The Kingdom of Arpad (Bit Agusi) and 'All Aram': International Relations in Northern Syria in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries B

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Kingdom of Arpad (Bit Agusi) and 'All Aram': International Relations in Northern Syria in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries B 66doi: 10.2143/ANES.44.0.2022826 DAN'EL KAHN ANES 44 (2007) 66–89 The Kingdom of Arpad (Bit Agusi) and ‘All Aram': International Relations in Northern Syria in the Ninth and Eighth Centuries BCE Dan'el KAHN Department of Jewish History University of Haifa Haifa 31905 ISRAEL E-mail: [email protected] Abstract* The role of Bit Agusi1 in the politics of ninth–eighth centuries BCE in Northern Syria is surveyed. Seven stages in the existence of the Kingdom of Bit Agusi are identified. In stage 1 (858–ca. 842 BCE) Bit Agusi apparently had no political alliances with its neighbors. In stage 2 (841– 823 BCE) Bit Agusi was subjugated to Assyria. In stage 3 Bit Agusi led the opposition against the Assyrian hegemony and became independent from ca. 823 at the earliest. Stage 4 is characterized by the supremacy of Aram-Damascus between 823 at the earliest and 805 at the lat- est. In Stage 5 (ca.800–754 BCE) the rise of the Kingdom of Hamath-and- Lu‘ash in the south until 754 BCE and of Urartu in the North are surveyed. In stage 6 (754–744 BCE) Bit Agusi rose to prominence and probably controlled Hamath. In stage 7 (743–740 BCE) Assyria subdued Bit Agusi, and reduced it into an Assyrian province. * I thank Dr. N. Wazana from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and Prof. B. Oded from the University of Haifa for helpful comments on earlier drafts. All mistakes are my re- sponsibility. 1 The term Bit Agusi designates the Kingdom in Northern Syria, which was founded by the eponymous father Agusi (Gush in Aramaic). In the early ninth century BCE its capital probably was Arne. The terms Bit Agusi and the Kingdom of Arpad become interchangeable after the capital of Bit Agusi moved from Arne to Arpad. THE KINGDOM OF ARPAD (BIT AGUSI) AND ‘ALL ARAM' 67 Introduction The purpose of this paper is to survey the role of (Bit Agusi) Arpad in the politics of ninth–eighth centuries BCE in Northern Syria. Several stages in the development of the Kingdom of Arpad are identified. In stage 1 Bit Agusi is a relatively independent state. Arame, its second king submitted to Assyria freely in 858 BCE and did not participate in subversive alliances. In stage 2 Bit Agusi was subjugated to Assyria as was the rest of northern Syria and southern Anatolia. In stage 3 Bit Agusi led the opposition to the Assyrian weakened hegemony and became independent from ca. 823 at the earliest. Stage 4 is characterized by the supremacy of Hazael, King of Aram- Damascus from 823 at the earliest and 805 at the latest. In Stage 5 (ca. 800– 754 BCE) the rise of the Kingdom of Hamath-and-Lu‘ash in the south and of Urartu in the North influenced the status of Bit Agusi and the Assyrian ability to be involved in the Levant. After a few Assyrian campaigns against Hazrak (capital of Lu‘ash) its hegemony was broken. The Kingdom of Arpad (Bit Agusi) could rise and thrive (stage 6: 754–744 BCE). Now Arpad could incorporate or be in close confederation with Hamath, creat- ing a new entity, which was designated “all Aram”. This can be inferred from the Sefîre treaty concluded between Bar-Ga’yah, King of KTK, and Mati‘-ilu, son of ‘Attarsumki, King of Arpad. In the final stage (stage 7) of the history of Arpad, Tiglath-Pileser III campaigned four years against Arpad, the capital of Bit Agusi, (743–740 BCE) until it was conquered and was reduced into a province of the Assyrian empire. 1. ‘Oh Sole Mio!’ – Bit Agusi's Independent Policy (858 – ca. 842 BCE) Shalmaneser III, King of Assyria (858–824 BCE), like his father Ashur- nasirpal II, conducted military campaigns to the west.2 During his first campaign in 858, Shalmaneser crossed the Euphrates and encountered fierce opposition by Sam'al, Patinu, Bit Adini and Carchemish and later on by Que, Khilaku and Yasbuqu. Kummukh and Gurgum submitted freely and AD-rame/Arame, King of Bit Agusi submitted after the defeat of the allied forces.3 The following year (857) Bit Agusi adopted a policy of ‘sitting on the fence’, but finally paid tribute, as did Umqi (Patinu), Gurgum and 2 For the texts of the campaigns of Shalmaneser III to the West, see: Grayson 1996, pp. 7– 151; Yamada 2000, pp. 420–421. 