’s character and strengthen Confucian codes. the legitimacy of the Chinese spoken language Literature’s duty to serve only instructive moral and polit- in all aspects of Chinese society. According to ical purposes was implemented by ancient scholars. In other words, Chinese literature embraced the idea of “learning of practical use to society.” 53 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 204. 57 Hu, Hu Shih’s Diary of Studying Abroad, 538. 54 Hu, “The Renaissance in China,” 29. 58 Hu, Autobiography of My Forty Years, 2012.

Conclusion During his later years, Hu Shih again con-

firmed his practical perspective regarding By way of conclusion, it is appropriate here to Dewey’s thought: “My variety of works of remark on several significant implications. Chinese thought and history revolve around Dewey’s pragmatism, filtered by Hu Shih, ex- the idea of ‘method,’ which actually has domi- erted a strong impact on the May nated all of my writings for forty years. Basi- Fourth/New Cultural Movement period. As cally speaking, this idea definitely benefited my research demonstrates, Hu Shih’s dedica- 60 from John Dewey’s influence.” tion to Dewey’s pragmatism was not merely In light of this argument, Hu Shih simpli- the result of Western education’s influence. In fied Dewey’s pragmatic philosophy using the fact, his Confucian educational experiences notion of “instrument,” which can deal with a virtually forged a solid foundation on which diversity of problems. As a result, Hu Shih’s Chinese intellectuals and educators learned access to Dewey’s philosophy showed his per- from Dewey’s philosophy. Both Neo- spective of “philosophical instrumentalism.” Confucian atheistic ideals and the Confucian As noted above, during Dewey’s visit, the School of Evidential Investigation provided Confucian legacy and foreign ideas competed connections that enabled Hu Shih to approach and interacted in Chinese society. Consequent- Dewey’s philosophy. Simultaneously, the no- ly, it is not surprising that many Chinese intel- tion of “learning of practical use to society” in lectuals, including some who had attacked Confucianism became a driving force behind Confucian tradition, explored a pathway to- Hu Shih’s introduction of Dewey’s philosophy ward synthesizing their Confucian education to China. and Western learnings, whether intentionally Consequently, for Hu Shih, Western learn- or not. By examining the ways in which Hu ing, in particular Dewey’s philosophy, became Shih traversed between his Confucian and a useful method to holistically resolve social Deweyan learnings in order to transport Dew- and political crises in Chinese society. In this ey’s philosophy to Chinese literary refor- way, Hu Shih’s Confucian education and his mation, scholars may understand how Chinese Deweyan learning both serve a utilitarian goal. educators during the May Fourth period navi- He believed that the value of any form of edu- gated the relationship between their Confucian cation resided in its useful for China. past and their Deweyan learning in their ef- When Dewey departed China for the forts to reform Chinese society. United States in July 1921, Hu Shih wrote:

Dr. Dewey did not leave us some special James Z. Yang is an assistant professor of the Chinese ideas, such as Communism, Anarchism, Language and Culture Center at Beijing Normal the idea of free love, etc. The only thing University-Hong Kong Baptist University United he gave us is a way of philosophic thinking, so that we can use this method to resolve our specific problems. We call this ( ),” in Yuan Gang, Sun Jiaxiang, and 59 Ren Bingang (Eds.), Democracy and Modern Society: Dewey’s way pragmatism. Lecture in China (), (Beijing: Beijing University Press, 2004), 743. 59 Hu Shih, “Mr. Dewey and China 60 Hu, An Autobiography, 135.

International College. James earned his Ph.D. from Jeannine Rainbolt College of Education at the Univer- sity of Oklahoma in 2016. Before pursuing his doc- toral studies, Dr. Yang received his master’s degree from the Department of Political Science at the same institution. His research interests focus on a compara- tive study between the educational philosophies of Con- fucius and John Dewey, Chinese intellectual history, and education and culture of the Chinese republican period. He is also very interested in studying how education can shape citizen’s national identity and the interaction of education and nationalism.