UNU/CRIS E-Occasional Papers O-2003/5 Is There a Comparative
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"Democratic Deficit": Reassessing Legitimacy in the European Union
JCMS 2002 Volume 40. Number 4. pp. 603–24 In Defence of the ‘Democratic Deficit’: Reassessing Legitimacy in the European Union* ANDREW MORAVCSIK Harvard University Abstract Concern about the EU’s ‘democratic deficit’ is misplaced. Judged against existing advanced industrial democracies, rather than an ideal plebiscitary or parliamentary democracy, the EU is legitimate. Its institutions are tightly constrained by constitu- tional checks and balances: narrow mandates, fiscal limits, super-majoritarian and concurrent voting requirements and separation of powers. The EU's appearance of exceptional insulation reflects the subset of functions it performs – central banking, constitutional adjudication, civil prosecution, economic diplomacy and technical administration. These are matters of low electoral salience commonly delegated in national systems, for normatively justifiable reasons. On balance, the EU redresses rather than creates biases in political representation, deliberation and output. Introduction Is the European Union democratically legitimate? It is an appropriate mo- ment to pose this question. The last decade has witnessed the emergence of a stable institutional equilibrium – let us call it the ‘European Constitutional Settlement’ – that serves as a de facto constitution for Europe. The Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice failed to alter its structure significantly. Deliberations now underway, despite being turbo-charged with constitutional rhetoric, are unlikely to achieve much more. The most ambitious proposals still under se- rious -
Intergovernmentalism
Intergovernmentalism MI CHELLE CINI Chapter Contents • Introduction • What is intergovernmentalism? • Hoffmann and his critics • Beyond classical intergovernmentalism • Liberal intergovernmentalism and its critics • Conclusion: the future af intergovernmentalism Reader's Guide This chapter provides an overview of intergovernmentalist integration theory, focusing ticularly on the works ofStanley Hoffmann and Andrew Moravcsik.ltfirst introduces tbe premises and assumptions of intergovernmentalism, identifying its realist underpinnin the state-centrism which provides the core ofthe approach, before examining in more the specific characteristics of Hoffmann's work. The subsequent section also examines ofthe ways in which intergovernmentalist thinking has contributed to different conce zations of European integration. The topics covered in this section are confederalis domestic politics approach; and institutional analyses that emphasize the 'locked-in' of nation states within the integration processoLast, but certainly not least, the chapter vides a brief review of Moravcsik's liberal intergovernmentalism, which since the mid 1 has become the main focal point for intergovernmentalist research. Intergovernmentalism 87 ntroduction m the mid 1960s to the present day, intergovern- intergovernmentalism?' This section outlines the ntalism-in one shape or another-has pro- general characteristics of the approach. The section ed students of the European Community/Union that follows introduces Hoffmann's early ideas; this a conceptual account of the European integra- section also addresses the main criticisms of his n processo For decades, students of European particular brand of intergovernmentalisrn, ation learnt about the two competing Hoffmann's groundbreaking insights into the phe- roaches which explained (and in some cases nomenon of European integration, together with icted) the course ofEuropean integration: neo- critiques of his work, led to new developments in ionalism (covered in Chapter 5) and intergov- European integration theory from the 1970s entalism. -
On Systemic Paradigms and Domestic Politics on Systemic Kevin Narizny Paradigms and Domestic Politics a Critique of the Newest Realism