3 Grayson 1996, pp. 16–17; Contra Yamada 2000, pp. 98 and 118 I find no evidence of active involvement of Arame of Bit-Agusi in the Anti-Assyrian Coalition at the battle of Alimush in 858 BCE. 68 DAN'EL KAHN Sam'al, after the defeat of Bit Adini and Carchemish.4 Bit Agusi did not pay a yearly tribute as the other kingdoms did. In 856 the kings of the Sea- coast and the Euphrates paid tribute to Shalmaneser III. The kingdom of Bit Agusi possibly also paid.5 In 853 Shalmaneser received tribute from Bit Agusi together with the Neo-Hittite states. Shalmaneser proceeded to Aleppo (which probably did not belong to Bit Agusi).6 It submitted with- out a fight. Shalmaneser then encountered the Syrian coalition headed by Adad‘idri, King of Damascus, and Irhuleni, King of Hamath, and his ad- vance into Syria was halted. In 849 and 8487 Shalmaneser met opposition in Carchemish and Bit Agusi, which had submitted previously and had to conquer them again. No north-Syrian Neo-Hittite coalition confronted Shalmaneser. During Shalmaneser's campaign of 845 against the South-Syr- ian coalition no mention is made of opposition by Bit Agusi. In 842 Bit Agusi probably paid tribute with the other kings of the land of Hatti.8 From the preceding brief description of events it becomes clear that dur- ing Shalmaneser's early campaigns to the West Arpad did not act in concert with any of its neighbors, nor are there any signs of participation in alli- ances. 2. ‘Lower Your Head’ – Subjugation to Assyria (841–823 BCE) In 841 the South-Syrian coalition, headed by Adad‘idri of Damascus col- lapsed when Hazael, usurped the throne of Damascus, Jehu eliminated the house of Ahab and Irhuleni, King of Hamath, went over to the Assyrian side. Shalmaneser besieged Damascus without conquering it. He went to the Damascene Hauran Mountains, where he created more havoc and fi- nally crossed over to the Mediterranean. He received the tribute from Tyre, Sidon and Jehu of Samaria.9 Further attempts were made by Shalmaneser to subdue Hazael of Damascus in 838 and possibly also in 837 (?),10 but to no avail. Bit Agusi did not hinder the Assyrian forces and probably was subjugated to Assyria since 848 (?). In 833 the fortified city Muru in Bit Agusi was taken by Shalamaneser and enlarged, possibly, with the consent of Arame, King of Bit Agusi.11 4 Grayson 1996, pp. 17–19; Yamada 2000, pp. 117–119. 5 Grayson 1996, p. 19; Yamada 2000, p. 128. 6 Grayson 1996, p. 23; Dion 1997, 121. 7 Grayson 1996, pp. 37–38; Lipinski 2000, p. 212. Shalmaneser's claims of conquest and victory in two consecutive years using almost the same phraseology do not have to be taken literally. See Yamada 2000, pp. 166–169, 172–174. 8 Grayson 1996, p. 54; Yamada 2000, p. 185. 9 Grayson 1996, p. 60. 10 Galil 2000, pp. 35–36; Millard 1994, p. 57. 11 Grayson 1996, p. 68; Yamada 2000, p. 219. THE KINGDOM OF ARPAD (BIT AGUSI) AND ‘ALL ARAM' 69 According to the Eponym Chronicle12 during the later years of Shalma- neser and the early years of Shamshi-Adad V, Assyria endured civil war. Under the reign of Shamshi-Adad V (823–811 BCE), Assyria did not con- duct any campaign to the West. This power–vacuum in the West was quickly filled by Bit Agusi as will be seen below. 3. Bit Agusi as ‘Head of the Gang’ (After 823 BCE) The next stage in Arpad's politics was to free itself from foreign yoke and to lead alliances against a common cause. The following text on a stela frag- ment of Adad-Nirari III (810–783 BCE), the provenance of which is un- known, describes the events of 805 BCE and is reconstructed as follows:13 … [(sing.) who] bore the yoke of lordship … who [had rebelled and re- volted] in the time of Samsi-[Adad, my father, and caused] the rulers of the Eup[hrates to rebel with him,] he heard [of my approaching.] Attarsumki (= King of Bit Agusi) trusted [to his own strength and came forward to battle. I defeated him and] took his camp [… I took] the treasure of his pa[lace … Attarsumki,] son of Arame, [… His booty]14 beyond account [I received …]. From this fragment it becomes clear, that Adad-Nirari III, in his earliest and most extended version of his campaign against Northern Syria, states that Attarsumki, son of Arame threw off the yoke of Assyria and instigated the rulers of the (areas adjoining the) Euphrates to rebel against Assyria in the days of Shamshi-Adad V (823–811). It is not clear if Attarsumki lead a coalition. However, according to the Pazarcik Stela, Attarsumki “together with eight kings who were with him” fought against Adad-Nirari and Samuramat (i.e. early in the reign) at Paqarhubunu.15 In a stela fragment from Sheikh Hammad too “Attarsumki, [son of Adramu(…) together with] the kings of the land of Hatti, who had rebelled and [withheld tribute (…)], the awful brilliance of Assur, [my] lord, [overwhelmed them and they sub- mitted to me]”.16 In all these texts only Attarsumki's name is mentioned and not those of the other kings.
Recommended publications
  • 2 Kings Chapter 8
    2 Kings Chapter 8 Verses 1-6: The Lord brought “famine” to punish Israel’s sin. But in His mercy, He spared the Shunammite woman who had been kind to Elisha (4:8-37). Based on the details given (“went forth to cry … for her house and for her land”), she was probably now a widow. King Jehoram administered justice and kindness, unlike King Ahab in a similar situation (1 Kings 21:1-16). 2 Kings 8:1 "Then spake Elisha unto the woman, whose son he had restored to life, saying, Arise, and go thou and thine household, and sojourn wheresoever thou canst sojourn: for the LORD hath called for a famine; and it shall also come upon the land seven years." “A famine … seven years”: Seven-year famines were known in the ancient Near East (Gen. 41:29-32). Since the Shunammite woman would have been only a resident alien in a foreign land, her return within 7 years may have aided her legal claim to her property (Exodus 21:2; 23:10-11; Lev. 25:1-7; Deut. 15:1-6). This Shunammite woman had befriended Elisha on several occasions. He had prayed, and God had brought her son back to life on one occasion. He knew the 7 year famine that would come upon the land. He went to his friend, and told her to take her family out of the land before the famine begins. The famine in Egypt, at the time of Joseph, had been for 7 years as well. It seems, a severe famine lasts 7 years.
    [Show full text]
  • The Military Might and Activity of King Ahab
    This manuscript has beerr repmducd fFom the microfilm master. UMI films the text directly from the original or submitted. Thus, sorne thesis and dissertation copies are in -81 face, while others may be from any type of computer printer. The quality of thk rrproduction b dependent upon tb quality of the copy submitted. Broken or indistinct print, &red or poor quality ih&mtbns and photographs, print bleedthrough, substandard margins, and impper alignment can adversely a- reprodudion. In the unlikely event that the author did not send UMI a complete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if unauthorized copyright material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. Oversize materials (e.g., maps, drawings, charts) are reproduced by sectioning the original, beginning at the upper left-hand corner and continuing from left to right in equal sedions with small overtaps. Photographs included in the original manuscript have been reprodmd xerographically in this copy. Higher quality 6' x 9' black and white photographic prints are available for any photographs or illustrations appearing in this copy for an additional charge. Contact UMI diredly to order. Bell 8 Howell lnfonnation and Learning 300 North Zeeb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48lCBlM6 USA 800-521-0600 THE MILITARY MIGHT AND ACTIVITY OF KING AHAB by Michael T. Landry A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of PROVIDENCE THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY in Paial Fulfilment of the Requirments for the Degree MASTER OF ARTS National Library Biblioth4que nationale 1+1 d Canada du Canada Acquisitions and Acquisitions et Bibliographic Services services bibliographiques 395 Wellington Street 395.
