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REPRESENTING QUAKERS in the UNITED STATES, 1850-1920 Jennifer Connerley a Dissertation Submitted to The

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REPRESENTING QUAKERS in the UNITED STATES, 1850-1920 Jennifer Connerley a Dissertation Submitted to The FRIENDLY AMERICANS: REPRESENTING QUAKERS IN THE UNITED STATES, 1850-1920 Jennifer Connerley A dissertation submitted to the faculty of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Religious Studies. Chapel Hill 2006 Approved by: Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp Thomas A. Tweed Philip F. Gura Timothy Marr Grant Wacker ©2006 Jennifer Connerley ii ABSTRACT JENNIFER CONNERLEY: Friendly Americans: Representing Quakers in the United States, 1850-1920 (Under the direction of Laurie F. Maffly-Kipp) Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, representations of Quakers—like the Quaker Oats man—were perennially popular, on oatmeal canisters and throughout popular culture. In this dissertation, I examine popular representations of Quakers—in jokes, popular magazines, novels, images, advertising and other media—from 1850 to 1920. I also consider, where possible, Friends’ reactions to these depictions. During this period, popular representations of Friends typically evidence a longing for the devout distinctiveness Friends were imagined to possess—evidenced by their plain dress, plain speech, and well-known restrictions against dishonesty and oath-swearing. The traditional and visible testimonies of Friends were quickly changing during the latter half of the nineteenth century. This evolution seemed to quicken the broader population’s desire to retain and refashion a plain-dressed, old-fashioned representative of a national purity, piety, and unity that never existed. The most striking features of Quakers depicted in nineteenth century literatures and images center around the following categories: plain speech, abolitionism and women’s rights, pacifism and war, plain dress (in the form of the Quaker bonnet), and the (in)famous Quaker Oats man. In the first body chapter, I explore the Quaker distinctive of plain speech, which seemed to acquire new and greater significance throughout the broader culture just as iii Friends were abandoning the witness. Rinsed of doctrinal significance, this testimony became an attractive and admirable anachronism, signifying an imagined set of old-fashioned values. In the third and fourth chapters, I explore the ways in which the Quaker witnesses for reforms and pacifism were absorbed and transformed by purveyors of popular culture who occasionally valued these testimonies but often reshaped them to suit opposing purposes. In the fifth and sixth chapters, I explore the ways in which dress and appearance—for Quaker women and the Quaker Oats man—were interpreted and commodified in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. By appropriating the attractive and malleable image of a religious sectarian, American authors, artists, and entrepreneurs fashioned a normative and vaguely religious referent for American superiority. iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe many thanks to all those who supported, encouraged, and read this work in progress. For their time and invaluable research assistance, I thank Barbara P. Semonche of the Park Library at UNC-Chapel Hill, John Anderies of Haverford College Library, Susan Whitt of the Samson-Livermore Library at UNC-Pembroke, Mark Frost of the Dover Museum, and Rob Nagy of Accessible Archives. I am grateful to Libbie Curry, a kind and expert collector of Quakeriana, without whose help and support certain portions of this manuscript would have been impossible to complete. I thank my generous and committed advisor, Laurie Maffly-Kipp, who has ever kindled and encouraged my research. I also thank my always enthusiastic and dedicated committee members: Timothy Marr, Philip F. Gura, Thomas A. Tweed, and Grant Wacker. Many others read and offered suggestions to improve this manuscript, including Kathryn Lofton, Colleen McDannell, Mary Ellen O’Donnell, Tara Robbins, Chris Roberts, and Chad Seales. Much that is good here is the result of their careful readings and thoughtful input. I have been favored throughout this project with faithful support and gifted readers; any errors contained herein are entirely my own. v TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES………………………………………………………………………….vii Chapter I INTRODUCTION………………………………………………………………………1 A Quaker joke…………………………………………………………………………16 II PLAIN SPEECH………………………………………………………………………17 A Quaker joke…………………………………………………………………………59 III REFORMERS…………………………………………………………………………60 A Quaker joke…………………………………………………………………………91 IV FIGHTING QUAKERS……………………………………………………………….92 A Quaker joke………………………………………………………………………..142 V QUAKER BONNET…………………………………………………………………143 A Quaker joke………………………………………………………………………..205 VI QUAKER OATS……………………………………………………………………..206 EPILOGUE…………………………………………………………………………………245 REFERENCES……………………………………………………………………………..250 vi LIST OF FIGURES Figure Page 1. James L. Magee envelope……………………………….………………………………110 2. James L. Magee envelope……………………………………………………………….111 3. “The New Quaker Bonnet, 1861” .……………………………………………………………..113 4. Quaker gun………………………………………………………………………………118 5. Live cannon……………………………………………………………………………...119 6. “I Like Your Apron and Your Bonnet (And Your Little Quaker Gown)” (English).......182 7. “I Like Your Apron and Your Bonnet (And Your Little Quaker Gown)” (American)…183 8. “There’s a Quaker Down in Quaker Town”…………………………………………….185 9. Quaker Quakies advertisement………………………………………………………….222 vii CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION This project began in a moment of laughter. I happened to be leaving the Chapel Hill Friends meeting house when I saw a handmade postcard tacked up by the door. On it was an image of the Quaker Oats man, pointing directly at the viewer. Under his visage appeared the slogan: I WANT YOU For the Hundred Year Lamb’s War I laughed inwardly at the joke—these Friends had reclaimed an image that had capitalized on their name and their assigned virtues since the Quaker Oats man came into use in 1877. But why was he declaring war in an attitude first popularized by James Montgomery Flagg’s Uncle Sam? What kind of war was this? And how, exactly, did Quakers respond to the Quaker Oats man—an emblem of the ways their image has been shaped and commodified over the past one hundred and thirty years? These questions occurred to me in the lobby of a thriving and active meeting. Many late nineteenth century Americans would have doubted that such a meetinghouse would remain standing in the twenty-first century. The “decay of Quakerism” was a crisis that preoccupied many outside observers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Friends—knowledgeable, as always, about their reputation in the world at large—were aware of their perpetually predicted demise. The Friends’ Weekly Intelligencer quoted a worldly journal on the subject in May of 1855: “The decline of Quakerism in Boston” is a subject of marked comment in some of our newspapers. It were well to look into this a little further, before we decide the matter. When there were many Quakers in Boston, there were few others opposed to Slavery, to war, to capital punishment, or to the sale and use of exciting drinks. Now there are many who entertain these and other views once peculiar to the Society of Friends. Has Quakerism then declined, or has not a great portion of the world been improved by becoming Quakerized?—Eastern paper.1 In 1881, an article in the popular journal The Living Age asserted that “Quakerism decays fast; but must always be interesting, for its founders were in advance of their time, and had a firm grasp of some eternal truths which are even now not fully received.”2 Friends, of course, did not disappear, nor did Quakerism decay into oblivion. And yet, their ancient and visible witnesses were changing, much to the dismay of a watching public who longed to see Quakers preserved just as they were imagined to be in the earliest decades of the new nation. A merry exchange in Davis B. Casseday’s 1866 novel The Hortons succinctly evaluates Quakers’ role in late nineteenth-century American life. Lydia Bardleigh and Bradley Horton (a betrothed couple eventually thwarted by Lydia’s affecting demise) quarrel over the Quaker legacy in the United States. Lydia insists: “I believe Quakerism to have been one of God’s best gifts to the Anglo- Saxon race, as it was an irrepressible declaration for civil and religious liberty when sorely needed—an unfaltering protest against violence, licentiousness, and the tyranny of dead forms.”3 A more skeptical Bradley bows to Lydia’s resolution, acknowledging that “My ancestors were of the faith a century and a half ago, when there was more meat in the shell of Quakerism, and I respect the traditions. We need, here and now, the protesting spirit of these ancients. Our national lust of gold is ripe in a harvest of mercenary priests, overreaching tradesmen, corrupt judges, and legislatures which are bought.”4 2 For Bradley, it is the force of the early testimonies, or “the traditions” of Quakers that make them a continually necessary presence in American public life. The traditional “spirit of these ancients” had become indispensable as many Americans struggled to fashion themselves and the history of their nation during a historical period of rapid social, economic, and religious change. As Quaker practices and meeting disciplines shifted and changed over the course of the latter half of the nineteenth century, their visibility in society altered. After the crisis of the Civil War, many holiness and Gurneyite Quakers began to give up the longstanding and readily apparent testimonies of plain dress and plain speech. These
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