The Comparison of Jokowi and Prabowo Subianto Exposed on Youtube
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His Excellency Mr. Joko Widodo, President of Indonesia
REMARKS PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA H.E. JOKO WIDODO AT 77TH SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL COMMISSION FOR ASIA AND THE PACIFIC (UNESCAP) MONDAY, 26 APRIL 2021 Page 1 of 4 Executive Secretary of the UNESCAP, Armida Alisjahbana, and all Delegates, 1. The COVID-19 Pandemic has shown us ➔ of the weakness of health infrastructures at the national, regional, and global levels. ➔ And how fragile our economy is from external shocks. 2. Therefore together, we must reflect upon ourselves and correct our course. 3. The Asia and Pacific region must soon come out from the pandemic and become stronger. 4. Recover together…recover stronger. 5. Allow me to share some thoughts. 6. First… we must expand investment in strengthening regional health resilience. 7. The region’s health expenditures are still low. ➔ In South Asia, for instance, at only 3.48% of the GDP, while East Asia and the Pacific at 6.67%. ➔ Compared to in Latin America 7.96%, in the European Union 9.85%, and in the United States 16.89%. 8. This needs to be corrected. 9. UNESCAP must become the catalyst in strengthening the region’s health infrastructure, through … ➔ Enhancing the quality of health personnel Page 2 of 4 ➔ Collaborating in health, pharmaceutical, vaccines, and medical raw materials industries … and ➔ research and technology in the health sector 10. The capacity for pandemic early warning in the region must also be strengthened. 11. Second… we have to adapt towards economic recovery 12. Investment on digital-based economy must be scaled up. 13. Innovation to support safe tourism must be undertaken. -
Indonesia Beyond Reformasi: Necessity and the “De-Centering” of Democracy
INDONESIA BEYOND REFORMASI: NECESSITY AND THE “DE-CENTERING” OF DEMOCRACY Leonard C. Sebastian, Jonathan Chen and Adhi Priamarizki* TABLE OF CONTENTS I. INTRODUCTION: TRANSITIONAL POLITICS IN INDONESIA ......................................... 2 R II. NECESSITY MAKES STRANGE BEDFELLOWS: THE GLOBAL AND DOMESTIC CONTEXT FOR DEMOCRACY IN INDONESIA .................... 7 R III. NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ................... 12 R A. What Necessity Inevitably Entailed: Changes to Defining Features of the New Order ............. 12 R 1. Military Reform: From Dual Function (Dwifungsi) to NKRI ......................... 13 R 2. Taming Golkar: From Hegemony to Political Party .......................................... 21 R 3. Decentralizing the Executive and Devolution to the Regions................................. 26 R 4. Necessary Changes and Beyond: A Reflection .31 R IV. NON NECESSITY-BASED REFORMS ............. 32 R A. After Necessity: A Political Tug of War........... 32 R 1. The Evolution of Legislative Elections ........ 33 R 2. The Introduction of Direct Presidential Elections ...................................... 44 R a. The 2004 Direct Presidential Elections . 47 R b. The 2009 Direct Presidential Elections . 48 R 3. The Emergence of Direct Local Elections ..... 50 R V. 2014: A WATERSHED ............................... 55 R * Leonard C. Sebastian is Associate Professor and Coordinator, Indonesia Pro- gramme at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies, S. Rajaratnam School of In- ternational Studies, Nanyang Technological University, -
50 Years Since 30 September, 1965: the Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo
ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE SHARE THEIR UNDERSTANDING OF CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 26 November 2015 50 Years since 30 September, 1965: The Gradual Erosion of a Political Taboo. By Max Lane* EXECUTIVE SUMMARY This year marks the 50th anniversary of the events of 30 September, 1965 and its aftermath. Amidst heightened discussion of the matter, President Widodo, on behalf of his government, stated that there would be no state expression of being sorry for the large scale massacres of 1965. He attended conventional activities on the anniversary consistent with the long-term narrative originating from the period of Suharto’s New Order. At the same time, there are signs of a gradual but steady erosion of the hegemony of the old narrative and an opening up of discussion. This is not driven by deliberate government policy, although some government decisions have facilitated the emergence of a generation for whom the hegemonic narrative holds less weight. The processes weakening the old hegemony have also been fostered by: a) Increased academic openness on the history of the period, both in and outside of Indonesia. b) More activity by lawyers, activists, researchers as well as former political prisoners demanding state recognition of human rights violations in 1965 and afterwards. c) A general attitude to educational processes no longer dominated by indoctrination concerns. 1 ISSUE: 2015 NO.66 ISSN 2335-6677 Hegemony may be slowly ending, but it is not clear what will replace it. *Max Lane is Visiting Senior Fellow with the Indonesia Studies Programme at ISEAS- Yusof Ishak Institute, and has written hundreds of articles on Indonesia for magazines and newspapers. -
Vice President's Power and Role in Indonesian Government Post Amendment 1945 Constitution
Al WASATH Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Volume 1 No. 2 Oktober 2020: 61-78 VICE PRESIDENT'S POWER AND ROLE IN INDONESIAN GOVERNMENT POST AMENDMENT 1945 CONSTITUTION Roziqin Guanghua Law School, Zhejiang University, China Email: [email protected] Abstract Politicians are fighting over the position of Vice President. However, after becoming Vice President, they could not be active. The Vice President's role is only as a spare tire. Usually, he would only perform ceremonial acts. The exception was different when the Vice President was Mohammad Hata and Muhammad Jusuf Kalla. Therefore, this paper will question: What is the position of the President in the constitutional system? What is the position of the Vice President of Indonesia after the amendment of the 1945 Constitution? Furthermore, how is the role sharing between the President and Vice President of Indonesia? This research uses the library research method, using secondary data. This study uses qualitative data analysis methods in a prescriptive-analytical form. From the research, the writer found that the President is assisted by the Vice President and ministers in carrying out his duties. The President and the Vice President work in a team of a presidential institution. From time to time, the Indonesian Vice President's position has always been the same to assist the President. The Vice President will replace the President if the President is permanently unavailable or temporarily absent. With the Vice President's position who is directly elected by the people in a pair with the President, he/she is a partner, not subordinate to the President. -
The Greatest Journey of FEB UI's : Upaya Preservasi Pengetahuan
The Greatest Journey of FEB UI’s : upaya preservasi pengetahuan muatan lokal FEB UI di Pusat Sumber Belajar FEB UI Oleh: Endang Wahyulestari, SS.,M.Hum (Pustakawan, Fakultas Ekonomi Dan Bisnis Universitas Indonesia) BAB I Pendahuluan A. Latar Belakang Fakultas Ekonomi Universitas Indonesia berdiri pada 18 September 1950 yaitu ketika Jurusan Sosial-Ekonomi Fakultas Hukum Universitas Indonesia memisahkan diri menjadi Fakultas Ekonomi Universitas Indonesia (FE UI). Kemudian pada Oktober 2015 nama Fakultas Ekonomi UI resmi dirubah menjadi Fakultas Ekonomi Dan Bisnis (FEB UI). Sejak awal berdiri, FEB UI cukup banyak melahirkan tokoh-tokoh besar, pemikir, cendikia yang berjuang bagi pembangunan ekonomi Indonesia sejak masa kemerdekaan sampai dengan masa pemerintahan yang berkuasa saat ini. Kontibusi FEB UI pada bangsa dan negara Indonesia tidak diragukan lagi yaitu tidak hanya dalam bidang pengembangan keilmuan ekonomi dan bisnis di Indonesia, namun sejumlah tokoh FEB UI dilibatkan dalam berbagai posisi di Pemerintahan, diantaranya Menteri Keuangan, Menteri Bappenas dan Menteri Perekonomian. FEB UI memiliki begawan ekonomi Prof. Sumitro Djojohadikusumo yang berperan membantu pemerintah Indonesia era kemerdekaan dalam berbagai perundingan dengan badan-badan pemerintah maupun swasta asing dibidang politik dan ekonomi dan beliau menjabat beberapa kali sebagai Menteri Republik Indonesia. Berikutnya prestasi junior Prof. Sumitro Djojohadikusumo yaitu Prof. Widjojo Nitisastro yang terkenal dengan hasil pemikirannya tentang perencana pembangunan ekonomi -