    [Show full text]
  • Tayinat's Building XVI: the Religious Dimensions and Significance of A
    Tayinat’s Building XVI: The Religious Dimensions and Significance of a Tripartite Temple at Neo-Assyrian Kunulua by Douglas Neal Petrovich A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto © Copyright by Douglas Neal Petrovich, 2016 Building XVI at Tell Tayinat: The Religious Dimensions and Significance of a Tripartite Temple at Neo-Assyrian Kunulua Douglas N. Petrovich Doctor of Philosophy Department of Near and Middle Eastern Civilizations University of Toronto 2016 Abstract After the collapse of the Hittite Empire and most of the power structures in the Levant at the end of the Late Bronze Age, new kingdoms and powerful city-states arose to fill the vacuum over the course of the Iron Age. One new player that surfaced on the regional scene was the Kingdom of Palistin, which was centered at Kunulua, the ancient capital that has been identified positively with the site of Tell Tayinat in the Amuq Valley. The archaeological and epigraphical evidence that has surfaced in recent years has revealed that Palistin was a formidable kingdom, with numerous cities and territories having been enveloped within its orb. Kunulua and its kingdom eventually fell prey to the Neo-Assyrian Empire, which decimated the capital in 738 BC under Tiglath-pileser III. After Kunulua was rebuilt under Neo- Assyrian control, the city served as a provincial capital under Neo-Assyrian administration. Excavations of the 1930s uncovered a palatial district atop the tell, including a temple (Building II) that was adjacent to the main bit hilani palace of the king (Building I).
    [Show full text]
  • 09,David's Victories and Officers.Pdf
    II Samuel 8:1-18 Lesson #9, David‟s victories and officers The Israelites were surrounded by powerful enemies who had a special hatred of their nation. David, like the Messiah after him must destroy all of his and his people‟s enemies (Lk 20:43). II Samuel 8 tells us of victorious wars against the Philistines, against Moab, against Zobah, against Syria, against Amalek, and against Edom. All these successful conquests are explained in this way: „The Lord gave victory to David wherever he went (II Samuel 8:6,14).1 8:1-14, These verses outline the expansion of David‟s kingdom under the hand of the Lord (v:6,14). Israel‟s major enemies were all defeated as David‟s kingdom extended N, S, E, and W. See I Chronicles 18:1-13. This conquering before the event of chap. 7 (see 7:1) MacArthur Study Bible II Sam 8:1, Now after this it came about that David [1.] v:1, chief city. According to I Chr 18:1, defeated the Philistines and subdued them; and What was probably the chief city of the David took control of the chief city (Metheg Philistines? Ammah) from the hand of the Philistines. 2 He defeated Moab, and measured them with the [2.] v:2, Find Moab on your map, page #4 line, making them lie down on the ground; and he and write a description of it‟s location measured two lines to put to death and one full line to keep alive. And the Moabites became servants to David, bringing tribute.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 the Assyrian Empire, the Conquest of Israel, and the Colonization of Judah 37 I
    ISRAEL AND EMPIRE ii ISRAEL AND EMPIRE A Postcolonial History of Israel and Early Judaism Leo G. Perdue and Warren Carter Edited by Coleman A. Baker LONDON • NEW DELHI • NEW YORK • SYDNEY 1 Bloomsbury T&T Clark An imprint of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc Imprint previously known as T&T Clark 50 Bedford Square 1385 Broadway London New York WC1B 3DP NY 10018 UK USA www.bloomsbury.com Bloomsbury, T&T Clark and the Diana logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published 2015 © Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker, 2015 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Leo G. Perdue, Warren Carter and Coleman A. Baker have asserted their rights under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Authors of this work. No responsibility for loss caused to any individual or organization acting on or refraining from action as a result of the material in this publication can be accepted by Bloomsbury or the authors. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN: HB: 978-0-56705-409-8 PB: 978-0-56724-328-7 ePDF: 978-0-56728-051-0 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. Typeset by Forthcoming Publications (www.forthpub.com) 1 Contents Abbreviations vii Preface ix Introduction: Empires, Colonies, and Postcolonial Interpretation 1 I.