On Systemic Paradigms and Domestic Politics On Systemic Kevin Narizny Paradigms and Domestic Politics A Critique of the Newest Realism The late 1990s was a fertile time for new thinking about how to incorporate domestic politics into international relations theory. First, in “Taking Preferences Seriously,” Andrew Moravcsik formulated a new paradigm to integrate diverse strands of existing scholarship on the topic.1 The result, which he called “liberalism,” made so- cietal preferences the analytic foundation of state behavior. Then, in “Neo- classical Realism and Theories of Foreign Policy,” Gideon Rose argued that several recently published books had successfully synthesized structural real- ism with ªne-grained insights about the domestic factors that mediate sys- temic pressures.2 Rose dubbed this research program “neoclassical realism” and championed it as an alternative to established theories both within and outside the realist paradigm. In short, both Moravcsik and Rose sought to draw new conceptual boundaries for the study of international relations. Thus far, the ªeld’s response to these two works has been quite different. Most scholars have accepted Moravcsik’s characterization of liberalism as a paradigmatic alternative to realism, but few have described their own work as liberal, even when it qualiªes as such. Meanwhile, neoclassical realism has generated considerable enthusiasm. Rose has not developed it further, but others have written theoretical essays that expand on its logic. Even more im- portant, numerous individuals have identiªed their empirical research with it. As of 2017, more than forty published works have used the term “neoclassical realism” or “neoclassical realist” in their title, and countless others have aligned themselves with it. -
Regional Integration and the Evolution of the European Polity: on the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Journal of Common
JOBNAME: No Job Name PAGE: 1 SESS: 16 OUTPUT: Thu Nov 17 21:19:10 2011 SUM: 7E087AC6 /v2451/blackwell/journals/JCMS_v50_is1/jcms_2224 JCMS 2012 Volume 50. Number S1. pp. 1–17 Regional Integration and the Evolution of the European Polity: On the Fiftieth Anniversary of the Journal of Common Market Studiesjcms_2224 1..18 WALTER MATTLI AND ALEC STONE SWEET Introduction This special issue commemorates the fiftieth anniversary of the Journal of Common Market Studies. Over five decades, the journal has charted the deep transformations wrought by integration in Europe: of markets and economic organization; law and courts; party systems and interest group politics; and of regulation, both public and private. Along the way, scholarship on the EC/EU gradually turned to the pervasive impact of integration and supranational governance on national structures; to how the various levels of decision making interact to produce and implement policy; and to public opinion, cultural identity and the deep normative questions concerning how to assess the political legitimacy of the EU. Once catering to a relatively small community of specialists, there is now virtually no important strain of social scientific, legal or historical research on contemporary Europe that falls outside the journal’s purview. Arguably, JCMS is the most important and successful interdisciplinary forum for the publication of research on any single polity – in this case, the European Union. Although much has changed, major themes developed in this special issue found expression in the early journal. The first twenty issues (1962–1967) contained articles on voting procedures (Sidjanski, 1962), the state of public opinion on the European Com- munity (Gallup, 1963); the concept and practice of ‘supranational’ authority (Rosenstiel, 1963; Deutsch, 1963); and supposed distinctions between the process of ‘functional integration’ and that of federalization (Mitrany 1965). -
Reforming Multilateralism in Post-Covid Times
ited for A NEW MULTILATERALISM EDITED BY MARIO TELÒ REFORMING MULTILATERALISM IN POST-COVID TIMES FOR A MORE REGIONALISED, BINDING AND LEGITIMATE UNITED NATIONS EDITED BY Mario Telò REFORMING MULTILATERALISM IN POST-COVID TIMES IN POST-COVID REFORMING MULTILATERALISM PUBLISHED IN DECEMBER 2020 BY Foundation for European Progressive Studies Avenue des Arts 46 B-1000 Brussels, Belgium +32 2 234 69 00 [email protected] www.feps-europe.eu @FEPS_Europe EDITOR AND PROJECT SCIENTIFIC DIRECTOR Mario Telò LEADER OF THE PROJECT Maria João Rodrigues, President, Foundation for European Progressive Studies FEPS COORDINATORS OF THE PROJECT Hedwig Giusto, Susanne Pfeil IAI COORDINATOR OF THE PROJECT Ettore Greco COPYRIGHT © 2020 Foundation for European Progressive Studies (FEPS) PROOFREADING AND COPY EDITING Nicky Robinson GRAPHIC DESIGN Triptyque.be COVER PHOTO Shutterstock PRINTED BY Oficyna Wydawnicza ASPRA-JR Published with the financial support of the European Parliament. The views expressed in this report are solely those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of the European Parliament. ISBN 978-2-930769-46-2 PROJECT PARTNERS FRIEDRICH-EBERT-STIFTUNG NEW YORK OFFICE 747 Third Avenue, Suite 34D, New York, NY 10017, United States +1 (212) 687-0208 [email protected] https://www.feps-europe.eu @fesnewyork FONDATION JEAN-JAURÈS 12 Cité Malesherbes, 75009 Paris, France +33 (0)1 40 23 24 00 https://jean-jaures.org [email protected] @j_jaures CENTRO STUDI DI POLITICA INTERNAZIONALE (CeSPI) Piazza Venezia 11, 00187 Roma, Italy +39 -
European Integration (Theory) in Times of Crisis a Comparison of the Euro and Schengen Crises
European Integration (Theory) in Times of Crisis A comparison of the Euro and Schengen crises Frank Schimmelfennig, ETH Zürich, [email protected] Abstract The European Union has gone through major crises of its two flagship projects of the 1990s: the Euro and Schengen. Both crises had structurally similar causes and beginnings: exogenous shocks exposed the functional shortcomings of both integration projects and produced sharp distributional conflict among governments as well as an unprecedented politicization of European integration in member state societies. Yet they have resulted in significantly different outcomes: whereas the Euro crisis has brought about a major deepening of integration, the Schengen crisis has not. I put forward a neofunctionalist explanation of these different outcomes, which emphasizes variation in transnational interdependence and supranational capacity across the two policy areas. Acknowledgments For comments on previous versions of the paper, I thank audiences at an ACCESS EUROPE seminar at VU Amsterdam, the 2017 annual conference of the Swiss Political Science Association in St. Gallen, the 2017 EUSA Convention in Miami, and the Euro-CEFG workshop at the University of Rotterdam. Special thanks to Klaus Armingeon, Ben Crum, Madeleine Hosli, Matthias Mattijs, Thomas Spijkerboer, and Jonathan Zeitlin. Introduction The European Union (EU) has come to operate in crisis mode permanently. When the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force in December 2009, the EU finally appeared to have achieved institutional consolidation after the failure of the Constitutional Treaty. Around the same time, however, the mounting Greek balance-of-payment problem signaled the start of the Euro crisis. As soon as “Grexit” was averted in dramatic negotiations in July 2015, the migration flow across the Aegean Sea spiraled out of control, triggering a crisis of the Schengen regime of free movement across internal EU borders. -
2 Bringing Constructivist Integration Theory out of the Clouds: Has It Landed Yet? Andrew Moravcsik
04 Forum (jr/d) 3/5/01 11:29 am Page 226 226 European Union Politics 2(2) my loosely positivist epistemology, the strong emphasis on agency, the neglect of recursive practices. Clearly, this middle way loses part of the constructivist train (Joergensen, 1997; Diez, 1999: 363–4). My micro-focus limits what can be said about collective identity formation in Europe (Marcussen et al., 1999), or about processes of state/international socialization (Adler and Barnett, 1998: chs 1, 2). Moreover, I am unable to capture fully the mutually constitu- tive dynamics between my persuading agents and broader social structures because of my epistemological stance. Thinking in terms of variables and causal process tracing requires something be held constant for the analysis to proceed. My response to such concerns is two-fold. Theoretically, the approach should be viewed as supplying much-needed micro-foundational building blocks for more sweeping—and often heuristic—constructivist arguments about collective identity formation or state learning (also Checkel, 2001b). Practically, my response is ‘so what?’ The concern here is to develop oper- ationalizeable social science theory (built on positivist or more interpretative epistemologies), and not social theory. My strong sense is that constructivism still has too much of the latter and not enough of the former. So, indeed, I have lost something. But I have gained the beginnings of a testable con- structivist research programme, which addresses an issue of central concern to Europeanists, and does so in a way that promotes dialogue with both rational choice and interpretative scholars (also Risse and Wiener, 1999: 775–7). -
Theorizing Regionalism: Cooperation, Integration, and Governance by Tanja A
Theorizing Regionalism: Cooperation, Integration, and Governance by Tanja A. Börzel Prepared for Tanja A. Börzel/Thomas Risse (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Comparative Regionalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, in prep.) “[W]ith the exception of European institutions, regional institutions have occupied a small and insignificant part of the overall theoretical literature on international institutions” (Acharya and Johnston 2007a: 2). The end of the Cold War saw a surge in regionalism. While the number of preferential trading agreements (PTA) exploded (Mansfield and Pevehouse 2013), long-standing regional organizations, such as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) or the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), experienced the delegation of more political authority and policy competencies in the past two decades (Börzel 2013). These two trends of more and deeper regionalism, respectively, are often attributed to processes of diffusion or interdependent decision-making. Regional cooperation and integration spread across time and space once the constraints of geopolitics had ceased to exist (Risse in this volume). This chapter explores how mainstream theories of regional cooperation and integration account for the changes in the quantity and quality of regionalism.1 Unlike diffusion, these theories implicitly or explicitly conceptualize regionalism as driven by independent decision- making of regional actors responding to causal factors located within or outside the region. The chapter starts by arguing that the dominant theories of regional cooperation and integration share a bias towards taking states as the main drivers of regionalism and 1 Critical theories to regionalism, such as the World Oder Approach, are dealt with by the chapters on new regionalism (Söderbaum in this volume) and non-Western approaches (Acharya in this volume) Börzel Theories of Cooperation, Integration and Governance focusing on processes of formal institution-building at the regional level. -
Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective, In: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 41, 3, 117–142
Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China aktuell Fleischauer, Stefan (2012), Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective, in: Journal of Current Chinese Affairs, 41, 3, 117–142. ISSN: 1868-4874 (online), ISSN: 1868-1026 (print) The online version of this article and the other articles can be found at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> Published by GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies, Institute of Asian Studies in cooperation with the National Institute of Chinese Studies, White Rose East Asia Centre at the Universities of Leeds and Sheffield and Hamburg University Press. The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is an Open Access publication. It may be read, copied and distributed free of charge according to the conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution-No Derivative Works 3.0 License. To subscribe to the print edition: <[email protected]> For an e-mail alert please register at: <www.CurrentChineseAffairs.org> The Journal of Current Chinese Affairs is part of the GIGA Journal Family which includes: Africa Spectrum ●● Journal of Current Chinese Affairs Journal of Current Southeast Asian Affairs ●● Journal of Politics in Latin America <www.giga-journal-family.org> This Taiwan edition has been published and edited in cooperation with the European Research Center on Contemporary Taiwan (ERCCT) at Eberhard Karls University of Tübingen. Journal of Current Chinese Affairs 3/2012: 117142 Cross-Strait Relations and the Way Forward: Observations from a European Integration Perspective Stefan FLEISCHAUER Abstract: The new policy platform in Taiwan of economic liberalization toward the Chinese mainland which was inaugurated by President Ma Ying-jeou (Ma Yingjiu) in 2008 has been the source of both expectation and anxiety. -
Tommaso Pavone
Tommaso Pavone Postdoctoral Fellow • PluriCourts Centre, University of Oslo Kristian Augusts gate 17, Oslo, Norway 0164 [email protected] • https://www.tommasopavone.com/ Academic Appointments PluriCourts Centre, University of Oslo, 2019 - present Postdoctoral Fellow in Political Science Education Princeton University, 2013 - 2019 Ph.D., Politics • Thesis: “The Ghostwriters: Lawyers & the Politics Behind the Judicial Construction of Europe” • Advisors: Kim Scheppele (chair), Andrew Moravcsik, R. Daniel Kelemen, & Paul Frymer M.A., Politics (2015) University of Chicago, 2011 - 2012 M.A., Social Sciences, concentrations in political science & public law University of Michigan - Ann Arbor, 2007 - 2010 B.A., Public Policy, Political Science Minor (with distinction, Phi Beta Kappa) Professional History • Graduate Fellow, Princeton Institute for International & Regional Studies (PIIRS), 2018 - 2019 • Graduate Associate, Princeton European Union Program, 2014 - 2019 • Graduate Associate, Princeton Program in Law and Public Affairs (LAPA), 2013 - 2019 • Editorial Assistant, World Politics, 2015 - 2016 • Consultant, World Bank, May 2016 • Research Tech. Senior, Inter-univ. Consortium for Pol. & Social Research (ICPSR), 2010 - 2013 Book Project 1. Pavone, Tommaso. In progress. The Ghostwriters: Lawyers and the Politics Behind the Judicial Con- struction of Europe. Draft manuscript available upon request. Peer-Reviewed Articles 1. Pavone, Tommaso and R. Daniel Kelemen. 2019. “The Evolving Judicial Politics of European Integration: The European Court of Justice and National Courts Revisited.” European Law Journal 25 (4): 352-373. https://doi.org/10.1111/eulj.12321 2. Pavone, Tommaso. 2019. “From Marx to Market: Lawyers, European Law, and the Contentious Transformation of the Port of Genoa.” Law & Society Review 53 (3): 851-888. https://doi.org/10. -
The European Constitutional Compromise and the Neofunctionalist Legacy Andrew Moravcsik1
Journal of European Public Policy 12:2 April 2005: 349–386 The European Constitutional Compromise and the neofunctionalist legacy Andrew Moravcsik1 ABSTRACT Neofunctionalism, a framework rather than a theory, has long played an important role in EU scholarship. Yet initial versions were overly comprehensive, incompletely specified and, as a result, non-falsifiable. Once concrete claims about the history of the EU are specified more precisely, they tend to be invalid: national preferences rarely result from unintended spillover, supranational entrepreneurs are rarely decisive – findings often disguised by poor theoretical specification and selection bias in EU scholarship. For the study of the EU today, the most important weakness of neofunctionalism is that its focus on ‘ever closer union’ obscures the emergence over the past decade of a stable constitutional equilibrium – a European Constitutional Compromise. This compromise is unlikely to be undermined by sub- stantive, institutional, or ideological developments over the medium term – because current constitutional arrangements are substantively effective, institutionally pro- tected, and democratically legitimate. The EU has reached constitutional maturity. KEY WORDS Compromise; constitution; democratic; legitimate; stable. Over the past half-century the European Union (EU) has evolved until its pol- icies and institutions are of a scope and significance without parallel among international organizations. Within Europe, tariffs, quotas, and most customs barriers have been all but eliminated. In regulatory areas such as environmental policy, competition, agricultural and industrial standardization policy, the EU is a dominant regional and global force. Similarly the EU is a bone fide superpower in the area of global trade. The European Court of Justice (ECJ) has established the supremacy of EU law, the right of individuals to file suits, and constitutional review for consistency with the Treaty of Rome, which is binding through the near-uniform acceptance of its decisions by domestic courts. -
APPENDIX Is Liberal Intergovernmentalism Regressive?
APPENDIX Is Liberal Intergovernmentalism Regressive? Table of Contents 1. Quality of evidence p.1 2. Charles De Gaulle, Memoirs of Hope: Renewal and Endeavor p.5 3. Jean Lacouture, De Gaulle the Ruler p.11 4. Miriam Camps, European Unification in the 1960s: From the Veto to the Crisis p.16 5. Lord Gladwyn, The Memoirs of Lord Gladwyn p.19 6. Susanne Bodenheimer, Political Union: A Microcosm of European Politics p.22 7. Paul-Henri Spaak, The Continuing Battle: Memoirs of a European p.26 8. Wolfram Kaiser, Using Europe, Abusing the European p.31 9. John Campbell, Edward Heath, A Biography p.35 10. Alfred Grosser, French Foreign Policy Under de Gaulle p.38 11. France: De Gaulle’s deliberate deception? p.43 This appendix probes key sources that Andrew Moravcsik uses in the Choice for Europe to advance a liberal intergovernmentalist theory of European integration.1 The core claims of CfE are that the institutional structure of the European Union is determined by intergovernmental bargaining, that governments are motivated chiefly by economics not geopolitics, and that governments do so in response to the demands of producer groups. By arguing that international negotiation is the key to explaining European treaties and by placing international negotiation in the context of domestic interest aggregation, the book gave legitimacy to a field – diplomacy – that appeared out of touch with contemporary political science. The book argues against the dominant view that diplomacy was oriented to power politics. Moravcsik (AM) argues that negotiations are undertaken by ‘national leaders who consistently pursued economic interests—primarily the commercial interests of powerful economic producers and secondarily the macroeconomic preferences of ruling governmental coalitions’ (CfE: 3).