Medan's 2020 Mayoral Election
ISSUE: 2021 No. 48 ISSN 2335-6677 RESEARCHERS AT ISEAS – YUSOF ISHAK INSTITUTE ANALYSE CURRENT EVENTS Singapore | 20 April 2021 Medan’s 2020 Mayoral Election: Dynastic Politics Versus Underperforming Incumbency Deasy Simandjuntak* In this picture, Bobby Nasution (centre), son-in-law of Indonesia's President Joko Widodo, and his wife Kahiyang Ayu (left) cast their votes in Medan on December 9, 2020, as Indonesia held its nationwide elections. Bobby Nasution, won Medan’s 2020 mayoral election. Picture: Albert Ivan Damanik, AFP. *The author is Associate Fellow at ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute and Visiting Associate Fellow at the Center for Asia-Pacific Area Studies (CAPAS), Academia Sinica. 1 ISSUE: 2021 No. 48 ISSN 2335-6677 EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • President Joko Widodo’s son-in-law, businessman Bobby Nasution, won Medan’s 2020 mayoral election on 9 December 2020. Meanwhile, the President’s son Gibran Rakabuming Raka won Solo’s mayoral election in Central Java. In South Tangerang, Banten, all three mayoral candidates have family ties with established elites. Many observers have therefore deemed these local elections as a perpetuation of “dynastic politics”. • Bobby’s victory in Medan is especially interesting since President Jokowi did not win here in the 2019 presidential election. A key factor could be the rapprochement between Jokowi and Prabowo after the 2019 election, resulting in Bobby’s candidacy being backed by parties in the governing coalition at the national level, while his rival was aligned with the weaker and fragmented opposition parties. Voters who previously supported Prabowo’s cause became less averse to voting for Bobby. • Bobby’s campaign clearly benefited from his personal link to the President’s family. -
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia
Indonesia and the Mass Killings of 1965-1966 Indonesia Indonesia Location: Southeast Asia; consists of 5 large islands and about 13,677 smaller islands; Capital city: Jakarta Fourth largest Asian country after China, India, and Saudi Arabia – by 2050, will have the 4th largest world economy Topography: Islands filled with active and inactive volcanoes; earthquakes and tsunamis often devastate Indonesia (1992, 2004) Indonesia Population: 221,932,000; #4 in population among the 193 nations in the world Primary language: Bahasa Indonesia; secondary languages: Malay, Javanese, English, Dutch, among many others Indonesia Religion: Islam (over 88%) Protestant (over 5%) Roman Catholic (over 3%) Hindu (almost 2%) Buddhist (almost 1%) Indonesia Colonial influences: Dutch; Portuguese Beginning 20th century – first steps were taken to give Indonesians participation in government 1945 – Independent republic of Indonesia under leadership of Sukarno and Mohammad Hatta Indonesia Sukarno became the first President of Indonesia; Hatta, Vice- President in 1949 In the next two decades, communist leadership and agitation would increase, resulting in the Mass Killings of 65- 66 September 30th Movement, 1965 Claimed to be protecting President Sukarno from right-wing faction of the army planning a coup of their own After Yani’s death, Major General Suharto took command of the army and on October 1st, launched a counter-attack Suharto’s success in removing rebel forces launched the decline in Sukarno’s leadership and the rise of Suharto Suharto and the Killings Suharto accused the Communist party (PKI) of masterminding the coup and used this rationale to exterminate anyone associated with the PKI Suharto’s military rounded up more than a million and a half people who were accused of being involved with the PKI (Roosa 4). -
23 Populasi MIGRATION, ETHNICITY and LOCAL