    [Show full text]
  • Read Through the Bible - 15Th Week April 5-11
    Read through the Bible - 15th week April 5-11 Week 15, Sunday (April 5) I King 16-18 1. Who killed Elah and reigned in his stead? ________ How long did he reign (don't blink! - I Kings 16:15)? ______ Who took his place (I Kings 16:17, 21)? ______________ (and ______________) 2. How long did Omri reign and who succeeded him? ______________, ______________ 3. How long did Ahab reign in Israel? _________ Who was Ahab's wife (I Kings 16:31)? ______________ 4. Whose prophecy did Hiel of Bethel fulfill by rebuilding Jericho (see Joshua 6:26, I Kings 16:34)? ______________ 5. Who prophesied to Ahab there would be a 3-year drought (I Kings 17:1)? ______________ During the drought, who fed Elijah at the Brook Cherith (I Kings 17:4-6)? ______________ 6. What miracle(s) did Elijah perform for the widow at Zarephath? _______________________________ 7. What atrocity did Jezebel commit (I Kings 18:4)? ______________________________ 8. Who all met with Ahab and Elijah at Mt. Carmel (I Kings 18:19-20)? ____________________________ 9. What was the people's reaction to the fire from the Lord? _____________________________ 10. T F Elijah outran a chariot (I Kings 18:45-46). Week 15, Monday (April 6) I King 19-21 11. T F Elijah ran from Jezebel. 12. To what mountain did Elijah go? _____________ What other prophet (Ex. 19:20, Mt. Horeb is also called Mt. Sinai) fasted 40 days on this same mountain? _____________ 13. What did the Lord ask Elijah in I Ki. 19:9, and again in I Ki.
    [Show full text]
  • Neo-Assyrian Treaties As a Source for the Historian: Bonds of Friendship, the Vigilant Subject and the Vengeful KingS Treaty
    WRITING NEO-ASSYRIAN HISTORY Sources, Problems, and Approaches Proceedings of an International Conference Held at the University of Helsinki on September 22-25, 2014 Edited by G.B. Lanfranchi, R. Mattila and R. Rollinger THE NEO-ASSYRIAN TEXT CORPUS PROJECT 2019 STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA STUDIES Published by the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki in association with the Foundation for Finnish Assyriological Research Project Director Simo Parpola VOLUME XXX G.B. Lanfranchi, R. Mattila and R. Rollinger (eds.) WRITING NEO-ASSYRIAN HISTORY SOURCES, PROBLEMS, AND APPROACHES THE NEO- ASSYRIAN TEXT CORPUS PROJECT State Archives of Assyria Studies is a series of monographic studies relating to and supplementing the text editions published in the SAA series. Manuscripts are accepted in English, French and German. The responsibility for the contents of the volumes rests entirely with the authors. © 2019 by the Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, Helsinki and the Foundation for Finnish Assyriological Research All Rights Reserved Published with the support of the Foundation for Finnish Assyriological Research Set in Times The Assyrian Royal Seal emblem drawn by Dominique Collon from original Seventh Century B.C. impressions (BM 84672 and 84677) in the British Museum Cover: Assyrian scribes recording spoils of war. Wall painting in the palace of Til-Barsip. After A. Parrot, Nineveh and Babylon (Paris, 1961), fig. 348. Typesetting by G.B. Lanfranchi Cover typography by Teemu Lipasti and Mikko Heikkinen Printed in the USA ISBN-13 978-952-10-9503-0 (Volume 30) ISSN 1235-1032 (SAAS) ISSN 1798-7431 (PFFAR) CONTENTS ABBREVIATIONS ............................................................................................................. vii Giovanni Battista Lanfranchi, Raija Mattila, Robert Rollinger, Introduction ..............................