Populasi Volume 24 Nomor 2 2016 Halaman 23-36 MIGRATION, ETHNICITY AND LOCAL POLITICS: THE CASE OF JAKARTA, INDONESIA Aulia Hadi and Riwanto Tirtosudarmo Research Center for Society and Culture, Indonesian Institute of Sciences Correspondence: Aulia Hadi (email: [email protected]) Abstract As the capital city of a country with the world’s fourth largest population, Jakarta, like many other big cities in the developing economies, for example, Mexico City or New Delhi, hosts migrants from all regions of the country. Without a doubt, Jakarta has increasingly become the major core of the agglomeration processes transforming it and its satellite cities into a Mega Urban Region (MUR). This paper traces historically the interactions between migration, ethnicities and local politics in Jakarta from the 1960s to the 2000s focusing on the latest development, in which the phenomenon ‘Ahok’, the nickname of Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, a Chinese-Christian from the small district of Belitung, has become an increasingly popular Governor of Jakarta. The paper argues that through the recent developments in Jakarta the politics have apparently been transformed into more civic, rather than ethnic politics. The nature of Jakarta as a proliferating migrant city transcends narrow cultural identities as well as conventional party politics into a more active citizenry through the widespread use of social media. Keywords: migration, ethnicity, local politics, new media Introduction had already started in the 17th century. Because of the low number of inhabitants, the Government of the Dutch East Indies The interconnection between migration, encouraged people to move to Batavia1 to ethnicity and politics has been thoroughly meet its labour needs. -
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancin
Special Open Forum USINDO History Series Indonesia's September 30, 1965 Movement and the Beginning of the Suharto Era: Enhancing our Understanding Drawing on Recently Released U.S. Records November 29, 2017 Speaker: Dr. Bradley Simpson Associate Professor of History and Asian Studies, University of Connecticut Founder and Director, Indonesia and East Timor Documentation Project National Security Archive Discussants: Dr. Barbara Harvey Retired Foreign Service Officer and USINDO Advisor Ambassador Robert Pringle Historian of Southeast Asia, Retired Foreign Service Officer, former Ambassador to Mali www.usindo.org Introduction and background: It has been over 50 years since September 30, 1965, a date that dramatically changed Indonesian history. A small group of Indonesians identifying themselves as the September 30 Movement, believed to be working in collaboration with the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), launched an overnight strike against Indonesian generals whom they alleged were planning a coup against President Sukarno. Six top generals were killed, but General Suharto, who was not targeted, thwarted the September 30 Movement and subsequently began a military-led program to crush the PKI, which resulted in the execution of both its leaders and followers. In the ensuing power struggle with President Sukarno over Indonesia's political and economic future, Suharto consolidated his control, leading to his New Order government that lasted for 32 years. The domestic and international environment in the period leading up to September 30; the events of the night itself; the extent and nature of the actions that followed; the roles and motivations of the parties; and the knowledge, stance, and actions of the U.S. -
Table of Content
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998 Fuady, A.H. Publication date 2012 Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Fuady, A. H. (2012). Elites and economic policies in Indonesia and Nigeria, 1966-1998. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:29 Sep 2021 Chapter 6 Elites and Industrialization Policy Industrialization has been regarded as a major factor contributing to divergent economic development in Asia and Africa. This has also been a feature of Indonesia–Nigeria comparisons since the 1980s. Since the mid- 1980s, the manufacturing sector has been an engine of growth in Indonesia. Contribution of the sector to the country‟s GDP increased significantly, from 8 percent in 1965 to 29 percent in 2003 (World Bank, 2007b). -