    [Show full text]
  • First Capitals of Armenia and Georgia: Armawir and Armazi (Problems of Early Ethnic Associations)
    First Capitals of Armenia and Georgia: Armawir and Armazi (Problems of Early Ethnic Associations) Armen Petrosyan Institute of Archaeology and Ethnography, Yerevan The foundation legends of the first capitals of Armenia and Georgia – Armawir and Armazi – have several common features. A specific cult of the moon god is attested in both cities in the triadic temples along with the supreme thunder god and the sun god. The names of Armawir and Armazi may be associated with the Anatolian Arma- ‘moon (god).’ The Armenian ethnonym (exonym) Armen may also be derived from the same stem. The sacred character of cultic localities is extremely enduring. The cults were changed, but the localities kept their sacred character for millennia. At the transition to a new religious system the new cults were often simply imposed on the old ones (e.g., the old temple was renamed after a new deity, or the new temple was built on the site or near the ruins of the old one). The new deities inherited the characteristics of the old ones, or, one may say, the old cults were simply renamed, which could have been accompanied by some changes of the cult practices. Evidently, in the new system more or less comparable images were chosen to replace the old ones: similarity of functions, rituals, names, concurrence of days of cult, etc (Petrosyan 2006: 4 f.; Petrosyan 2007a: 175).1 On the other hand, in the course of religious changes, old gods often descend to the lower level of epic heroes. Thus, the heroes of the Armenian ethnogonic legends and the epic “Daredevils of Sasun” are derived from ancient local gods: e.g., Sanasar, who obtains the 1For numerous examples of preservation of pre-Urartian and Urartian holy places in medieval Armenia, see, e.g., Hmayakyan and Sanamyan 2001).
    [Show full text]
  • The Syrian Orthodox Church and Its Ancient Aramaic Heritage, I-Iii (Rome, 2001)
    Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies 5:1, 63-112 © 2002 by Beth Mardutho: The Syriac Institute SOME BASIC ANNOTATION TO THE HIDDEN PEARL: THE SYRIAN ORTHODOX CHURCH AND ITS ANCIENT ARAMAIC HERITAGE, I-III (ROME, 2001) SEBASTIAN P. BROCK UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD [1] The three volumes, entitled The Hidden Pearl. The Syrian Orthodox Church and its Ancient Aramaic Heritage, published by TransWorld Film Italia in 2001, were commisioned to accompany three documentaries. The connecting thread throughout the three millennia that are covered is the Aramaic language with its various dialects, though the emphasis is always on the users of the language, rather than the language itself. Since the documentaries were commissioned by the Syrian Orthodox community, part of the third volume focuses on developments specific to them, but elsewhere the aim has been to be inclusive, not only of the other Syriac Churches, but also of other communities using Aramaic, both in the past and, to some extent at least, in the present. [2] The volumes were written with a non-specialist audience in mind and so there are no footnotes; since, however, some of the inscriptions and manuscripts etc. which are referred to may not always be readily identifiable to scholars, the opportunity has been taken to benefit from the hospitality of Hugoye in order to provide some basic annotation, in addition to the section “For Further Reading” at the end of each volume. Needless to say, in providing this annotation no attempt has been made to provide a proper 63 64 Sebastian P. Brock bibliography to all the different topics covered; rather, the aim is simply to provide specific references for some of the more obscure items.
    [Show full text]
  • 2 Kings 8 & 2 Chronicles 21 | Reaping the Harvest of Sin Eliphaz Said
    Men’s Study & Coffee | March 6, 2018 | 2 Kings, Week Eight (*notes from “Be Distinct” by Warren Wiersbe) 2 Kings 8 & 2 Chronicles 21 | Reaping the Harvest of Sin Eliphaz said some foolish things to his suffering friend Job, but he also stated some eternal principles, one of them being, “Even as I have seen, those who plow iniquity and sow trouble reap the same” (Job 4:8). Solomon repeated this truth in Proverbs 22:8, “He who sows iniquity will reap sorrow”, and the prophet Hosea put it graphically when he said, “They sow the wind, and reap the whirlwind”. Jeroboam, Omri, and Ahab had led the northern kingdom of Israel into idolatry, and Jehoram, who married a daughter of Ahab, had introduced Baal worship into the kingdom of Judah. Both kingdoms were rebellious against the Lord and polluted by idolatry, but now the day of judgment had arrived for Ahab’s dynasty, the day that the Prophet Elijah had predicted (1 Kings 21:21, 29). 1. The greatness of God. (2 Kings 8:1–6) This event likely took place before the healing of Naaman (2 Kings 5), since the king wasn’t likely to welcome a leper into the palace, and Gehazi was a leper (5:27). The author of 2 Kings doesn’t claim to follow a strict chronology, and we’re not even sure which king Gehazi was entertaining with stories about his master. Perhaps this event occurred early in the reign of King Joram. This account reminds us of the greatness of the Lord.
    [Show full text]
  • 2008: 137-8, Pl. 32), Who Assigned Gateway XII to the First Building
    Durham Research Online Deposited in DRO: 29 November 2019 Version of attached le: Accepted Version Peer-review status of attached le: Peer-reviewed Citation for published item: Osborne, J. and Harrison, T. and Batiuk, S. and Welton, L. and Dessel, J.P. and Denel, E. and Demirci, O.¤ (2019) 'Urban built environments of the early 1st millennium BCE : results of the Tayinat Archaeological Project, 2004-2012.', Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research., 382 . pp. 261-312. Further information on publisher's website: https://doi.org/10.1086/705728 Publisher's copyright statement: c 2019 by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Additional information: Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full DRO policy for further details. Durham University Library, Stockton Road, Durham DH1 3LY, United Kingdom Tel : +44 (0)191 334 3042 | Fax : +44 (0)191 334 2971 https://dro.dur.ac.uk Manuscript Click here to access/download;Manuscript;BASOR_Master_revised.docx URBAN BUILT ENVIRONMENTS OF THE EARLY FIRST MILLENNIUM BCE: RESULTS OF THE TAYINAT ARCHAEOLOGICAL PROJECT, 2004-2012 ABSTRACT The archaeological site of Tell Tayinat in the province of Hatay in southern Turkey was the principal regional center in the Amuq Plain and North Orontes Valley during the Early Bronze and Iron Ages.
    [Show full text]
  • ON LUWIANS and HITTITES*) Itamar SINGER
    8367_BIOR_05_5-6_01 30-01-2006 09:10 Pagina 412 429 BIBLIOTHECA ORIENTALIS LXII N° 5-6, september-december 2005 430 ON LUWIANS AND HITTITES*) Itamar SINGER (Tel Aviv) “History is written by the victors” is well demonstrated in ancient Anatolia. Most authorities would agree that Luwian was spoken by at least as many people as Hittite, yet books on the Hittites can easily fill up a library, whereas the reviewed monograph is the first to be entirely dedicated to the Luwians (except for dictionaries). Two ponderous cir- cumstances have teamed together to create this dispropor- tional picture, one inherent, the other accidental. For much of their common history the Hittites dominated the Luwian- speaking areas of Anatolia and, as a great power, they left behind extensive archives fitting their stature. The effects of this political disparity are further intensified by the fortu- itousness of discovery. Not a single tablet was found as yet in the vast territories in which Luwian was spoken (as the main language). To be sure, there must be cuneiform tablets buried in the major sites of western Anatolia, since letters sent from there have been found in Hattusa.1) Ironically, even the first Anatolian tablet to be published in the late 19th cen- tury was sent from the Land of Arzawa in the heart of Luwian-speaking Anatolia. But then, this letter, which was discovered in 1887 at Tell el-Amarna in Egypt, was written *)MELCHERT, H. C. (ed.) The Luwians. HdO 1-68. E.J. Brill Publish- ers, Leiden, 2003. (24 cm, XX, 383). ISBN 90 04 13009 8; ISSN 0169- 9423.
    [Show full text]