The Framing of Ahok's Leadership Style in the Jakarta Post
The Framing of Ahok’s Leadership Style in The Jakarta Post and The Jakarta Globe Articles Aulia Anggari 2225115510 A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fullfilment of the Requirement for the Degree of “Sarjana Sastra” English Department Faculty of Language and Art State University of Jakarta 2016 LEMBAR PERNYATAAN Yang bertandatangan dibawah ini, Nama : Aulia Anggari No Registrasi : 2225115510 Program Studi : Sastra Inggris Jurusan : Bahasa dan Sastra Inggris Fakultas : Bahasa dan Seni Judul Skripsi : THE FRAMING OF AHOK’S LEADERSHIP STYLE IN THE JAKARTA POST AND THE JAKARTA GLOBE ARTICLES Menyatakan bahwa benar skripsi ini adalah hasil karya saya sendiri. Apabila saya mengutip dari karya orang lain, maka saya mencantumkan sumbernya sesuai ketentuan yang berlaku. Saya bersedia menerima sanksi dari Fakultas Bahasa dan Seni Universitas Negeri Jakarta, apabila terbukti bahwa saya melakukan tindakan plagiat. Demikian saya buat pernyataan ini dengan sebenarnya. Jakarta, 29 Januari 2016 Aulia Anggari 2225115510 LEMBAR PERNYATAAN PERSETUJUAN PUBLIKASI KARYA ILMIAH UNTUK KEPENTINGAN AKADEMIS Sebagai civitas akademik Universitas Negeri Jakarta saya yang bertandatangan dibawah ini: Nama : Aulia Anggari No Registrasi : 2225115510 Fakultas : Bahasa dan Seni Judul Karya : Skripsi Judul : THE FRAMING OF AHOK’S LEADERSHIP STYLE IN THE JAKARTA POST AND THE JAKARTA GLOBE ARTICLES Demi pengembangan ilmu pengetahuan, saya menyetujui untuk memberikan kepada Universitas Negeri Jakarta Bebas Royalti Non-Eksklusif (Non-exclusive free Right) atas karya ilmiah saya. Dengan Hak Bebas Royalti ini, Universitas Negeri Jakarta berhak untuk menyimpan, mengalih data/ formatkan, mengelolanya dalam bentuk pangkalan data (database), mendistribusikannya di internet atau media lainnya untuk kepentingan akademis tanpa perlu meminta izin dari saya selama tetap mencantumkan nama saya sebagai penulis/pencipta dan sebagai pemilik Hak Cipta. -
Capital Comparison of Candidates from Political Dynasties in the 2020 Mayoral and Deputy Mayoral Election in Indonesia
Journal of Social Political Sciences JSPS Vol. 2, No. 2, May, 2021 CAPITAL COMPARISON OF CANDIDATES FROM POLITICAL DYNASTIES IN THE 2020 MAYORAL AND DEPUTY MAYORAL ELECTION IN INDONESIA Siti Sadiyatunnimah Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social & Political Sciences, Universitas Nasional. Jakarta, Indonesia Email: [email protected] Abstract : This study was conducted to compare the capital owned by candidates from political dynasties in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections and make a generalization about which capital turns out to be the most influential in the election. The study is a comparative research which uses the Large-N, a method that compares cases in a broad area and a large number, with 28 candidates from political dynasties as the objects. The conclusion of this study is that the dynasties owned by candidates do not seem to mean much in the 2020 mayor and deputy mayor elections. The victories of candidates from political dynasties were influenced by various combinations of capital. No capital is more influential than other capital because ownership of capital will not mean much if the candidate does not have a good enough strategy in using that capital to attract voters. Key words: Economic Capital, Election, Political Capital, Political Dynasty, Social Capital Submission : Feb, 11th 2020 Revision : April 18th 2021 Publication : May 28th 2021 INTRODUCTION Indonesia is a country that adheres to a democratic system and conducts General Elections as a direct implementation of democracy. The holding of regional head and deputy regional head elections (local election) is an important part in a democratic country like Indonesia, as stated in Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution.