UNIVERSITY OF Hl".wAI'1 LIBRARY

MARSHALLESE NAVIGATION AND VOYAGING:

RE-LEARNING AND REVIVING INDIGENOUS KNOWLEDGE OF THE OCEAN

A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE GRADUATE DMSION OF THE UNIVERSITY OF HAW AI'I IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

IN

ANTHROPOLOGY

MAY 2008

By Joseph Howard Genz

Dissertation Committee:

Ben Finney, Chairperson Geoffi"ey White Nina Etkin David Hanlon Mark Merrifield We certify that we have read this dissertation and that, in our opinion, it is satisfactory in scope and quality as a dissertation for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Anthropology

DISSERTATION COMMITTEE

Chairperson

ii © Copyright (2008)

By

Joseph H. Genz

iii DEDICATION

Na Ii aje bok in ilo ememej Kilon Takiah im Alton AlbiolJS, /aJlap ro jema im rejiton boro ippa, riikake ro im ewor kea ippaer.

I dedicate the dissertation to the memory ofKiIon Takiah and Alton Albious, my adopted

Marshallese fathers who were also my thoughtful teachers and caring friends.

iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The dissertation is part of a collaborative project among University of Haw ai' i­

Manoa (UHM) anthropologists and oceanographers and Marshallese canoe builders,

sailors and navigators. 1 would like to first acknowledge Captain Korent Joel, as the

entire project centered on his efforts to re-learn and revive navigation and voyaging.

Captain Korent had the audacity to envision Marshallese mariners once again sailing their

traditional voyaging canoes and navigating with their indigenous knowledge of

the ocean. The initiation of this cultural revitalization required Captain Korent's technical navigational knowledge, considerable sea experience, respected reputation

within the maritime community, and motivation to re-learn navigation from his elders.

These few remaining stewards of navigational knowledge shared their precious

knowledge for the benefit of future generations. They were, in order of their participation,

lsao Eknilang, Alton Albious (deceased), Anno Aisaia, Willie Mwekto, Francis Livai,

Thomas Bokin, Lijohn Eknllang and Mejon River. 1 am grateful to Iroij/ap/ap (high

chief) lmata Kabua. Iroij (chief) Mike Kabua and the Council of Iroij for granting these

cultural experts permission to share their knowledge.

The local canoe building revival project Waan Ae/oii in Maje/ (WAM; Canoes of the ) played a fundamental role in making Captain Korent's vision a

reality. 1 want to thank Dennis Alessio and Alson Kelen for inviting Ben Finney and me to assist in their navigation and voyaging revitalization project, and for their support and encouragement. Dennis introduced me to his adopted Marshallese father, master canoe builder Kilon Takiah, who then became my Marshallese father, teacher and friend. Alson

v worked as my local counterpart, helping me to understand local knowledge protocols, gain permission to conduct research, establish rapport with the consultants, transcribe and translate the , and organize the research. I am also indebted to JiII

Luciano and Rachel MiIler for their assistance in managing the various grants. WAM also provided my wife and I the most idyllic bungalow on . I would like to thank the entire WAM family of administrators, trainers and trainees for their kindness, support and friendship.

Learning the Marshallese language was essential for my research. I would like to thank UHM linguist Byron Bender for his patience in working with me for several years in Hawai'i prior to my fieldwork. I am also grateful for Lagi John's intensive language lessons in Wahiawa and Monica LaBriola's patience during our weekly language lessons at UHM. With the help of my host family on the atoll of Ailuk, I worked through Peter

Rudiak-Gould's Practical MarshoJlese several times, which vastly improved my ability to speak and understand the Marshallese language. I would also like to thank Alfred

Capelle for translating the Protection of Human Subjects form and Tom Lundstrom at the

College ofthe Marshall Islands for providing me with a template of the Marshallese font

/kii1JlOO1'l karprpoolol ri-Ailuk ro kiin aer kar karuwaineneik eo nan iineo iineer im ikii1JlOO1'l karprpoolol baarple eo aO kiin aer karuwaineneik eo nan TflWeo iTflWeer, kiijparok eo im kotakin eo kajin rpqjeJ im rpanit in rpajeJ. I would like to thank the people of Ailuk for welcoming me to their atoll. I would also like to thank my host family for inviting me to their home, taking care of me, teaching me the Marshallese language and introducing me to the . I am forever indebted to my host father Kilon Takiah and his family for their endless patience, kindness and love. Kilon shared with me his

vi family's treasured stories and legends, as well as his knowledge of canoe building and sailing. His family - Kanji, Alimi, Russell, Kajima, Kwatma, Tembo, Tem, Bejun,

Rosinda, Panto and Jennifer - welcomed me as one of their own.

The members of my committee have been instrumental in helping me develop, implement and write about this research project. The idea of combining voyaging research with cultural revival as a dissertation project came from Ben Finney. As my mentor, Ben has guided me through my graduate studies. I feel honored that he has invited me many times to his home to discuss my progress and has shared his office with me so that I could write the dissertation. Ben also visited me for a month in the Marshall

Islands when I faced difficulties in initiating the voyaging project. I am very grateful for his unwavering support and helpful insights during this challenging, complicated and interesting project. In several ways, Geoffrey White has been a second advisor to me.

Geoff motivated me to explore the cognitive dimensions of navigation and to develop a strong research design. Geoff took the time to read numerous drafts of my research proposals and the dissertation. Although I often entered Geoff's office frustrated and uncertain. I always left with a renewed sense of purpose and restored confidence. When

Ben and I began searching for oceanographers interested in investigating the physical basis of wave patterns in Marshallese navigation, Mark Merrifield's enthusiasm immediately captured our attention. Mark has provided a depth of oceanographic knowledge to the problem of navigation, while contributing to every aspect ofthe research, including grant writing and obtaining funds, conducting fieldwork, and providing support for conferences. During one particularly memorable day of gathering wave information near the end of my fieldwork, I returned home with a lack of data due

vii to faulty equipment. Distressed, with only a few weeks of fieldwork left, I called Mark in

Hawai'i. His reassurance on the phone to commit additional equipment and personnel on a moment's notice exemplified his commitment to the project. The finaI version of the dissertation is strongly influenced by Nina Etkin and David Hanlon. Nina challenged me to make the dissertation more rigorous by explaining my theoretical framework and articulating the research design. The dissertation also reflects my growing sensitivity to issues of representation, reflexivity and historical expression. I am grateful to David

Hanlon for engaging me in these and other ideas during his extremely memorable classes on ethnographic history and history in .

I would like to acknowledge Russell Bernard, Jeffiey Johnson and Susan Weller of the National Science Foundation Summer Institute for Research Design in Cultural

Anthropology for their assistance in developing a strong research design. Their insightful comments on my research proposal led to financial support from several funding agencies. This paper is funded in part by a grant/cooperative agreement from the

National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, Project #RlEP-27, which is sponsored by the University ofHawai'i Sea Grant College Program, SOEST, under

Institutional Grant No. NA050AR4l71 048 from NOAA Office of Sea Grant,

Department of Commerce. The views expressed herein are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views ofNOAA or any of its subagencies. UNIHI­

SEAGRANT-XD-06-01. This project is also funded in part by a Dissertation

Improvement Grant (No. 514594) from the National Science Foundation, an Individual

Research Grant (No. 7282) from the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological

Research, Inc., and a grant from Mobil Oil Micronesia.

viii The project also benefited from the generosity of several Marshallese organizations and individuals. The Local Government provided accommodations on Rongelap. The Local Government and the Marshall

Islands Marine Resource Authority donated the use of several motorboats to conduct oceanographic wave studies. The Marshall Islands Fisheries and Nautical Training

Center provided a classroom for daily instruction with the consultants. The Marshall

Islands Environmental Protection Agency shared several satellite images. The Alele

Museum made available an audio and video archive oflegends and stories. In particular,

I would like to thank James Matayoshi, Eldon Note, Joel Clinton, Caleb McClennan,

Clary Makroro and Terry Mote for their support and assistance. I would also like to thank Richard and Chris Barrie aboard Windswept and Eric Nystrom and Priam Kanealii aboard Mali for the generous use of their vessels. Without their assistance, the project would have lacked a practical sea component. I would further like to thank Christian

Lehman for arranging my visit to Namu.

I would like to thank UHM oceanographers Jerome Aucan and Oliver Vetter for their technical assistance in the Marshall Islands and Hawai'i. In particular, Jerome was instrumental in interpreting the wave data and developing the wave models. The

European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts (ECMWF) 40 Year Re-analysis data (ERA-40) used in this study have been obtained from the ECMWF Data Server.

For their encouragement and advice in the Marshall Islands, I would like to thank

Julie Kroeker, Leona Valdez, Keka Kealoha, Irene Taafaki, Carmen Petrosian-Husa,

Frank Thomas, Steve Why, Martin Schneider, Michael Graves, Karen Earsnshaw and members ofthe Mieco Beach Club. In addition, I would like to thank Neil Skinner

ix for the use of his windsurfers on Majuro, which provided me with an outlet, as well as a

thrilling adrenaline rush at sunset I would also like to thank Chip Fletcher and Mark

Merrifield for providing my wife with the opportunity to work in the Marshall Islands.

Chip also provided me with a desk to write the dissertation and offered me office space to

complete the dissertation.

My family, friends and fellow graduate students have been very supportive of my studies in Hawai'i and fieldwork in the Marshall Islands. I am grateful for their

encouragement through each stage of this process. In particular, I would like to thank my

father, Tom Genz, for introducing me to the problem of indigenous navigation. I would also like to thank my grandmother, Betty Genz, for keeping me on task - for asking me

every week for the past seven years how my dissertation was progressing and when I would finish. I would like to thank my colleagues Vickie Ramirez and Heather

McMillen for listening to me and offering advice and encouragement from the time we entered the program together. I would also like to thank Kepa Lyman, his parents Kimo and Vicky and his siblings for introducing me to ocean sailing and for extending their oharuz to my wife and me - they have become our home away from home. Finally, I would like to thank my wife, Ayesha, for her unconditional support, encouragement to pursue my dream and for accompanying me on this great adventure.

x ABSTRACT

Navigation and voyaging in Oceania contribute to a domain of knowledge tbat is highly specialized and powerful. Cultural experts developed elaborate mental representations of space and embodied knowledge oftbe ocean to guide tbeir canoes toward land. A decline of voyaging has tbreatened tbe survival oftbis specialist knowledge while maintaining its prestige. In tbis etbnography of navigation and voyaging, I examine indigenous ways of knowing and cultural revival in the Republic of the Marshall Islands.

Unique throughout Oceania, Marshallese navigators guide their canoes by observing how islands disrupt tbe flow of swell and current steams. With a virtual cessation of voyaging, there have been very few etbnographic studies of Marshal lese navigation and there has yet to be an oceanographic study to understand the physical basis of navigation. I collaborated with tbe few surviving navigation experts, University of Hawai'i-Miinoa anthropologists and oceanographers, and a community canoe building organization to synergistically research, re-leam and revive navigation and voyaging.

This collaborative endeavor centered on how Marshallese construct, use and value their knowledge of tbe ocean.

I describe and reflect on tbe development of, and my participation in, the cultural revival of voyaging. Despite the challenges and complexities of the project, one individual re-leamed aspects of navigation he had not acquired in his youth and successfully conducted a navigation test to become a titled navigator. This allowed me to investigate indigenous conceptualizations, explanations and models of the ocean, sensory

xi perceptions of motion, and navigation in practice. Drawing from several theoretical approaches to navigation, I developed an array of methods and fonns of analysis to develop a robust cognitive model of navigation. I learned through explicit instruction, demonstration, personal observations and practical experience, conducted a variety of interviews, and recorded and analyzed naturally occurring discourse and local communication patterns. Drawing from oceanography, I also explain the physical basis of navigation. In summary, Marshallese navigation is a system of wave piloting, in which the navigator experiences a continual flow of perceptual information from swell and currents that indicate the distance and direction toward land.

xii TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements •...... •••...••••...... •••.•••.••..•••.•••..•. v Abstract .••.•••.•.•.....•••.•••..•...... ••..••.•.....•.•....•.••...... •..•..•••..•••.•••.• xi List of Figures •.•••..••.•••.•...... ••..•••.••...... ••....•••..•••..... xv List of Tables ...... •.•.•..•••..•...••...... •••..•...•...... ••..••••...•••.• xviii List of Abbreviations ...... •...... •••..•••...... •••..•.•.•••...... ••...... •...••..• xix Chapter I: Introduction ...... •.•.•••....••...... •...•••••..••...•...••...... •.• 1 Indigenous Ways of Knowing ..••...... •.•••••.•.•.•...•....•.....•••...... •• 2 Cultural Revival ...... ••..••...••...... •••...•...••...... •••.••.•. 4 Dissertation SummllI)' ...... 8 Chapter 2: Approaches to Navigation ..•.•...... •..•••..•••.•...... •••.•••...... •...... •• 14 Anthropology and Psychology .....••.•••.....•.•...... •••.•••..••...... • 14 Oceania ...... 20 Orientation and Setting Course ...... 27 Keeping on Course and Estimating Position ...... 29 Making Landfall...... 32 Republic of the Marshall Islands ...... 33 SummllI)' ...... " ...... 46 Chapter 3: Methodology ...... 48 Research Design ...... 48 Host Family and Language ...... 51 Local Counterpart ...... 52 Research Schedule ...... 53 Research Sites ...... 53 Consultants ...... 54 Ethnographic Data Collection Methods and Analysis ...... 56 Oceanographic Data Collection Methods and Analysis ...... 64 SummllI)' ...... 68 Chapter 4: Cultural Revival ...... 70 Power ofNavigationaI Knowledge ...... 71 Rongelapese Navigators ...... 75 A Virtual Cessation of Voyaging ...... 80 Contemporary Canoe Building and Sailing ...... 82 Continuity on ...... 82 Resurgence Through Waan Aeloii in Majel ...... 88 KDpeel in Meto ...... 93 Reflections ...... 97 On the Development of KDpeel in Meto ...... 98 On the Cultural Politics ofNavigationaI Knowledge ...... I02 Summary ...... 107 Chapter 5: Conceptualizations of Space and Time ...... 109 Absolute and Contingent Directions ...... 109

xiii Annual and Lunar Cycles of Time .••...... •.....•.•••.....•••.•••.....••...... 115 Weather Forecasting. . •• • ...... •• • . . •• . . •...... •.• . . •• • • •• . •• . . . ••.• 125 Summary .•..•...••...•...•..•....•.....••.•...•••••...... •.•...•••.•••..•. 130 Chapter 6: Auxiliary Aides to Navigation ••••...•...••...•...... •...... •••.•••...•.... 132 Astronomical Kok/a/ ...... •.•...••...... •••.••...••. 132 Oceanographic Kok/a/ ••...... •.•.•••.....•••.•...... •••.•••..••... 133 Biological KOk/a/ ..••.••...•••....••.•...... ••...•.....•••.•••..•••.•..••....•... 135 Bwebwenato in Wiwijet ....•....•...... ••...... •...... ••...•... 135 Bwil im Kartak .••.....•...... •...... ••••....••••...••...•...•..••....••.•... 136 !kid e(l an Lairifin (1) ..••...... •...•..•...••••.•.••..•••.•.•..•.. 140 !kid e(l an Lairifin (2) ...... •...... •...•••...•.....•••.•••.•...•••.••... 142 !kid e(l an Kalnm ...... •....••.•••.•••..•••.••...... •••.•...... •••..•. 145 Litannelu kah LainJin •.•••...••.•.•.•...•.. .•••..•••.•••...... •.••.• 147 Summary •••••••••••••••••..•••.•••.•••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••.•.•...••••••••••• 153 Chapter 7: Wave Piloting ...... 154 Concepts •....•••..•••..••...... •••.•...•...•••••...... •••..•••...•...... • 154 Dilep ...... •••.•....••...... •...... •.....•...... •••.•••..•••.•••. 155 KOk/a/ and Kamelo ...... •...... •••..•••.••...... 158 Jukae, Rubukae and Jeljeltae .....•••..••..•••...... •..••••...•••..... 164 Models ...... ••...•.•...•...... •...••...... •...•••...... 166 Nifieaii kab ROkeaii .•...••..•....•.•••...•...••...•....••.•...•.•.•...... • 169 Wapepe ...... ••...... •...... •••...•...•.....•...... •••..•••.•••. 171 Meto ...... •.•.•.••..•••...... ••....•.••..••...... •.•.••..•.. 173 Navigation Training Reef...... ••..••..•••...... •...... ••• 176 An Oceanographic Explanation ..•.••...... •...... •...... ••.•••.•••..... 178 Sensory Perceptions ....•••••..•••....•..•...••••••...•...... ••...•••.•..• 187 Navigation in Practice ...... 189 Discussion .•••...... •..•••..•...... ••...•...... ••..••.....••..•..... 198 Summary ..•..••.•••....•.•...... •...... •••..••...... •..•••...••.•••...... •...... •• 206 Chapter 8: Conclusion ...... 209 Summary ••..•••.•••..•.•.••.•••..•••.••...•••.••.•••..•••.•••..•...... ••.•.•...... • 209 Limitations and Future Research ..••...•.•.•.....••..•.••...•••.•..••...•••.•••.••• 212 Appendix A: Marshallese Orthography .•...••...... ••.•.••...••...... ••...•...•••.. 215 Appendix B: Protection of Human Subjects Fonn ...... 216 Appendix C: Biographies of the Consultants •.•...... ••.....•••.•...... •...•.•..•••.••220 Appendix D: Direction, Navigation and Weather Forecasting Terms ••.••..••..•••.•.. 226 Appendix E: Bwebwenato ...... •...... •.•.••...... ••..•••.••..•.•...... •..•••..•... 236 Appendix F: Wave Buoy Deployment Information ..••.•••.•...••••..•••...••..•.•••••.. 244 Appendix G: Community Updates ...... •...... ••....•...... •...•.•••..••. 245 Appendix H: Ri-Kopeel Nomination •...•...... ••....•..•••.....•...•••...•....•.•• 247 Glossary ••..•••....•...... •••.•.•...... ••.••.•....•••.•••...... ••....•.•••.• 249 Bibliography ..••...•...... •.•••...... ••..•••.•••...•...... •...••.•.. 256

xiv LIST OF FIGURES

~ bml

1. Captain Korent Joel...... 5

2. Map ofthe Republic of the Marshall Islands ...... 34

3. Historic Marshallese outrigger sailing canoe ...... 35

4. Winkler's (1898) diagram of swell transformations ...... 39

5. Historic photograph of boo} ...... 39

6. Map of current streams with seasonal variation ...... 41

7. Shallow water swell transformations ...... 42

8. Current shears inducing wave refraction in the wake of an atoll ...... 43

9. Master canoe builder and host father Kilon Takiah ...... 51

10. Research sites ...... 54

II. Consultants ...... 55

12. The yacht Mali...... 60

13. Wave buoy ...... 65

14. Wave buoy deployments ...... 66

15. Contemporary Ailuk outrigger sailing canoe ...... 83

16. Historic Ailuk outrigger sailing canoe ...... 83

17. Map of oceanographic kDk/a/ specific to an atoll, island or sea ...... 134

18. Map of kDk/a/ with spiritual qualities ...... 139

19. Example of dilep ...... 156

20. Dilep ...... 158

xv 21. Kok/a/ surrounding an atoll ...... 160

22. Captain Korent's conceptualization of kOk/a/ surrounding an atoll .•...•..... 161

23. Thomas Bokin's conceptualization of kOk/a/ surrounding an atoll .....••.•... 164

24. Alternate conceptualizations ofjukae, rubukoe andjeljeltae ...... •••..•• I66

25. Nifieafi kab rokeafi .....•••...... •.••••.••••••.•••..•.•.••...... •...• 167

26. Wapepe ...... •..•..•...... •••...•.....••••.••...... •••...•...... 168

27. Meta ...... 168

28. Wave patterns surrounding one atoll in the nifieafi kab rokeafi .•••.•.•...... 169

29. Wave patterns between atolls in the nifieafi kab rokeafi ...... ••..••.....•.•.... 170

30. Wave patterns surrounding an atoll in the wapepe .....•••...•...... ••..•••.•••. 171

31. Wave patterns between atolls in the wapepe ...... •...•..•...... •••..••..•• 172

32. Wave patterns surrounding an atoll in the meto ....•••...•...... •..•.. 174

33. Wave shadow effects in the formation of kOk/a/ surrounding an atoll in the meto .....•.•.....•••...... •...... ••...••..•.....•.•...••..•• 174

34. Wave patterns between four atolls in the meto ...... 175

35. Navigation training reef(dekii) on Rongelap .•.•.•...... •...•••..••...... •..•. .177

36. Swell climatology in the RMI ...... •••...... •••.•...•...... ••.•••.••• 179

37. Wave spectrum for buoy deployment 18 ...... 181

38. Wave spectrum for buoy deployment 22 ••...... •..•••.....••...... •.•... 181

39. ASTER satellite image ofMejit ...... •...•••...... •..••...•...•••••.•••..... 182

40. Illustration of satellite image ofMejit •.•••...... ••.•••.....•••.•••..••... 183

41. SWAN wave model of Mejit showing overall wave energy ...... •••.•••..••. 184

42. SWAN wave model ofMejit showing propagation of individual swell components •...... •...... ••••••.•...... •...••..•.184

xvi 43. Captain Korent guiding Mali •..•...•...•••.....••..•••...... • 190

44. GPS tracks for voyages between Kuwajileen and Ujae ...... 190

45. Captain Korent's sailing strategy from Kuwajileen to Ujae ...... 192

46. GPS track of outward voyage from Kuwajileen to Ujae ...... 193

47. Captain Korent's sailing strategy from Ujae to Kuwajileen ...... 194

48. GPS track of return voyage from Ujae to Kuwajileen ...... 196

xvii LIST OF TABLES

Table ~

I. Direction terms ...... •...•..•...... ••.•...••...••...... 11 0

2. Swell terms ...... 111

3. Current tenns ...... 112

4. Wind terms ...... 113

5. Stars and their directional bearing ...... 114

6. Contingent directional terms ...... 115

7. Star terms and significance in the annual cycle ...... 117

8. Wind tenns and significance in the annual cycle ...... 118

9. Moon phases and meanings forweatherprediction ...... 119

10. Cloud tenns and their meanings for weather prediction ...... 126

II. Rainbow terms and their meanings for weather prediction ...... •..... 128

12. Moon terms and their meanings for weather prediction ...... 128

13. Sun terms and their meanings for weather prediction ...... 129

14. Tide terms and their meanings for weather prediction ...... 129

IS. Animal and plant terms and their meanings for weather prediction ...... 129

16. Guiding stars and asterisms ...... 132

17. Oceanographic TrOk/a/ terms and specific locations ...... 133

18. Terms and locations TrOkJa/ with spiritual qualities ...... 140

19. Terms ofTrOkJa/ surrounding an atoll ...... 160

20. Sensory perception terms of canoe motions (eiijake) ...... ••.•••...••..••. 188

xviii LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

ASTER Advanced Spaceborne Thennal Emission and Reflection Radiometer

EPA Environmental Protection Agency

FSM Federated States of Micronesia

FNTC Fisheries and Nautical Training Center

GPS Global Positioning System

HPO Historic Preservation Office

PVS Polynesian Voyaging Society

RMI Republic of the Marshall Islands

SWAN Shallow Water Numerical

UHM University of Haw ai' i-Minoa

UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization

WAM WaanAelOn in Mqjel (Canoes ofthe Marshall Islands)

xix CHAPTER! INTRODUCTION

Navigation and voyaging in Oceania contribute to a domain of knowledge that is highly specialized and powerful. Oceanic navigation is perhaps the quintessential example of an indigenous epistemology - ways of thinking and of creating, reformulating and theorizing about knowledge (Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo 2001:58). Navigators face a specific and daunting challenge. They must guide their voyaging canoes across a seemingly undifferentiated surface of waves toward an island that lies below the horizon without the benefit of instruments or charts. Cultural experts throughout Oceania have developed elaborate mental representations of space, embodied knowledge ofthe ocean and voyaging strategies to solve this problem of moving through such an extreme environment. A decline ofvoyaging throughout Oceania has threatened the survival of this specialized knowledge while maintaining its power and prestige. In fact, the voyaging canoe is now the greatest symbol of cultural revitalization and recovery in

Oceania. In the dissertation, I ethnographically examine these complementary aspects of navigation and voyaging - ways of knowing and cultural revival- within a collaborative project in the Republic of the Marsball Islands (RMI).

From the common landfinding technique throughout Oceania of observing how islands disrupt the flow of swell, Marshallese voyagers developed an elaborate wave- based system of navigation. As voyaging has virtually ceased throughout the RMI, there have been very few ethnographic studies to investigate navigational knowledge. Further, there has yet to be an oceanographic study to understand the physical basis of navigation. Fortunately, a few cultural experts have survived with some navigational knowledge.

Drawing from Finney's experiences in reconstructing voyaging canoes (1977; 1979) and promoting the cultural revival of voyaging (1994; 2003), I collaborated with navigation

experts, University of Hawai'i-Minoa (UHM) anthropologists and oceanographers, and a

Marshallese canoe building project to synergistically research, re-learn and revive navigation and voyaging. This collaborative endeavor centered on how Marshallese construct, use and value their knowledge of the ocean.

Indigenons Ways of Knowing

Scholars have developed and applied theories of cognition and perception from

several disciplines to address indigenous ways of knowing. In particular, the fields of anthropology and psychology offer multiple theoretical perspectives on the specific problem of navigation. These theoretical frameworks center on our repertoire of cognitive abilities and embodied knowledge.

The cognitive theory of navigation assumes that perceptually salient aspects of the

environment are encoded and retrieved in the mind through our abilities to perceive, remember, and reason in geographic space (Ingold 2000:223; Montello 2005). To

examine navigation as a mental representation of space, anthropologists have drawn from the concept of a "cognitive map" (Tolman 1948) from the field of psychology and the

concept of a "cultural model" (Quinn and Holland 1987; Quinn 2005a), or "cognitive model" (D'Andrade 1995), from the paradigm of cognitive anthropology. These mental constructs are culturally shared interconnected images or representations of the world

used to solve a problem, such as spatial orientation on the ocean. Anthropologists do not

2 agree upon the best way to examine cultural models (Quinn 2005a), but Gladwin (1970) used a variety of methods and forms of analysis to develop a cognitive model of navigation. He learned explicitly as an apprentice through land-based instruction and observation on board the deck of a canoe, conducted interviews, and corroborated his model with consultants. 0'Andrade (1995: 152) cites Gladwin's (1970) study of oceanic navigation as one of the best systematic descriptions of a cognitive model.

Anthropologists recognized that some ways of knowing are not amenable to cultural models analysis. This is particularly true of oceanic navigation, in which knowledge is not merely internalized, but also embodied. For example, navigators feel the movement ofthe ocean through the motion of the voyaging canoe. Anthropology shifted from viewing cognition as the intemal mental processing of information to a process of socialization (Hutchins 1995) and embodiment (Lave 1988). This articulates with a theory of perception within the field of psychology. Ingold (2000) drew from

Gibson's (1979) ecological theory of environmental perception to offer a counterpoint to the cognitive theory of spatial orientation. From this ecological perspective, Ingold suggests that a person's interaction and movement through the environment are sufficient to encode information. This alternative theoretical framework centers on experiencing the environment rather than mentally representing space. However, Gibson's often cited theory of perception has rarely generated ethnographic research.

Oceanic navigation most likely involves an interplay of cognitively representing space and directly experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions of motion.

I advance the ethnographic study of navigation by drawing from multiple theoretical approaches to navigation. Drawing from the fields of anthropology and psychology,l

3 developed an array of methods and fonns of analysis to give a more powerful cognitive model of navigation. I learned through explicit instruction, demonstration, personal observations and practical experience, conducted a variety of interviews and recorded and analyzed natura1ly occurring discourse and local communication patterns. I innovatively drew from the comparative scientific framework of oceanography to explain the physical basis of navigation and to corroborate the cognitive model. From these ethnographic and oceanographic data collection methods and analyses, I examine in the dissertation indigenous conceptualizations, explanations and models of the ocean, embodied knowledge and sensory perceptions of motion, and navigation in practice. Overall, I offer my representation of a cultural group's epistemology.

Cultural Revival

Contemporary navigation and voyaging in the RMI centers on a small group of cultural experts. One elder named Captain Korent Joel recently called for a concerted effort to re-learn navigation and revitalize voyaging (Figure I). In his youth, Captain

Korent learned navigation from his grandfather, but he did not have the opportunity to complete his training. Despite three decades of making observations at sea while employed on government transport , Captain Korent could not fully explain the navigation system and was not recognized as a ri-meto (''person of the ocean," navigator). He aspired to continue his belated training by working with his elder family members, to better understand the physical basis of the swell patterns through an oceanographic perspective, and to undertake, for the first time in his life, a traditionally navigated voyage. If successful, he would be recognized in the community as a ri-meto.

4 Figure I. Captain Korent Joel.

To realize his vision, Captain Korent approached a canoe revival project named

Waan Aelon in Majel (W AM; Canoes of the Marshall Islands). An American shipbuilder, Dennis Alessio, and a Marshallese, Alson Kelen, recently engaged elders, who in their youth had built and sailed canoes, to reconstruct and revitalize canoe building and sailing. In addition to the recovery of canoe building, W AM had prepared

Kelen for the duel roles of indigenous researcher and navigation apprentice. Kelen had family ties to Captain Korent, in-depth cultural knowledge of voyaging, experience in documentation and research, language and administrative skills, and a desire to become the next Marshallese navigator.

Inspired by the renaissance of Polynesian voyaging, W AM invited Finney to assist in the revival. To resolve issues of canoe and navigation performance, Finney co­ founded the Polynesian Voyaging Society (PVS) with Hawaiian colleagues to reconstruct

Polynesian canoes and methods of navigating. The data and insights gained over the last several decades by sailing Hokiile 'a and other reconstructed voyaging canoes over the long sea routes of have supported the intentional exploration and settlement of

5 Oceania (Finney 1977; 1979), while the Hawaiians and other Polynesian canoe sailors have gone on to develop a pan-Polynesian voyaging revival (Finney 1994; 2003).

After I enrolled as a graduate student at UHM, Finney introduced me to the project. Drawing from Finney's previous inter-disciplinary collaboration with UHM oceanographers and meteorologists to investigate Polynesian voyaging (Finney, et a1.

1986), he and I approached UHM oceanographer Mark Merrifield with the problem of investigating and analyzing the swell and current patterns used in Marshallese navigation.

Together, Finney, Merrifield, Kelen, Captain Korent and I developed a collaborative project to synergistically combine anthropological and oceanographic research with cultural revival. Kelen christened this project Kapeel in Meto, or "indigenous knowledge of the ocean."

The endeavor to research, re-learn and revitalize navigation and voyaging follows an emerging disciplinary shift that focuses on developing new ethnographic practices, including new modes of collaboration. Anthropologists are repositioning their research in relation to the communities they work with through the concept of collaboration, which Field and Fox (2007:9) summarize "as a method of ethnographic research, as an epistemological principle and as a means of putting knowledge to work •.. " In an attempt to make more equal the power relations between the anthropologist and the research community, Lassiter (2005) advocates a collaborative ethnography, in which the anthropologist deliberately and explicitly focuses on collaboration with local consultants throughout the entire research process, including conceptualization, fieldwork and the writing process.

6 Collaborative approaches to ethnographic research are becoming increasingly necessary. In particular, the politics of anthropological research have been highly visible in the small states of Oceania (Feinberg 1995a; Jolly and Thomas 1992; Lindstrom and

White 1993; Linnekin and Poyer 1990). Now, the traditional disciplinary practice of fieldwork has been called into question with a collapsing distinction between cultural insider and outsider (Tengan 2005; White and Tengan 2001). Further, indigenous communities are increasingly asking such critical questions as "Whose research is it?

Who owns it? Whose interests does it serve? Who will benefit from it? Who has designed its questions and framed its scope? Who will carry it out? Who will write it up? How will its results be disseminated?" (Smith 1999: 10). WAM asked me similar questions at the beginning of my research in response to other navigation research in

Oceania. According to Alessio, Thomas' (1987) ethnography of Satawalese navigation made islanders feel that he exploited their knowledge without benefiting them. This highlights the fact that it is no longer tenable to conduct research without considering the relationships between anthropologists and local people. Throughout the writing of the dissertation. I have attempted to follow local knowledge protocols (Taafaki, et al.

2006:x). I identifY the consultants and present their narratives and ideas in the

Marshallese language. 1

Collaborative approaches to ethnographic search are also difficult. The contributors to Anthropology Put to Work (Field and Fox 2007) caution about ethnographic collaboration by reflexively describing the challenges, difficulties, dangers,

I Throughout the writing of the dissertation, 1 have attempted to use the orthography introduced hy Abo, et aI. (1976) to represent the distinctive solDlds ofth. Marshallese language. This is illustrated in Appendix A, "Mar.!hallese Orthography."

7 disjunctures and risks of specific instances of collaboration with local people. Finney

(1979) chronicled the cultural complexities, political difficulties and personal risks in reviving Polynesian voyaging. As Kopeel in Meto developed, I confronted similar cultural politics of knowledge. My view of navigational knowledge as power evolved during the project. In the dissertation, I reflect on the challenges my counterpart and I faced during the Kapeel in Meto project, including ambivalence toward anthropological research, inequities of power between myself and the consultants, and the cultural politics of navigational knowledge.

Dissertation Summary

The dissertation is my attempt to provide the first ethnography ofMarshallese navigation and voyaging. As this domain of knowledge is both highly specialized and powerful, I attend to indigenous ways of knowing and cultural revival. Specifically, I examine the thought processes and embodied knowledge of navigation and I describe and reflect on the cultural value of navigational knowledge.

In Chapter 2, "Approaches to Navigation," I review the theoretical approaches to navigation and how scholars have applied those theories to the study of navigation in

Oceania in general and more specifically in the RMI. I first examine theories from anthropology and psychology as they relate to the specific problem of spatial orientation in expert navigation. The paradigm of cognitive anthropology theorizes that spatial orientation involves mental representations of space, while an ecological approach within the field of psychology theorizes that navigation centers on experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions. In Oceania, anthropologists have drawn primarily from

8 cognitive anthropology to develop cultural cognitive models of navigation. While scholars typically divide oceanic navigation into the tasks of setting course, estimating position and making landfall, Marshallese navigators developed the common oceanic technique of remotely sensing land by detecting disrupted wave patterns into an elaborate system of navigation. With a unique island geography that disrupts the flow of swell and currents through distinctive transformations, Marshallese navigators detect subtle wave patterns and use them to pilot their canoes. With few ethnographic studies of

Marshallese navigation, however, how they do this remains unclear. Further, there has yet to be an oceanographic study to understand the physical basis of the wave patterns.

In Chapter 3, "Methodology," I describe my research design and articulate the combination and sequence of ethnographic and oceanographic data collection methods and analyses in connection to the anthropological problem of oceanic navigation. I used a range of cognitive anthropological methods to elicit data on how cultural experts mentally represent space and use that information to find land. Drawing from Gladwin

(1970), I developed a cognitive model of navigation through explicit instruction, demonstration, personal observations and practical experience, and through an analysis of recorded, transcribed and translated interviews, bwebwe1U1lo (stories, legends, life stories, conversation), chants, songs and song-stories. To check the psychological merit of my cognitive model of navigation, I continually corroborated it with the cultural experts and innovatively presented them with an oceanographic explanation ofthe physical basis of the wave patterns. However, some indigenous ways of knowing oceanic navigation are not amenable to cultural models analysis, particularly the wave-based system of

MarshaIlese navigation. Following the general shift in anthropology that views cognition

9 as a process of socialization (Hutchins 1995) and embodiment (Lave 1988) and drawing from an ecological perspective that views perception as a direct engagement with the environment (Ingold 2000), I examine navigation in terms of experiencing the oceanic environment through sensory perceptions of motion. My personal experience at sea enabled me to learn some of the embodied knowledge of navigation, and I analyzed the ethnographic data for descriptions of movement.

In Chapter 4, ''Cultural Revival," I describe how Marshallese have historically valued navigational knowledge and how this knowledge is being re-valued and reconstructed within the current collaborative revival project Kopeel in Meto. To historically situate this cultural revival, I describe the power and contested nature of indigenous Marshallese navigational knowledge and how that contributed to the marked decline in voyaging in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. I then portray the social lives of surviving elders with navigational knowledge in relation to the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program and the subsequent virtual cessation of voyaging. Next, I portray the continuity of canoe building and sailing in one atoll community and I describe the country's renewed interest and resurgence in the practice of canoe building and sailing through the efforts of Waan Aelon in Majel (WAM). I then chronicle the activities within the Kopeel in Meto project to revive navigation and voyaging. Finally, I offer a series of personal reflections that emerged from my fieldwork on the possibilities and challenges of ethnographic collaboration, including the development of Kapeel in Meto and the cultural politics of navigational knowledge.

In summary, the social infrastructure behind voyaging diminished with competing forms of knowledge, the prestige of West em maritime technology and a succession of

10 colonial administrations. In the traditional navigation center of Rongelap, the u.s. nuclear.weapons testing program effectively tenninated the transmission of knowledge to several of the consultants. However, a few atoll communities have continued to build and sail small sailing canoes. Waan Aelon in Mqjel documented this knowledge and ignited the oceanic spirit of the Marshallese by promoting canoe races and festivals.

Captain Korent drew upon this cultural maritime revitalization to initiate Kopeel in Meto, but the revival was challenged by local ambivalence toward anthropological knowledge and research, the continuing inequities of power between anthropologists and consultants, and the cultural politics of navigational knowledge that extended to my local counterpart.

In Chapters 5-7, I describe indigenous ways of knowing navigation. In Chapter 5,

''Conceptualizations of Space and Time," I describe the consultants' conceptualizations of absolute and contingent directions in relation to spatial orientation, and their conceptualizations of annual and lunar cycles oftime in relation to voyaging. In summary, the consultants identifY and name swell, currents and winds according to the direction they flow or emanate from, and the rising and setting points of stars. The terms demarcate the ocean (swell and currents), horizon (winds) and the night sky (stars) into the cardinal directions east, west, north and south. In contrast to the Carolinian star compass, Marshallese navigators do not use these absolute directional terms to describe to the helmsman the sailing course or the heading of the voyaging canoe. Instead, the navigator uses contingent directional oppositions. Weather forecasters can predict the onset of storms within the annual and lunar cycles of time, as well as predict storms a few days in advance.

II In Chapter 6, "Auxiliary Aides to Navigation," I describe the consultants' repertoire of astronomical, oceanographic and biological phenomena that are used as auxiliary aides to the main navigational method of detecting and following disrupted wave patterns. In summary, these navigation signs are stars that have the same bearing as the destination island and waves, currents, reef formations and marine life located near a particular atoll or within a particular region of the ocean that indicate the distance and direction toward land. Some of these navigation signs may be associated with spiritual beings that benevolently guide a disorientated navigator toward land or malevolently lead a navigator astray. The consultants recall this information by chanting, singing and reciting stories and legends.

In Chapter 7, "Wave Piloting," I describe the primary navigational method of detecting and following swell and current transformations in the vicinity of land.

Following Ammarell (1999) and Frake (1994; 1995), I describe how knowledge of the oceanic environment is conceptualized, explained, represented, perceived and applied. I first describe the consultants' oceanic concepts of swell, wave and current patterns. I then illustrate how the consultants physically represent their ideas in models. I next draw upon the comparative framework of oceanography to understand the indigenous concepts and representations from a scientific perspective. I then describe how Captain Korent perceives the wave patterns at sea and applies the concepts during a traditionally navigated voyage.

In summary, the ethnographic fmdings support atguments by Finney (1998) and

Ascher (1995; 2002) that Marshallese navigation is a system of wave piloting. Rather than invoke elaborate mental representations of the environment, navigators guide their

12 canoes by experiencing the flow of the ocean and perceiving subtle swell, wave and current transfonnations. In contrast to voyaging traditions throughout Oceania that use interconnected star concepts, Marshallese navigation centers on detecting wave patterns surrounding and between atolls. While the physical basis of most of the wave patterns remains unclear, Captain Korent's successful voyage and continuity of knowledge between the consultants and one of their teachers suggests that their regional knowledge has remained largely intact.

In the final chapter, "Conclusion," I summarize the cultural revival and the ethnographic and oceanographic findings on contemporary navigation. I also describe the limitations of the dissertation and point to prospects for future research.

13 CHAPTER 2 APPROACHES TO NAVIGATION

Anthropology and Psychology

All cultures have developed ways to think about and move through the environment through cognitive and perceptual processes of spatial orientation. Several disciplines offer theoretical approaches to investigate the internalized and embodied knowledge of navigation. In particular, scholars have drawn primarily from the fields of anthropology and psychology to explain navigation.

The cognitive foundations of anthropology began with Franz Boas' position that culture was essentially psychological in nature (D' Andrade 1995; Gardner 1985). Boas advocated that each culture possessed essentially the same intellectual potentia\, such that differences in language and thought arose from different was of systematizing knowledge. Two of his successors, Sapir and Whorf, believed that language provided the best approximation of thought processes. The notion that language encoded conceptual categories later became explicit with a view of culture as internalized knowledge

(Goodenough 1964). From these insights emerged the theoretical paradigm of cognitive anthropology.

Cognitive anthropologists aimed to understand the organization of cultural knowledge through language, a method variously called ethnoscience, ethnolinguistics, ethnosemantics and the new ethnography. The initial methodological approach drew from structura1linguistics to contrast cultural meanings. Structured interview techniques and formal semantic analysis were used to elicit native conceptual categories. Studies

14 focused on several domains of knowledge, including kinship, plants, animals, diseases and colors. Cognitive anthropologists aimed to make the ethnographic study of idea systems explicit, formalized, reliable and replicable.

Anthropologists soon contested the emerging paradigm of cognitive anthropology. Geertz (1973) and others argued that cognitive anthropology limited its view of culture as merely mental knowledge, while Tyler (1969) and other cognitive anthropologists recognized the problem of representing psychological reality, or the ways natives actually categorize things. Scholars realized that formal semantic analysis only gave insights on how categorizing became embedded in the lexical structure. To produce ethnographic descriptions that were demonstrably real to native speakers, anthropologists developed a variety of methods, including the consultant explicitly displaying his thought processes through writing, demonstration and answering hypothetical questions

(D' Andrade 1995).

To move beyond the limitations of interview-based research, cognitive anthropologists turned to the analysis of natural discourse in the development of cultural models, also called cognitive models. Quinn and Holland (1987:4) defined cultural models as "presupposed, taken-for-granted models of the world that are widely shared ..• by the members of a society and that play an enormous role in their understanding of that world and their behavior in it." Expanding beyond the lexicon to ordinary discourse, cultural models offered anthropologists a description of the world in terms of interconnected images, or schemas, which are used to solve a problem or reason about something (D' Andrade 1995). Hutchins (1970) exemplified such an approach in

15 his ethnography of land debates among the Trobriand Islanders, in which he described how reasoning is bound with cultural models of land tenure.

Anthropologists drew from the cultural models approach of cognitive anthropology and the field of psychology to investigate how people think about and move through the environment through processes ofwayfmding and navigation. From numerous definitions, I distinguish wayfinding as the movement from one place to another along known and new routes (Cornell and Heth 2000:66) and navigation as the movement toward a target in extreme environments with challenging spatial contexts

(Aporta 2003).

The core assumption ofthe cognitive approach to wayfinding and navigation is that perceptually salient aspects of the environment are encoded and retrieved in the mind through our abilities to perceive, remember and reason in geographic space (Ingold

2000:223; Montello 2005). In the field of psychology, Tolman (1948) first referred to an individual's mental representations of space and spatial relationships as a "cognitive map." Rather than implying that an individual has a cartographic map in their head, however, the term cognitive map is a convenient label to summarize the information and images encoded in the mind (Kitchin and Blades 2002). Research into cognitive maps has focused on modeling the geographical and spatial elements of the mental representations, including places, routes, distances and directions (Kitchin and Blades

2002), and to the practice of wayfinding (Cornell and Heth 2000; Golledge 1999).

Anthropologists expanded the investigation of cognitive maps by developing culturally shared cognitive models of navigation - mental models composed of interconnected images used by cultural experts to find their way in extreme

16 environments. Seeking to understand how cultural groups answer the question "Where am IT' in environments with undifferentiated surfaces, anthropologists and other researchers developed cognitive models of how navigators orient themselves as they move across dunes of sand in the desert (Lewis 1976; Widlok 1997), drifts of in the circumpolar regions (Aporta 2003; MacDonald 1998; Nelson 1969) and waves of the ocean (Ammarell 1999; Feinberg 1988; Gladwin 1970; Lewis 1994; Thomas 1987).

These ethnographic studies described navigation as a multischematic model, in which navigators integrate mental constructs to find their way. Ammarell (1999) expanded the study of cognitive models of by examining the relationships among navigators' conceptualizations of the environment, literal linguistic expressions, explanations, physical representations and practical navigation.

Anthropologists soon recognized that some ways of knowing are not amenable to cultural models analysis. Cognitive anthropologists began to view cognition not merely as the internal mental processing of information, but also as practical engagement This followed Bourdieu's (1990) theory of practice, in which thinking and feeling happen in people's engagement with practical activity. In her anthropological study of cognition,

Lave's (1988: I 7) "outdoor psychology" focused on the whole person (mind and body) within a social activity. According to Lave, thinking is inseparable from doing, i.e., cognition is embodied and enacted in practice. Similarly, Hutchins (1995) wrote an ethnography of cognition as a social activity by examining navigation and coastal piloting on the bridge of a Navy .

The shift in anthropology from viewing cognition as the internal mental processing of information to a social and embodied process (Hutchins 1995; Lave 1988)

17 articulates with a theory of perception within the field of psychology. Contrasting to the theory of spatial orientation as a cognitive representation of space is a theoretical framework centered on experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions. Heft

(1996) and Ingold (2000) drew from an ecological approach within the field of psychology to offer a counterpoint to the cognitive theories of spatial orientation.

Gibson (1979) advanced the approach of ecological psychology by rejecting the idea that spatial knowledge of the environment is stored in the mind as a cognitive map or cultural model. Gibson proposed an ecological theory of perception, in which a person's interaction with and movement through the environment are sufficient to encode information. Gibson argued that people travel through the environment by experiencing a direct, continual flow of perceptual information with little cognitive processing. His theory of ' 'reversible occlusion" (179:198) states the a person knows the way in terms of the specific order in which salient environmental information comes into and passes out of view. A person moving through the environment will encounter an immediate view, or vista. This vista is gradually occluded while another vista emerges as the person moves through a point of transition. The transitions provide important information about the sequences of changes along a route.

In a series of experiments, psychologist Heft (1996) examined vistas and transitions as navigational information in which participants responded as they experienced a route. In one instance, participants moved along a virtual route by watching a videotape that captured the perspective of a moving car or person. During a second viewing, they indicated places in the route that were the most salient in finding their way. From these experiments, Heft (1996) argued that a person moves through the

18 environment not by focusing on specific spatial locations and images (i.e. cognitive maps), but rather by remembering the sequential order in which certain environmental features come into view. Retracing a familiar route involves recreating the temporal flow of information, or the optical flow of perspective over time, by moving along the route through various paths of travel. This generates the subsequent vista, which, in turn, guides further action through a continuous interaction between the person and the environment.

From Gibson's ecological theory of perception and Heft's experimental data,

Ingold (2000) suggested that the answer to the question "Where am I?" may lie in situating one's position through movement in the environment rather than defining one's position in a precise map-like location. Gibson's ecological theory of perception is often cited as a radical departure from cognitive anthropology (Ingold 2000), but it has rarely generated ethnographic research (Kitchin and Blades 2002: 13). One exception is

Aporta's (2003) dissertation research on Inuit wayfinding, in which he analyzed interviews, self-recorded monologues and everyday conversation to understand how people in the circumpolar regions remember and speak about moving through the environment. Aporta showed that Inuit wayfinding is based on experiencing the environment by moving through it rather than invoking abstract representations of space.

Spatial orientation most likely involves an interplay of cognitively representing space and experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions of motion (Gell

1985; Widlok 1997). As oceanic navigation involves both internalized and embodied knowledge, scholars have used exemplary ethnographies of navigation throughout

19 Oceania (e.g., Gladwin 1970) to support and develop theories of cognitive anthropology

(D' Andrade 1995) and ecological psychology (Ingold 2000).

Oceania

The ocean is perhaps the most challenging spatial context for indigenous navigation. No where is this more dramatic than the remote regions of Oceania. In contrast to the closely-spaced inter-visible islands of Near Oceania, the islands and archipelagoes of Remote Oceania are separated by considerable water gaps of several hundred nautical miles2 (Green 1996). Navigators in Remote Oceania face the challenge of guiding their vessels through a seemingly undifferentiated surfiIce of waves as they sail out of sight ofland toward islands below the horizon.

Navigation in Oceania involves elaborate ways of knowing. It is perhaps the quintessential example of an indigenous epistemology, what Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo

(2001:58) define as "a cultural group's ways of thinking and of creating, reformulating, and theorizing about knowledge via traditional discourses and media of communication, anchoring the truth of discourse in culture." The conceptual and embodied knowledge is constructed through explicit instruction, a suite of narratives, chants and songs, personal observations, trial-and-error and experimentation at sea. This complexity of indigenous navigation in Oceania has long intrigued scholars (Goetzfiidt 1992), but only recently has navigation become a specific focus for anthropology (Ammarell 1999; Feinberg 1988;

Lewis 1994; Thomas 1981).

2 I nautic:al mile equals 1.15 land miles and 1.85 kilometers. 20 Indigenous navigation in Oceania first captured the attention of the early

European explorers and missionaries. Navigators traced in the sand the relative positions of their surrounding islands for inquisitive Europeans. Based on maps that the Europeans drew of these representations, it is clear that traditional navigators could locate islands at considerable distances. In particular, Captain James Cook befriended a Tahitian navigator named Tupaia in 1769, who dictated a list of seventy-four islands in relation to

Tahiti. Cook also learned from Tupaia that navigators sailed against the direction of the regular easterly trade winds by exploiting westerly wind shifts. Based on this knowledge and comparative studies of several Polynesian languages, Cook hypothesized that

Oceania was settled from the west (Finney 1998).

Following the European penetration into Oceania, traditional voyaging and navigation quickly declined or disappeared altogether in many regions, especially high islands and the more colonially controlled islands. The Europeans introduced new diseases, created social disruptions through trading and colonial occupation, and enabled navigators to adopt the magnetic compass and other navigational instruments. The colonial regimes later placed bans on the use of traditional navigation and introduced government ships for inter-island transportation. It was not until the late 19th century that colonial ethnographers and other researchers began the thrust of formal investigations into traditional navigation. By then, however, voyaging over long distances - many hundreds or thousands of nautical miles - by traditional navigation had virtually ceased.

In the late 19th century, scholars forwarded Cook's thesis that Oceania was settled from the west by citing oral traditions of voyaging (e.g~ Fomander 1878; 1880; 1885;

Smith 1898). The feats of mythic navigators were embellished as epic voyages, however,

21 which prompted later scholars to write about voyagers• as "Argonauts" (Malinowski 1932) and "Vikings" (Buck 1938). Lacking a depth of ethnographic literature, scholars in the mid 20th century began to question the performance capabilities of voyaging canoes, sailing strategies and the accuracy of navigational knowledge and skills.

Heyerdahl (1953) proposed that because of the predominant easterly winds and currents, the ancient seafarers could not have colonized Oceania from the west, thus reversing their entire history of migration. Historian Andrew Sharp (1956; 1963) accepted that they came from the west but declared that intentional voyaging over three hundred nautical miles was impossible due to the inaccuracy of traditional navigation.

He particularly questioned the ability to judge lateral displacement due to ocean currents.

Sharp charged that the remote regions of Oceania were not discovered and settled through a succession of regular two-way voyages over thousands of nautical miles, but rather they were encountered by chance. As Howe (2006) notes, a symposium of specialists met to discuss Sharp's thesis (Golson 1963), but his argument became distorted over time through the use of the words chance and accidental - readers came to believe that Sharp claimed that the voyages were accidental, which suggested a model of one-way drift voyaging. Importantly, Sharp pointed to a lack of detailed observations and explanations and in doing so, initiated a scholarly debate of indigenous navigation.

Anthropologists had been investigating navigational knowledge as part of their ethnographies of cultures in Oceania, but they lacked practical voyaging experience (e.g.,

Alkire 1970; Goodenough 1953; Riesenberg 1976). Meanwhile, Sharp's thesis of accidental discovery was attracting other scholars who further critiqued the traditional navigational methods (Akerblom 1968; Hilder 1963). In response, a new wave of

22 research developed that aimed to ethnographically sail with surviving traditional navigators and conduct voyaging experiments (Finney 1976).

Navigation and voyaging persisted throughout the 20tb century in a few regions of

Remote Oceania. The retaining oftraditional voyaging techniques depended largely on the presence of other islands close enough to invite inter-island visits, but far enough apart to present a challenge (Feinberg 1995b). During this time, seafaring typified coral atolls and small islands rather than high volcanic island due to the necessity of supplying relief during natural disasters and environmental uncertainty (Alkire 1965) and the exploitation of uninhabited reefs or islands (Feinberg 1988; Gladwin 1970). In particular, voyaging persisted among the central Carolinian atolls of the present-day Federated

States of Micronesia (FSM). Now, the atolls of , Polowat and Lamotrek are experiencing a resurgence of long-distance sailing (Delisle and Diaz 1997; Flood 2002;

McCoy 1976; Metzgar 2006; Ridgell, et a1. 1994).

Between 1968-1969, Lewis conducted a pan-Oceanic survey to contact and sail with traditional navigators and to interview elders who remembered but no longer practiced traditional navigation. Lewis combined this navigational knowledge with an extensive review of the literature and his own practical use of traditional voyaging methods (1966) to create the fIrSt defmitive account of indigenous oceanic navigation.

Lewis (1972) observed that regional variation related to island geography. For example, navigators from the central Carolinian atolls developed elaborate star concepts based on the apparent movement of stars over their latitudionally narrow archipelago near the equator. To the east, Marshallese navigators observed how the dominant trade wind swell hits most of the atolls directly and transforms in distinctive ways. From this, they

23 developed a wave-based system of navigation. Despite these and other regional differences, Lewis (1972) demonstrated that navigation traditions in the remote regions of

Oceania share a common basis and can be considered part of a single system of navigation.

To asses the perfonnance capabilities of voyaging canoes, Finney pioneered the approach of experimental voyaging. Synergistically mixing science with cultural revival, he engaged the Hawaiian community to reconstruct and sail a Polynesian voyaging canoe over long distances using traditional navigation (Finney 1967; 1977; 1979; 1994; Finney, et aI. 1986). Other scholars conducted simulated voyages (Evans 1999; Irwin 1992;

Levison, et al. 1973). Together, the ethnographic and experimental voyaging have provided overwhelming evidence to refute Sharp's thesis of accidental discovery and presumed thesis of accidental voyaging by demonstrating how the early maritime explorers could have sailed voyaging canoes and navigated out of sight of land into the remote regions of Oceania.

Lewis' navigation survey highlighted the need to conduct in-depth anthropological studies of navigation in surviving voyaging communities. Gladwin

(1970) initiated such an approach by conducting ethnographic fieldwork on the

Carolinian atoll of Pol ow at in the present-day FSM. Methodologically, Gladwin learned navigation as an apprentice from expert navigators through explicit land-based instruction, demonstration and practical experience at sea. Gladwin's often cited ethnography ofPolowatese navigation has been used to support both cognitive and perceptual theories of navigation.

24 Gladwin (1970) described how an oceanic navigator feels his way toward a destination island in relation to the motion and sound of waves and wind, and the visual flow and patterning of stars. From a close analysis of Gladwin's ethnography, Hutchins

(1995) argued that estimating position at sea is more related to the passage of time during the voyage rather than distance traveled. From these ethnographic insights, Ingold (2000) theorized that oceanic navigators enact and remember each voyage as a flow of perspective through time. Drawing from Gibson's (1979) ecological theory of perception, Ingold (2000:220) argued that oceanic navigation is really a process of wayfinding, a "skilled performance in which the traveler, whose power of perception and action have been fine-tuned through experience, 'feels his way' towards his goal, continuously adjusting his movements in response to an ongoing perceptual monitoring of his surroundings."

Gladwin (1970) also described how navigators use several interrelated concepts for orientation and setting a course, estimating position and keeping on course through dead reckoning procedures, and expanding the range at which islands can be detected in order to make landfall. Specifically, navigators use a star compass schema and a moving reference island schema called etak to form a integrated, multischematic model of navigation. According to D'Andrade (1995:152), Gladwin's (1970) study ofPolowatese navigation is one of the best systematic descriptions of a cognitive model.

Gladwin (1970) developed his own cognitive model of navigation by learning as an apprentice. The cognitive model of navigation is largely explicit, as navigators use the model in practice, describe it in words, and physically represent it to teach students.

Gladwin then confronted the question of psychological reality - how could he know that

25 the model he constructed is the model for the navigator? Gladwin checked the reality of the model by describing it to his navigation consultant, , for his comments, and collected new information to see if the model still fit:

I arrived, through my own style of induction, at a description of the Puluwat [polowat] navigator's cognitive map, the only description I could conjure up which would account for all the different things that a number of different people said in the course ofbying to explain to me what etak was all about •.. Having arrived at this construct I explained it carefully to Hipour, as was my custom whenever I felt I had mastered a particular topic. He agreed in broad outline but made one modification, one which in itself encouraged me to believe he understood what I was saying. Later in talking with other people, and in particular when it came time for me to learn about navigation when tacking, I found my perception of the system could be used without leading to any more misunderstandings. In other words it made sense out of everything which followed, both familiar and new. It is for this reason in particular that I am satisfied the cognitive map I constructed is real (1970:181).

Significantly, Gladwin corroborated his cognitive model with cultural experts.

The use of his model by islanders in various projects throughout the region (e.g., Delisle and Diaz 1997) further attests to the psychological reality of his description. However,

Gladwin did not analyze natura1ly occurring discourse for implicit understandings (Quinn

2005a), embodied, practical knowledge (Hutchins 1995; Lave 1988) or perceptions of movement (Aporta 2003). Still, Gladwin's study is an excellent example of a cognitive model. Drawing from Gladwin's (1970) ethnography ofPolowatese navigation, Thomas'

(1987) ethnography of Satawalese navigation and other studies from the central

Carolinian atolls, I describe the Carolinian cognitive model of navigation as an exemplar of navigation throughout Remote Oceania.

26 Orientation and Setting Course

Throughout Remote Oceania, navigators use the progression of stars across the night sky or the directions from which characteristic winds blow to form a conceptual compass for orientation and setting course. Historical documents and ethnographic research in surviving voyaging traditions in the Santa Cruz islands (Feinberg 1988; Lewis

1994) point to a general orientation system based on the winds. Navigators used the names of prevailing winds during various seasons to indicate the direction from which they emanate. How the wind compass works remains unclear, but navigators most likely set a course with reference to specific star bearings.

The celestial sphere, or appearance of the stars as stuck on a dome in the night sky, is the basis for star orientation. Stars, as well as constellations, planets, the moon and other celestial objects, appear to trace circular arcs across the celestial sphere due to the earth's rotation, such that they rise at particular points in the east and set at corresponding points in the west. The exceptions to this are the circumpolar stars at the north and south celestial poles, which neither rise nor set.

Lewis (1972) described how navigators throughout Remote Oceania guide the bow of their sailing canoes at night towards a key rising or setting star along the horizon that has the same bearing as the destination island. They can only use the rising and setting stars for a certain time. Close to the equator stars rise and set vertically, while in higher latitudes they trace an arc across the night sky. When the key rising star's upward slant becomes too oblique to be navigationally useful, or the key setting star dips below the horizon, the navigator continues to guide his sailing canoe by following the next rising or setting star that intersects the horizon at the same or nearly the same point. The

27 navigator must memorize the nightly progression of stars along this "star path." During a twelve-hour night in the tropics, up to ten stars within each star path may be used. Due to the earth's orbital motion around the sun, an annual shift occurs where each star rises and sets earlier each night Navigators must therefore know which part of each star path is visible at various times of the year. In addition, the navigator must know the progression of the entire night sky in case the required star path is obscured with clouds. In this way, the navigator needs only a few stars on a cloudy night to orient his conceptual compass with respect to the canoe.

Lewis (1972) elaborated that navigators throughout Remote Oceania orient themselves at dawn by calibrating the rising point of the sun to the fading stars. Due to the tilt of the earth's axis, the sun's declination, or the bearing of its rising and setting points, the sun shifts daily in an annual cycle between 23° 30' north and south latitude. In addition, the navigator is constantly checking the alignment of the dominant ocean swell to the star field or the rising and setting points of the sun. Distinct from waves generated from local winds blowing over the ocean, swell refers to the regular undulation of the sea surface that is generated by distance winds over a large area of ocean. When the sun is too high or it is too overcast to see the sun or stars, the navigator uses the swell for orientation.

Navigators in the central Carolinian atolls developed the common oceanic star concepts into an elaborate star compass schema. Carolinian navigators use the rising and setting points of stars or constellations to divide the horizon into thirty-two equally spaced points (Alkire 1970; Gladwin 1970; Sarfert 1911; Thomas 1987). While the actual star bearings do not match this conceptualization (Goodenough 1953), Frake

28 (1994; 1995) argued that the stars provide the names, not the literal positions, for abstract segmentations of the horizon. By referring to only thirty-two stars, the navigator can indicate the direction of many islands.

Students of navigation learn how to use the Carolinian star compass through formal exercises. A teacher first places coral rocks at equally spaced intervals around a mat to indicate the rising and setting points of stars so that students can learn the circular order of the compass points. Through a repertoire of recitations, songs, chants and mental diagrams, the student then memorizes the pairs of rising and setting stars, the reciprocal star bearings, star courses to specific islands, the environmental features surrounding each island and that can be found along the bearings of the star compass points, and the seasonal order of the rising and setting of stars (Finney 1998).

Keening on Conrse and Estimating Position

Once out of sight of land, navigators throughout Remote Oceania must maintain course and estimate their progress through dead reckoning procedures while taking into account the displacement effects of currents and winds. Navigators in the central

Carolinian atolls developed a moving reference island schema called etak. From the perspective of a sailing canoe on the ocean, the Carolinian navigator envisions the canoe as stationary while surrounding islands move. The destination island appears to approach the canoe while islands lying off to the side appear to fall behind (Gladwin 1970). This canoe-centered perspective is similar to the way a modem sailor describes a nearby island or landmark as "falling astern" when he passes it The key difference between modem and indigenous dead reckoning is that the modem navigator reverts back to a bird's eye

29 view when he thinks of his voyage in the abstract, but the traditional navigator retains the canoe-centered perspective by looking out across the ocean during the entire voyage

(Finney 1998).

The reference island, or etak, lies off to one side of the sailing course and is not visible at any time during the voyage. From a canoe-centered perspective, the navigator envisions how the reference island moves along the horizon. As the sailing canoe moves through the water, the navigator visualizes himself as being stationary while the reference island falls back along the horizon (just like "falling astern"). More specifically, this reference island has a distinct star bearing at the onset ofthe voyage. The navigator envisions how it moves from one star point to another along the horizon. In a typical overnight voyage of one hundred miles, the navigator may employ six different stars to indicate where the reference island lies. The navigator mentally plots the voyage according to successive star bearing shifts. The destination island appears after the specified number of star bearing shifts occur. Hutchins (1995) argues that the navigator is not concerned with how far each voyaging segment is, rather how much time has elapsed before he asserts that the reference island lies under the next star bearing.

Observations and perceptions of canoe speed and time are translated into angular distances to the reference island and this produces distinct star bearing shifts.

The wind direction affects the course steered and dead reckoning, particularly if the wind blows from the direction of the destination island. In this case, the helmsman must tack the canoe back and forth across the wind, or sail in a zigzag course towards the destination island. The navigator alters etak so that the destination island also becomes the reference island. As the canoe starts to sail in one direction, the navigator visualizes

30 the destination island moving under a series of star bearings away from its original position. As the canoe tacks and changes direction, the destination island appears to reverse its movement under the same set of stars. Upwind sailing is longer but navigationally easier because tacking back and forth provides more opportunities to detect land (Finney 1998).

Dead reckoning must take into account the effects of currents and leeway. The currents of tropical Remote Oceania are generated from the driving force of two westerly blowing trade winds systems. The northern trade winds form the west-flowing north equatorial current and the southern trade winds form the west-flowing south equatorial current. In the western part of Oceania, near the Asian mainland and Australia, the currents reverse in the calm doldrum belt between the two trade wind systems, forming the east-flowing equatorial countercurrent. Navigators must compensate for the current streams, boundaries, seasonal fluctuations and localized effects that arise from island geography. such as current velocity changes. Misjudging a current could mean that the canoe is actually off to one side or the other of the sailing course, and the displacement may result in not sighting or detecting land. Leeway is the sideways force of wind on the sail, or the sideways drifting of a canoe away from the direction the wind is blowing.

Like currents, misjudging leeway can result in sailing too far off the course line and missing landfall. When starting a voyage, navigators throughout Remote Oceania typically face astern and take a back bearing on their home island in order to check the direction and strength of the current and the effects ofleeway. The Carolinian navigator compensates for current offset and leeway by observing the star under which the island moved and then invoking specific course changes (Lewis 1994).

31 Making Landfall

Navigators throughout Remote Oceania expand the range at which islands can be detected through various remote-sensing techniques. Observations of birds, clouds, swell patterns, sea animals, currents, tides and shoals are common landfinding techniques, but they vary according to island geography and local environmental features. Carolinian navigators developed an elaborate inventory of marine life that extends out to sea from an island along each of the star compass directions (Gladwin 1970; Riesenberg 1976). They also observe the flight patterns of specific birds that nest on land but fly out to sea during the day to fish. Observations in the morning as the birds fly towards their fishing grounds or in the evening when they return home inform the navigator about the direction and distance to land. Navigators throughout Remote Oceania also pay attention to cloud formations. High volcanic islands interrupt the flow of trade winds and produce distinct cloud effects, while shallow lagoons of coral atolls reflect their greenish colors on the undersides of clouds. Both of these cloud effects can be seen for considerable distances.

Phosphorescent streaks of light in the water called te /apa also point towards land in some regions, particularly the Santa Cruz islands, although this phenomenon is not yet understood by modern science. Another common remote-sensing technique involves feeling the movement of the canoe in response to swell and current patterns that are disrupted by islands, a method that has been highly elaborated among the atolls of the present-day Republic of the Marshall Islands (Lewis 1994).

32 Republic ofthe Marsball Islauds

The Republic of the Marshall Islands (RMI) is composed of29 coral atolls and 5 coral islands in two chains that extend over five hundred nautical miles just north of the equator along a southeast-northwest axis (Figure 2). In contrast to other islanders in

Remote Oceania who guided their canoes primarily by the stars and winds (Lewis 1972), the Marshallese apparently developed the common landfinding technique of detecting swell and current pattern disruptions into a sophisticated system of navigation. The unique island geography of the Marshallese atolls contributed to the development ofthis wave pattern navigation. The dominant northeast trade wind swell, which has been traveling unobstructed for thousands of miles across the open ocean, hits most ofthe atolls directly and transforms in several ways. Navigators detect and follow these wave transformations toward land.

The wave-based system of navigation allowed for widespread interaction within and beyond the Marshallese atolls since their discovery and sett1ement by northward venturing Lapita seafarers around I AD (Kirch 2000). The archaeological record suggests that prehistoric Marshallese voyaged between the dry north and fertile south in interaction spheres (Weisler 2001). Spennemann (2005) combined graph theory with historical, ethnographic, linguistic, epidemiological and biogeographical studies to suggest that Marshallese in the 19th century voyaged extensively within each island chain, particularly between the larger atolls in the fertile south. Spennemann (2005) also combined historically recorded voyages and terminology for wave patterns outside the

Marshallese seas to suggest that 19th century navigators voyaged north to Wake Island

(600 nautical miles) and south to (400 nautical miles).

33 IS' 1"- '10' IS

......

All __coG' \)_

WoIbo _ II All'" , Mojh Q U>oIl>~ • I'" c::l- ~ ..... \::1-"" tl-

~ .. ~ 1 ...... KID " "0 '00 0_ """"" ,.,- "0'

Figure 2. Map oflb. Republic of lb. MarsbalIlslands.

Marshallese voyaged in outrigger sailing canoes, Canoe technology and design immediately captured the attention of explorers (Chamisso 1836; Choris 1822; 1826;

Kotzebue 1821, Vol 2) and ethnographers (Erdland 1914; Finsch 1887; Giesberts 1910;

Haddon and Hornell 1975; Hambruch 1912; Jenkins 1946; Krlimer 1905; Krlimer and

Nevennann 1938). Only recently, however, have researchers documented the construction process and regional variation (Alessio 1989; 1990; 1991a; 1991b; 1991c;

1993; Alessio and Kelen 1995; 2004), From these S1Udies, the Marshallese developed three types of outrigger sailing canoes, The was a large inter-atoll voyaging canoe, capable of carrying up to 50 people and reaching 100 It in length. The Marshallese also 34 developed smaller lipiiO/ for fishing and transportation in the protected lagoon and on the open ocean close to land, and even smaller korkOr for paddling or sailing in the lagoon.

Marshallese sailing canoes feature a double-ended hull with an outrigger that counters the overturning force of the wind on a lateen sail (Figures 3). Along the long axis, the hull is asymmetric due to a flattened side away from the outrigger. As the hull moves through the water, the difference in water flow due to the asymmetric hull creates horizontal lift, which reduces leeway. Rather than tacking with a fixed bow and stem, Marshallese canoes are shunted from one side of the wind to the other. This ensures that the outrigger always faces the wind. The crew changes ends by pivoting the sail, traditionally made of woven pandanus leaves, around the mast at mid-hull and connecting its tack to the stem, which becomes the bow.

Figure 3. Historic Marshallese outrigger sailing canoe (Choris I 822:Plates Xl and XII).

The first historic inquiry into Marshallese navigation came from the Russian explorer Otto von Kotzebue, who led an expedition in 1815 aboard the Rurik to chart new lands around the world. Over the course of two and a halfmonths, the captain Otto von

Kotzebue (1821, Vol 2), the naturalist Albert von Chamisso (1836), the painter Louis

Choris (1822; 1826) and other scientists and officers befriended the inhabitants of several

35 atolls and learned the rudiments of the MarshaIlese language. Over time and with much patience, Kotzebue was able to discuss with several Marshallese their geographical knowledge of the surrounding islets and atolls. Although he did not inquire directly into navigational methods, the indigenous geographical knowledge provides some

information on early 19111 century navigation and voyaging.

Kotzebue's key nautical insight was that "the distances are reckoned according to a day's voyage" (Kotzebue 1821, Vol 2:136). On the atoll ofWotje in 1817, a

MarshaIlese named Lagediack drew in the sand the shapes ofWotje and nearby Erikub, and placed coral pebbles to represent their islets and navigable channels. Lagediack indicated that a voyage between the two atolls required sailing from sunrise to sunset to the southwest (Kotzebue 1821, Vol 2:70), or a "day's voyage" (Kotzebue 1821, Vol

2:84), which was probably reckoned by the 12 hours of daylight. Lagediack also marked

in the sand the positions of most of the atolls in the eastem Radak chain in terms ofa portions ofa "day's voyage" (Kotzebue 1821, Vol 2:83-84). Kotzebue then sailed to the southeast according to Lagediack's instructions, where he sighted MaIeolap. There he met a chief named Langedju, for whom he drew in the sand his newly acquired knowledge of the eastem Radak chain. Langedju was quite impressed, but corrected the positions of the atolls. After then sailing to Ailuk:, Kotzebue met an old chief named

Langemui who told Kotzebue of a western chain of atolls and islands called .

Similar to Lagediack and Langedju, Langemui diagrammed the geographical positions of those westem atolls with coral pebbles and described the course in fractions of sailing days. From the descriptions of Lagediack, Langedju and Langemui, and Kotzebue's astronomical determination of the position of several atolls and islands within the Radak

36 chain, Kotzebue (1821, VoI2:insert) drew a chart that corresponds remarkably to modern charts of the RMI (Finney 1998).

Subsequent missionaries, explorers and ethnographers became intrigued by navigation. While the Hawaiian missionary Ae'a (1947) observed in 1863 that navigators used the ocean swell, most historic reports describe how navigators constructed a 1atticework of curved lines by lashing together the midribs of coconut fronds or pandanus roots. The American missionary Gulick (1862) and the explorer

Meinicke (1863:403) fJrst interpreted these models as "stick charts," believing they showed the positions of islands, sailing courses and sea conditions. Ethnographer SchUck made an extensive review of the literature (1884) and museum collections of stick charts

(1902), but navigators' ideas of the stick charts remained unclear (Drliber 1903).

A captain ofthe German navy named Winkler (1898) conducted the first in-depth study of Marshallese navigation. Winkler derived translations and explanations from

Marshallese navigators through Joachim de Brum, whose father came from Portugal.

Some of Winkler's observations may be suspect, as he coerced navigators to share their knowledge. However, Winkler learned that the stick charts were not nautical charts or instruments. They did not indicate the positions ofland, sailing courses and currents.

Instead, they were used as teaching devices. They depicted the direction of predominant swell, the bending of swell and their intersection, and the resultant sea conditions.

Winkler (1898) observed three categories of stick charts - mattang, meddo and rebbelib. For the mattang, Winkler (1901:493-494) described swell from each of the four cardinal directions, with the eastern swell the strongest (rilib, or "backbone"). According to Winkler, each swell, or DiJnung (German for "dune"), bends as it approaches an island,

37 fonning a boundaIy marker that indicates the position and distance to land (Figure 4).

Specifically, the eastern swell transfonns into a northwest swell (Tolok, "something losf') and a southwest swell (nit in !Wt, ''trap'' or "bird cage'') that indicate to the navigator that his canoe is downwind of the destination island. The western swell transforms into a northeast and a southeast swell (jUT in olane, "posf' or "stake") that indicate the canoe is upwind of the destination island. As the four main swell bend around an island, those from opposite directions cross each other to fonn an okar ("tree roots"), a line that fonns from nodes of intersection called booj ("knot"). According to Winkler (1901:493), staying on this series of swell intersections to find land is the navigator's highest art: "As the root, if you follow it, leads to the palm tree, so does this lead to the island."

Hamhruch (1912:35) provided the first photograph ofa booj that fonned such an okar

(Figure 5).

By the late 19th century, long-distance voyaging had become infrequent (Finsch

1887). In the colonial era, the social infrastructure behind seafaring began to fall apart.

The technical skills and knowledge, the building and maintenance of canoes, community support and provisions, the transmission of knowledge, and the prestige and motivation diminished with the introduction of Western maritime technology. In Micronesia, the

Gennan colonial administration (1899-1914) and their colonial successors, the Japanese

(1914-1944), placed prohibitions on inter-island canoe voyaging and traditional navigation for the presumed inherent dangers, costs of searching for and retrieving shipwrecked and adrift islanders, and lost revenues with their trading companies (Alkire

1978:141; Hezell995:108).

38 Figure 4. Winkler's (1898) diagram of swell transformations. The east swell rilib bends to form rolok and nit in kat, whi le the west swell koelep bends to form twojur in okme. The nodes of intersection between the two bending swell (booj) fo rm a line that leads the navigator toward the atoll (okor). Only the east and west swell s are shown for clarity.

Figure 5. Historic photograph of booj. This shows the crossing of two nearly opposing swells as they each wtap around an atoll (Hambruch 1912:35).

39 Throughout much ofthe 20dt century, surviving navigators continued to make the stick charts, which attracted the attention of ethnographers (Davenport 1960; 1964;

Erdland 1910; 1914; Hambruch 1912; Krilmer 1905; 1906; Krilmer and Nevermann

1938), researchers (Laubenfels 1950a) and local Marshallese (de Drum 1961; 1962;

Knight 1999; Spennemann 1993). Scholars strived to understand the sea conditions outlined in the curved latticework of lashed coconut fronds and pandanus roots. In addition to Winkler's (1898) bending of waves and wave reflection, the stick charts also revealed enigmatic sea conditions calledjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae. These were a succession of zones of choppy water due to either currents (KriImer and Nevermann

1938:235) or reflected swell (de Drum 1962:23). The various disrupted swell and current patterns have been reported to be felt as close as 20-30 nautical miles (Laubenfels 1950a) and as far as 50-60 nautical miles offshore (de Drum 1962).

Ascher (1995; 2002) recently synthesized these studies to described the modeling and mapping of the stick charts. She observed that the mottang models the conceptual framework underlying Marshallese navigation. It is an abstract model, as it isolates and idealizes the swell in relation to wind direction and land. Ascher describes the other two types of stick charts as analogical planar representations used for mapping particular regions. They map the positions of real atolls and actual swell patterns. The meddo represents a few atolls from one island chain and the rebbelib depicts most of an entire chain or both island chains.

Researchers pointed to the island geography of the Marshallese atolls to explain the swell and current patterns modeled in the mottang and mapped in the meddo and rebbelib. Hambruch (1912) and Hops (1956) observed that the unobstructed northeast

40 trade wind swell hits most of the atolls directly, as they are aligned in a southeast- northwest axis. In addition, Spoehr (1949) and Laubenfels (1950b) described how atolls deflect and accelerate the flow of the equatorial current streams. The atolls of the RMI straddle the boundary between opposing streams of the west-flowing north equatorial current and the east-flowing equatorial counter current. This boundary shifts from II "

North latitude in the summer to 6" North latitude in the winter (Figure 6).

Summer Winter ,,. ,>,

~"h equ3Iorial current ~ equatorial current " cr· ,~ , nonh equatorial COU nier curJ'nt .&; north equatorial ~ ~C'Ul'Tenr "'".--- f sooth equatorial CWl"Cnl ---- {. SOuth equatorial CUITCn!

".f " 0'

Figure 6. Map of current streams with seasonal variation (after Spenoemann 2005:40).

From a modem oceanographic perspective, small waves created by the force of the wind across the ocean surface eventually form regular swell that propagate until disrupted by land. As ocean swell enter shallow water, they transform through the processes of shoaling, wave refraction, wave diffraction and wave reflection (Figure 7).

Shoaling is a general depth-induced reduction in speed and increase in wave height. As swell approach the shore at an angle, they bend, or refract, as the depth-induced reduction

41 in speed changes the incident swell direction. Diffiaction involves the lateral movement of wave energy along the wave crests from areas of high to low concentrations of energy.

This lateral spreading of wave energy occurs when an uninterrupted swell hits an island and fills in the calm wave shadow. In the process of reflection, a portion of the wave energy is transmitted backwards with a reversed angle of wave incidence (Dean and

Dalrymple 1991; Garrison 2001; Komar 1998; Ma'a, et aI. 2000; Woodroffe 2002;

Wright 1995). Islands located in the path of the swift equatorial streams are known to perturb the current flows, creating distinctive wake patterns that are observed a considerable distance downstream of the island (Hendry and Wunsch 1973; Roemmich

1984; Wright 1995). Lateral variations in the current field, called current shears, can refract the waves as they pass through, i.e., current-induced wave refraction (Figure 8).

,,-

/ ~0 "i: di_on V f ~., ~ ~ .. ~ \ ~ \ reJi.t:n" ~ ) ~ "-

I

Figure 7. Shallow water swell tnmsfonnations.

42 lJl.

.,; x ~ ~ ~ .. ~ ~ ~ " [\

Figure 8. Current shears inducing wave reftaction in the wake of an atoll.

Davenport (1960; 1964) first explained the physical oceanographic basis of

Marshallese navigation by describing shallow water wave transformations. His descriptions and diagrams ofreflected and diffiacted wave energy are similar to modern oceanography (see Figure 7). However, his explanations exclude many ofWmkler's

(1898) critical insights, particularly the bending of opposing swell to form nodes of intersection (boof) that form a line of waves toward an island (okar). The conceptual and oceanographic discrepancies between Davenport (1960; 1964) and Wmkler (1898) remain unresolved.

Scholars have agreed on the use of the swell and current transformations.

Navigators use these wave patterns to expand the range at which islands can be detected.

Krlimer and Nevermann (1938) ethnographically recorded the terms kOkJa/ and kOlralle for these wave patterns and other phenomena that indicate the direction and distance toward land. Such navigation signs or seamarks include "sea life" (Krlimer and

Nevermann 1938; Naksyamaand Ramp 1974), spiritual phenomena, stars and luminescence.

43 Sea life are species of marine animals that show the way toward land. "Signal

birds" (kakarau), such as boobies and birds, for example, range 35 and 50 miles

out to sea, respectively (Lewis 1978:119-120). Erdland (1914:312) described how sea

life and other natural phenomena, such as reef formations, rocks and waves, may be ekjab, or associated with spiritual beings. Tobin (2002:20) recorded a narrative that

explains how people turned into navigation signs upon their deaths. These spiritual

beings benevolently show the lost navigator the correct way toward land. Yet, some

ekjab pose a threat to navigators. In Davenport's (1953:234) collection of stories, a

consultant described how a malevolent spirit became transformed into a particular current

that carried a canoe away from the southwestern atolls and resulted in a navigator's

death.

Navigational roro (chants) and 1'f)jen (formulaic mnemonics) contain specialized

knowledge of the living and natural seamarks. Navigators use them to memorize and

recall information (Davenport 1953). Some of the words and phrases in the chants use

archaic language or language specific to navigation. These have increasingly lost their

meaning, even to those who remember the chants. Some ofthe roro are TflWila/ ("deep"),

as they contain metaphors and hidden and double meanings, such that literal translations

do not make sense. Chants are also contained within al (songs). Davenport (1953:236-

237) provided an English translation of an al called alinloJrijknwa ("songs from the stem

sheets [ropes to control the sail)''), which navigators intoned with up to six levels of pitch

in a mix of melodies and chorus. Other chants are elaborated in ildd (song-story).

The ildd efl an Lainjin (Lainjin's song-story) describes specific navigation signs

This song-story chronicles how Lainjin voyaged throughout most ofthe Marshallese

44 atolls, starting from the atoll Sapwuakfik near Pohnpei in the present-day FSM. There are several versions of Lainjin's epic song-story journey. KrIImer and Nevermann

(1938:254-266) recorded a version from Ladap Lanbulien ofLae in Marshallese with a

German translation, Tobin (2002: 131-142) recorded in Marshallese with an English translation a version from Jelibor Jam ofKuwajileen in 1975, and Knight (1999:68-74) provided an English version from Labedbedin of Rongelap.

Navigators draw upon other environmental phenomena to use as navigation signs, but they serve as auxiliary aids to the waves and sea life. There are only a few references in the literature to stars (Ae'a 1947; Erdland 19\0; 1914; Lewis 1978:119-120; Meinicke

1875-1876). They were apparently only used for initial course setting. Lewis also

(1978:119-120) described an underwater luminescence (drojet) that, similar to te lapa in the Santa Cruz group, flashed in the direction of land 25-30 miles off-shore.

The literature shows that the methods of Marshal lese navigation do not fit neatly within the analytical division of navigation into orientation, estimating position and detecting land. Stars may be used when sailing at night, but orientation and course setting appear to be based on oceanographic rather than celestial phenomena. Yet, orientation based on the swell and currents is not analogous to the Carolinian star compass or the Santa Cruz wind compass, as the names of the swell are used neither to describe geographical directions for sailing nor to indicate the bearings of specific islands. Further, there does not appear to be a formalized concept of estimating position analogous to the Carolinian moving reference island, etak. Marshallese navigation may be more similar to that of the Bugis seafarers of . While Bugis navigators use a star and wind compass for orientation, they also take advantage oflocalized currents,

45 tides, shoals, reefs and wave patterns to pilot their way among islands that are relatively close but not quite inter-visible (AmmarellI999). Drawing from Ammarell's (1999) ethnography of Bugis navigation, Finney (1998) suggested that Marshallese navigators guide, or pilot, their canoes by reference to swell and current pattern transformations that show the distance and direction of land, what Ascher (1995; 2002) succinctly called wave piloting.

Summary

Anthropologists, psychologists and other researchers have sought to explain how cultural experts navigate in environments with challenging spatial contexts for orientation. A cognitive approach to navigation theorizes that spatial orientation involves mental representations of space. An alternative approach from psychology theorizes that navigation centers on experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions. In

Oceania, anthropologists have drawn primarily from cognitive anthropology to develop cultural cognitive models of navigation. Scholars typically divide indigenous navigation in Oceania into the tasks of setting course, estimating position and making landfall. The star-based system of navigation in the central Carolinian atolls is the most well known, in which navigators use interrelated star concepts, such as the star compass and a moving reference island called etak. Marshallese navigators, on the other hand, developed an elaborate system to remotely sense land by detecting disrupted wave patterns. With a unique island geography that disrupts the flow of swell and currents through distinctive transformations, Marshallese navigators detect subtle wave patterns and use them to guide their canoes through a process of wave piloting. How they do this remains unclear. 46 In the dissertation, I draw from the cognitive and perceptual theories of navigation and the scientific comparative framework of oceanography to understand the internalized and embodied knowledge ofMarshallese navigation.

47 CHAPTER 3 METHODOLOGY

Research Design

Studies of cognition have drawn from multiple theories. methods and foms of analysis to understand how people think and construct knowledge. Following the precedent set by anthropologists studying oceanic navigation (Arrunarell 1999; Feinberg

1988; Gladwin 1970; Hutchins 1995). my research design draws from cognitive anthropology. As the problem of spatial orientation may involve an interplay of cognitively representing space and directly experiencing the environment through sensory perceptions of motion (Widlok 1997). my research design also draws from ecological approaches within anthropology (Lave 1988; Hutchins 1995) and psychology

(Gibson 1979).

The paradigm of cognitive anthropology has developed into a robust research agenda. The critiques of cognitive anthropology raised the issue of psychological reality

(Tyler 1969). expanded the scope of analysis from the lexicon to ordinary discourse with the development of cultural models (Quinn 1987). and drew attention to cognition as a process of socialization (Hutchins 1995) and embodiment (Lave 1988). Anthropologists investigating navigation in Oceania have generated cognitive cultural models of navigation (Ammarell 1999; Feinberg 1988; Gladwin 1970). They gained personal expertise by apprenticing themselves to navigators, during which they learned through explicit instruction and observation at sea. They also gained insights through an analysis of ordinary discourse and interviews. In addition, they checked the psychological reality

48 of their postulated cognitive models by explaining them to their navigation consultants and by presenting the navigation consultants with new information to see if the models still fit. Overall, these ethnographies of cognition required a variety of methods and multiple forms of analysis.

As Captain Korent was not an expert navigator, it would have been culturally inappropriate to form an apprenticeship with him. I did work in-depth with Captain

Korent, however, to understand his cognitive model of navigation and how he revised it by engaging additional navigation consultants to re-learn parts of the navigation system.

I developed my own postulated cognitive model of navigation through a variety of methods. I initiated the research by asking the consultants general open-ended questions in unstructured interviews. Once they gauged my linguistic competence and assessed my background knowledge ofMarshallese navigation, the consultants began to provide explicit verbal and written instruction. They demonstrated and explained their ideas through diagrams, gestures and models during daily classroom sessions and at a training reef. I supplemented these sessions with semi-structured interviews to explore in-depth various themes and I recorded ordinary conversation. Finally, I made observations and gained personal experience at sea.

Throughout the research process, I corroborated my cognitive model of navigation with the consultants. As I learned components of the model, I presented the consultants with my diagrams, explanations and interpretations. Innovatively, I proposed alternative explanations from the perspective of oceanography. In collaboration with

UHM oceanographers, I developed computer wave models, collected satellite imagery of wave patterns, and gathered wave data. Throughout the research process, I presented the

49 resulting data and images to the consultants. This enabled me to further refine my

postulated cognitive model of navigation and to compare indigenous and scientific knowledge.

I initially intended to systematically examine the extent of cultural variation in navigational knowledge to detennine whether there is a single underlying cultural model of navigation (Romney, et al. 1986; Weller and Romney 1988). Systematic testing for cultural consensus was not possible, however, as the consultants were not master navigators (ri-meto) and Captain Korent was continuously re-learning and revising his model of navigation. Nevertheless, the consultants aimed to develop a single explanation

based on consensus. They contested, questioned and challenged each other's knowledge through competitive dialogues, but eventually found some degree of consensus. The uncertainty and ambiguity of knowledge led me to wonder whether variation among the

consultants reflected generational knowledge loss or regional differences in surviving

knowledge. To better understand the role of knowledge loss and region variation, I elicited the consultants' life stories of navigating and voyaging.

Gibson's ecological theory of perception is an alternative to cognitive

anthropology, but it has rarely generated ethnographic research. Significantly, however,

Aporta (2003) recently used interviews, self-recorded monologues and everyday

conversation to understand Inuit wayfinding in terms of experiencing the environment. I

similarly elicited navigators' sensory perceptions of the environment through interviews

and analyzed stories, legends and everyday conversation to examine descriptions of

movement Importantly, my personal experience at sea enabled me to learn some of the

50 embodied knowledge of navigation, such as using the canoe as a swell gauging instrument.

Host Family and Language

Before the start of my research and the Kapee/ in Melo project, I lived with a host family and began to learn the Marshallese language. Being connected to a host family was critical for my personal observations of, and social participation in, the sailing culture, as well as for my language acquisition. I stayed with a master canoe builder named Kilon Takiah (Figure 9) and his family on Ailuk for a total of six months during the summers of2003 and 2005. Now deceased, Kilon adopted me as a ri-piille

(foreigner) son, taught me the Marshallese language and introduced me to the maritime aspects of the Marshallese culture.

Figure 9. Master canoe builder and host father Kilon Takiah (deceased).

Prior to visiting (he RMI in 2003, 1 studied Marshallese in Hawai' i for a month with a tutor. I then practiced listening, speaking and writing Marshallese for the entirety

51 MISSING PAGE NO. E~)~3 AT THE TIlVIE OF MICROFILMING / ~11~1t1~ near Majuro and Arno (October 2005, September 2006), and sailed by yacht between

Majuro and Aur (November 2005) and between KuwajiJeen and Ujae (September 2006).

'" I'" 110' I'

o HtI.ar

10' 4- 'l:::!t.11jcl.nllt 1.1I""11'~ ~cm" I'"

c;:::lw .. t~ ~1:rU.uh ~MalOO:La['l Q-

a~titl ,~ 1 U"I!I "O::.... __ul·b==dI,..- o 165' I'/!l'

Figure 10. Research sites.

Consultants

Kelen and I worked primarily with Captain Korent, as the collaborative project centered on him re-learning parts of the navigation system from his elder fiunily members. The Marshal1ese maritime community asserted that these elders were the last stewards of navigational knowledge in the RMI. They were, in order of their participation as navigation consultants, Isao Eknilang, Alton Albions (deceased). Anno 54 Aisaia, Willie Mwekto, Francis Livai, Thomas Bokin, Lijohn Eknilang and Mejon River

(F igure II).

Figure 11. Consultants. (Left to right) Isao Eknilang, Alton Albious (deceased), Anno Aisaia, Willie Mwekto, Thomas Bokin , Lijohn Eknilang, and Mejon River.

Captain Korent learned aspects of navigation he had not acquired in his youth primarily from lsao Eknilang and Thomas Bokin. These elders came from different traditional regional centers of navigation. (sao Eknilang, along with Captain Korent,

Lijohn Eknilang and Willie Mwekto, learned navigation on Rongelap. Thomas Bokin learned navigation in the region Kapinmelo, ("bottom of the ocean"), which includes the atolls Ujae, Lae, Wotto and the island Lib. Alton Albious, Anno Aisaia, Francis Livai 55 and Mejon River learned navigation on Namu, Ailinglaplap, Kuwajileen and Ailuk, respectively. In Appendix C, "Biographies of Consultants," I include biographical sketches of each consultant with attention to their voyaging and navigation training and experience.

Ethnographic Data Collection Methods and Analysis

Exploratory open-ended questions in unstructured interviews with Captain and the other navigation consultants provided an initial broad overview of navigation. At the

FNTC classroom, Kelen and I asked several introductory questions, such as "Who taught you how to navigate?", "How and when did you learn to navigate?", and "What features of the environment are important for navigation?" These questions prompted the consultants to begin to articulate and explain their ideas of navigation.

The consultants made explicit certain aspects oftheir cognitive model of navigation through explanations, demonstrations, diagrams and models during land-based classroom instruction at the FNTC and at a navigation training reef on Rongelap. They drew pictures, made diagrams in the sand and constructed models of the ocean surface.

To model the ocean, one consultant created a latticework of curved lines by lashing pandanus roots with coconut sennit. Another consultant wove the midribs of coconut palm leaves through a mat and placed coral pebbles inside the latticework. The consultants also listed the specialized navigation terminology, which outlined the semantic boundary of the cultural domain of navigation (Weller and Romney 1988). The research generated a lexicon of specialized maritime terminology. Most of these terms are not included in the Marsha1lese-English dictionary (Abo, et aI. 1976). For reference, I

56 list these specialized maritime terms alphabetically in the glossary. With attention to local knowledge protocols (Taafilki, et a1. 2006:x), I identify each consultant with their specialized terminology and note whether the terms are recorded in the Marshallese­

English dictionary in Appendix D, "Direction, Navigation and Weather Forecasting

Terms."

The consultants' explicit land-based teaching methods were enhanced by observing a traditional navigation training reef. A particular coral reef on Rongelap models how an atoll disrupts the patterning of ocean swell, waves and currents salient for navigation. Traditionally, most of the apprentice's instruction occurred here. The instructor would blindfold his apprentice and lead him around the reef in a canoe until he could ascertain the direction of the reefbased on the felt wave patterns. Unfortunately, we did not have access to a small canoe. From the vantage point of a nearby shoreline,

Captain Korent explained, demonstrated through gestures, and diagrammed in the sand how the reef disrupted the regular patterning of shallow water waves coming from the ocean and from across the lagoon. I video recorded and photographed the navigation training reef. I later used these images as additional sources of visual information during the classroom instruction to elicit descriptions of the ocean from the consultants (Collier

1967; Krebs 1975).

To complement the explicit instruction with models, the consultants shared with me their bwebweTlDto, roro, aI and ikid of navigation. In contrast to the interview, these are communication patterns that figure prominently in the Marshallese community, what

Briggs (1986) refers to as native metacommunicative repertoires. These local communication patterns were ideal for analyzing cultural models (Quinn 2005a),

57 practical, embodied knowledge (Hutchins 1995; Lave 1988) and sensory perceptions of motion (Aporta 2003). Abo, et aI. (1976) define l1wel1wenato as ''talk, conversation,

story, history, article, episode, lore, myth and tale." Most ofthe classroom instruction

involved bwel1wenato in the form of conversations and naturally occurring discourse.

The consultants also shared more formall1webwenato in the form of stories and legends,

prefacing them with the phrases, "ewor juan l1wel1wenato ..•" (there's a story •.. ) and

"ewor juan l1wel1wenato in etto" (there's a legend from a long time ago ..• ). The consultants also performed roro (chants), al (songs) and ikid (song-stories) to accompany their l1wel1wenato and explanations. I audio and video recorded these conversations, stories, legends, chants, songs and song-stories, and transcribed and translated them.

After the consultant realized how time-consuming it was for me to transcribe and translate my audio recordings, they began to write their stories, chants and songs in

Marshallese in addition to performing them.

The consultants listened to and discussed an audio archive of l1wel1wenato held by a local museum called Alele. In the mid 1980s, the Alele Museum invited cultura1 experts to share their l1wel1wenato through a radio program. With the assistance of the

Alele Museum staff, the navigation consultants listened to audio recorded l1webwenato of

navigation told by Arento Lobo and Lukbwij Rilometo (deceased). I worked with the consultants to transcribe and translate these l1wel1wenato, and I audio recorded the resulting discussions. To create a space for the emergence of local voices (Hanlon 2003),

I present these and other bwel1wenato not used in the main text of the dissertation in

Appendix E, "Bwel1wenato."

58 The exploratory interviews, diagrams, models, demonstrations, exp1anations and bwebwenato uncovered several key concepts that guided subsequent research.

Importantly, the cognitive model of navigation centers on three interconnected concepts of the ocean that involve swell patterns (dilep, kOk/a/ and kiimeto) and current patterns

(fukae, ruhukae,jeljeltae). These schemas of the ocean explain the fonnation of specific sea conditions and how they are used in practice during a traditionally navigated voyage.

Another main theme was the related knowledge domain of weather forecasting. Other themes that emerged were the social context of voyaging and the cultural revival, including traditional fonns of instruction, knowledge loss and the impact of nuclear testing on the lives of aspiring navigators. I used open-ended questions in semi­ structured interviews to examine more in-depth these themes.

The interview does not figure prominently in the Marshallese community (Briggs

1986). In contrast to the ease at which the consultants shared their bwebwenato, rom, a/ and ikid, the consultants were not familiar with the interview. I had to first establish rapport with the consultants and then explain the fonnat of the interview. I audio recorded these interviews and took field notes, which I later analyzed to examine the explicit infonnation and the implicit, taken-for-granted assumptions within the navigation model (Quinn and Holland 1987; Quinn 2005a).

As I developed my postulated cognitive model of navigation, I corroborated it with Captain Korent and the consultants by explaining it to them. I presented them with my diagrams and alternative explanations, including a perspective from oceanography. I innovatively showed the consultants visual oceanographic infonnation, including satellite imagery, wave buoy data and wave models (see "Oceanographic Data Collection

59 Methods and Analysis" below). In response, the consultants sometimes accepted, challenged, revised and refuted this information.

My understanding of the cognitive and perceptual basis of navigation was enhanced by observing navigation in practice and by learning some of the embodied knowledge of navigation (Ammarell 1999; Feinberg 1988; Gladwin 1970; Lewis 1972;

Thomas 1987). Near the end of my fieldwork, Captain Korent sailed between two atolls using traditional navigation methods. Although he would have preferred to guide an outrigger sailing canoe, the only known voyaging canoe required substantial repairs.

Captain Korent guided the yacht Mali over 120 nautical miles each way between

Kuwajileen and Ujae in September 2006 (Figure 12). The sailing crew consisted of co- owners Eric Nystrom and Priam Kanealii, and Kelen and 1. During the voyage, Kelen and I asked Captain Korent to explain what observations he was making and how he was navigating. I made field notes of Captain Korent's descriptions of the weather and sea conditions, and of the specific instances in which he ordered the helmsman to change course. I also made field notes of my observations and those of the crew.

Figure 12 . The yacht Mali. (Left to right) Captain Korent Joel, Priam Kanealii, Alson Ke1en, Eri c Nystrom and Joseph Genz. 60 During the voyage, I recorded our position via satellite tracking with a Global

Positioning System (GPS) every two hours. I also recorded the locations of any oceanic conditions observed by Captain Korent that aided his navigation. The satellite tracking provided a visual, cartographic understanding of navigation (Aporta 2003), which I used during the classroom instruction to further elicit descriptions from the consultants.

In addition to my personal experience of swell motion during the voyage, I elicited the consultants' descriptions of sensory perceptions through open-ended questions in semi-structured interviews and by presenting videos of the sea conditions.

Through hand gestures and watching the videos, I asked the consultants several questions, such as "How do you describe this motionT' and "How is the wave buoy moving now?" I also analyzed bwebwenato from the consultants and the Ale1e Museum, as well as naturally occurring discourse, for descriptions and terminology of sensory perceptions.

At the FNTC classroom, I asked the consultants several open-ended questions in semi-structured interviews about the loss of traditional maritime know ledge and cultural revival. Questions such as "What information did you not have a chance to learn, and whyT' and "Why are you sharing your knowledge now?" prompted the consultants to reflect on their unfinished training as navigation apprentices in their youth and the subsequent virtual cessation of voyaging. The consultants elaborated upon one main theme - the impact of the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program on Rongelapese navigation and voyaging. In the form of bwebwenato, the consultants provided their life stories as aspiring navigators in relation to the history of nuclear testing. I audio recorded

61 these bwebwenalO, as well as natural discourse on the loss of knowledge that occurred when the consultants met for classroom instruction.

I conducted the transcription, translation and ethnographic data analysis simultaneously with data collection. During the fieldwork, I began to transcribe and translate the audio recorded interviews, chants, songs, song-stories and bwebwenalO, which included stories, legends, life stories and natural discourse. In the transcriptions and throughout the writing of the dissertation, I have tried to follow the standard orthography introduced by Abo, et aI. (1976). Kelen and the relevant consultants checked and revised my transcriptions and translations. As a group, the consultants of

Kopeel in Meto also transcribed one of the stories from the Alele Museum cassette tape archive. I continued the transcription and translation at UHM, which Kelen checked through email correspondence.

I analyzed the transcribed and translated ethnographic data and my field notes inductively through the application of grounded theory (Glaser and Strauss 1967; Strauss and Corbin 1990) and schema analysis (Quinn 2005a). Grounded theory is based on the idea of identitying, naming and describing themes and concepts that emerge from a close study ofthe texts. As I transcribed and translated the ethnographic data, I iteratively coded key analytic categories, or cultural keywords (Strauss 2005:205). In doing so, I identified recurring cognitive themes, including the formation of swell patterns (dilep, kOk/al, kiimeto) and current patterns (jukoe, rubukoe,jeljeltae), sensory perceptions

(e;gake), ways of sailing (jerakriik), and the related knowledge domain of weather forecasting (katu, lale lanl. I then examined how these themes are linked to each other within the cognitive model of navigation. Other recurring themes that emerged from a

62 close reading of the texts were the loss of knowledge (fe/a /(J/gen) and the impact of the

U.S. nuclear weapons testing program (bat1lfl; from the English "bomb") on the decline of voyaging.

I also analyzed the transcribed and translated texts through cultural schema analysis (also called cultural models analysis). As the contributors to Finding Culture in

Talk: A Collection ofMethods demonstrate (Quinn 2005a), there is not an agreed upon way to analyze schemas and cultural models. Similar to grounded theory, schema analysis focuses on the close examination of transcribed discourse; however, it requires a search for evidence of taken-for-granted assumptions and tacit understandings without the benefit of keywords (Quinn 2005b: (9). For example, Quinn searches for metaphors in narratives and life stories and then deduces the underlying principles that could produce those metaphors (Quinn (987). Unfortunately, my language skills did not improve to the point that I could fully understand metaphors in narratives and life stories.

Following Strauss (2005:208), I considered what basic cultural assumptions the consultants were leaving implicit in their narratives in order for their statements to make sense.

I searched for alternative cultural assumptions by contrasting indigenous and scientific explanations of the ocean. The consultants did not explicitly state some of their shared understandings of wave transformations. For example, I was puzzled for a long time that the name of a flowing swell could change as the swell alters direction in the vicinity of an atoll. Specifically, a "north" swell could simultaneously indicate a swell originating from the south and a swell that originated from the east, but that is now flowing northward as a result of refraction. I eventually realized that the swell

63 tenninology may refer to their immediate direction of flow rather than their direction of origin.

Oeeanographic Data CoReetion Methods and Analysis

Oceanographic computer models of the swell, wave and current patterns helped to refine the cognitive model of navigation by corroborating the oceanic information with

Captain Korent and the consultants. This work was done in collaboration with Finney,

Merrifield and two additional UHM oceanographers, Jerome Aucan and Oliver Vetter. In order to first characterize the wave field, we built a swell climatology model for the RMI.

Based on 40 years of wave data (ECMWF 2007), the swell climatology model describes the annual changes in the dominant swell.

To understand how the dominant swell transform as they encounter the atolls, we collected wave data at various locations that allowed us to follow the swell propagation.

We deployed a free-floating wave buoy to collect wave displacement data (Figure 13).

Manufactured by Datawell, the Directional Waverider G-4 wave buoy is designed to measure wave height, frequency and direction through a wave motion sensor based on a

GPS. After collecting data continuously for 30 minutes, the wave buoy's internal program creates a wave spectrum. The spectrum discriminates and describes the various swell according to wave height, wave period and wave direction.

64 Figure 13. Wave buoy. Datawell Directional Waverider 0-4.

Captain Korent guided the wave buoy deployments (Figure 14). We first completed a pilot study to test instrument sensitivity (deployments 1-7). Then we conducted a systematic study near Majuro and Arno (deployments 8-26), although technical problems with the wave buoy resulted in several deployments with no wave data. As Majuro and Arno are only separated by 8 nautical miles, they represent one navigational target and were therefore treated as one atoll. As we encircled this area near-shore (I nautical mile), we deployed the wave buoy where Captain Korent detected a salient wave pattern. This corresponded to deployments east, northeast, southeast, north and west ofMajuro-Arno. At each location, Captain Korent then followed that wave pattern out to sea (5 -10 nautical miles) until land was barely visible, where we deployed the buoy a second time. He continued to follow each wave pattern until he could no longer detect them (15-20 nautical miles) and we deployed the buoy a third time. This created a transect of three data sets radiating seaward from the atoll along each wave pattern. Appendix F, "Wave Buoy Deployment Information," reproduces the date and geographic coordinates for each buoy deployment.

65 Figme 13. Wave buoy. Datawell Directional Waverider 0-4.

Captain Korent guided the wave buoy deployments (Figure 14). We first completed a pilot study to test instrument sensitivity (deployments 1-7). Then we conducted a systematic study near Majuro and Arno (deployments 8-26), although technical problems with the wave buoy resulted in several deployments with no wave data. As Majuro and Arno are only separated by 8 nautical miles, they represent one navigational target and were therefore treated as one atoll. As we encircled this area near-shore (1 nautical mile), we deployed the wave buoy where Captain Korent detected a salient wave pattern. This corresponded to deployments east, northeast, southeast, north and west ofMajuro-Arno. At each location, Captain Korent then followed that wave pattern out to sea (5-10 nautical miles) until land was barely visible, where we deployed the buoy a second time. He continued to follow each wave pattern until he could no longer detect them (15-20 nautical miles) and we deployed the buoy a third time. This created a transect of three data sets radiating seaward from the atoll along each wave pattern. Appendix F, "Wave Buoy Deployment Information," reproduces the date and geographic coordinates for each buoy deployment.

65 •• .ft ....."",1"_,,,,1,[1 - Q ., to :10""'" ..

•

5... -' • 'I, ." ,~:II~ . • Amo 17 .111 , -Zl &, -zo 0 ." ."

Figure 14. Wave buoy deployments.

One series of wave buoy deployments offered a short navigational exercise to find land. Most series of wave deployments started near-shore (1 nautical mile) and finished off-shore (15-20 nautical miles). In one instance, however, I directed the vessel far off- shore from Arno (25 nautical miles) while Captain Korent slept. Upon waking, he could not initially detect any swell that indicated the direction or distance toward land. He then guided the vessel toward land.

During each ofthe wave buoy deployments, which lasted between 30 minutes and one hour, Captain Korent explained and demonstrated the motion of the swell. From the vantage point ofthe vesse~ the wave buoy was an excellent reference to see the movement of the waves, as it drifted a few hundred feet away. Captain Korent explained

66 and gestured how particular wave patterns fonned at the wave buoy. This allowed me to visually observe the wave buoy movements and then feel the same motion as the wave pattern continued to flow past the vessel. I made field notes of Captain Korent's explanations, as well as the oceanic and weather conditions. In several instances, I video recorded Captain Korent's explanations and gestures of the wave buoy and vessel movements.

The wave buoy data provided a snapshot of how the swell transfonn at various locations, but we gained an overall visual understanding from the collection of satellite imagery of swell patterns surrounding entire atolls. We collected satellite imagery from several remote sensing databases. Specifically, we obtained mosaiced Landsat 7 ETM+ satellite images, ASTER (Advanced Spacebome Thennal Emission and Reflection

Radiometer) images, and an IKONOS 1 meter pan-sharpened image.

To understand the specific shallow-water wave transfonnations, we adapted a wave model called Shallow Water Numerical (SWAN) (Booij, et a1. 1999; Ris, et al.

1999) to the RMI that takes into account wave refraction at the island bathymetry.

SWAN does not take into account wave diffraction, wave reflection or the effect of currents. The model requires bathymetry data and an incident wave period and direction.

We focused on because its bathymetry approximates an idealized circular atoll and there are no atolls or islands nearby to disrupt the regular flow of the dominant northeast trade wind swell. We incorporated bathymetry data for the RMI (Hem, et a1.

1999) into SWAN and set the incoming swell from the east with a typical wave period of

10 seconds.

67 I conducted the oceanographic data analysis in collaboration with UHM oceanographers simultaneously with data collection. After each series of wave buoy deployments, Merrifield and other oceanographers assisted in interpreting the wave spectra, which indicated the wave energy (height), frequency and direction. They also assisted in analyzing the satellite imagery and the results of the wave model by interpreting the wave height, wave frequency and wave direction.

As we simultaneously collected and analyzed the wave data and satellite imagery, built the climatology model and applied the wave model to the RMI, I used the resulting oceanographic information to corroborate the navigation model. For example, I presented images and diagrams to the consultants as alternative concepts and explanations, which they accepted, revised or refuted.

Summary

The research design draws from multiple theories, methods and forms of analysis to understand how cultural experts think and construct knowledge. I used a range of cognitive anthropological methods to elicit data on how cultural experts cognitively represent space and use that information to find land. Drawing from Gladwin's (1970) pioneering ethnography and the advancement of cultural models analysis (Quinn 2005a),

I developed a cognitive model of navigation through explicit instruction, demonstration, personal observations and practical experience, and through an analysis of recorded, transcribed and translated interviews, bwebwenato (stories, legends, life stories, conversation), chants, songs and song-stories. To check the psychological merit of my cognitive model of navigation, I continually corroborated it with the consultants and

68 innovatively presented them with an oceanographic explanation of the physical basis of the wave patterns. However, some indigenous ways of knowing oceanic navigation are not amenable to cultural models analysis, particularly the embodied knowledge of moving through waves on the ocean. Following the general shift in anthropology that views cognition as a social and embodied practice (Hutchins 1995; Lave 1988) and drawing from the ecological perspective that views perception as a direct engagement with the environment (Ingold 2000), I examined navigation in terms of experiencing the oceanic environment through sensory perceptions of motion. My personal experience at sea enabled me to learn some of the embodied knowledge of navigation, and I analyzed the ethnographic data for descriptions of movement (Aporta 2003).

69 CHAPTER 4 CULTURAL REVIVAL

An indigenous epistemology of voyaging in Oceania involves cultural experts with clearly defined domains of knowledge. including canoe building. weather forecasting and navigation. Navigation is at once specialized and powerful. forming a body of knowledge that is secretive. restricted and fragile. Throughout Oceania, navigation and voyaging strongly symbolize cultural revitalization and recovery. In particular. the voyaging canoe as a symbol of traditional culture has been used to support the formation of local. cultural and national identities throughout the region (Finney

1979; 1994; 2003). including the RMI (Carucci 1995; Kabua 2004). Within the collaborative project Kapee/ in Meto. the traditional knowledge of Marshal lese navigation and voyaging is now being revalued and re-created. It is therefore critically important to understand how the revival fits into this particular historical moment.

In this chapter. I describe the cultural revival of Marshallese navigation and voyaging. I first examine the power and contested nature of indigenous Marshallese navigational knowledge and how this contributed to the marked decline in navigation and voyaging in the late 19th and early 201h centuries. I then portray the social lives of surviving elders with navigational knowledge in relation to the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program and the subsequent virtual cessation of voyaging. Next, I portray the continuity of canoe building and sailing within one atoll community and I describe the country's renewed interest and resurgence in the practice of canoe building and sailing through the efforts of Waan Aeloii in Majel (WAM). This leads to a discussion of the

70 ongoing Kapeel in Meta project. Finally, I offer a series of personal reflections that emerged during my fieldwork on the possibilities and challenges of cultural revival and

ethnographic collaboration, including the development of Kopeel in Meta and the cultural

politics of navigational knowledge.

Power of Navigational Knowledge

Traditionally, village elders or hereditary navigators controlled the specialist knowledge of navigation in certain island societies throughout Oceania. The control of

Marshallese navigational knowledge, however, was linked to the power and authority of chiefs. Throughout the atolIs that constitute the present-day RMI, the troij, or chief,

controlled the use and transmission of navigational knowledge. The iroij permitted a navigator to impart his knowledge on only one apprentice, usually a younger family

member. This contributed to the chiefs power and authority in relation to rival chiefs.

This traditional sanctioning of knowledge also reinforced a professional rivalry and

secrecy among navigators, which formed distinctive family-based "schools of

navigation" (Davenport 1960:23-24; Krilmer and Nevermann 1938:215-218).

D' Arcy (2006) argues that the decline of navigational knowledge throughout

Oceania was linked to the restricted dissemination of specialist knowledge. With few

islanders trained in navigation, catastrophes, such as natural disasters and introduced

epidemics, could greatly affect the transmission of knowledge. More damaging to ocean voyaging, however, was the contact with European explorers, the arrival of missionaries

and the subsequent conversion to Christianity.

71 The cultural encounters between foreign and local navigators and voyagers resulted in contested areas of expertise with different epistemologies. This contributed to the decline of indigenous maritime knowledge. The troij played a significant role in the decline of navigational knowledge in the late 19th century through their traditional authority and control of specialist knowledge. The trot} displayed their power by purchasing from German and British trading companies, as these vessels carried a perceived prestige. The transition from traditional canoes to European-style schooners was rapid. Marshallese mariners readily adopted or adapted Western boat construction and design. Nearly all the froij owned European-style vessels by 1910

(Spennemann 2005:33). The chiefs' perceived prestige of Western maritime technology contributed strongly to the collapse of the social infrastructure behind canoe voyaging.

The lack of chiefly motivation and support threatened the technical skills and knowledge, the building and maintenance of canoes, the community support and the transmission of knowledge.

Social disruptions linked to the colonial era hastened the decline of navigation and voyaging, particularly the transmission of knowledge to the younger generation. The most immediate and direct colonial impacts on seafaring were prohibitions and bans of the use of voyaging canoes and indigenous navigation. In Micronesia, the German colonial administration (1899-1914) and their colonial successors, the Japanese (1914-

1944), placed prohibitions on inter-island canoe travel. They discouraged voyaging for its presumed inherent dangers, costs of searching for and retrieving shipwrecked and adrift islanders, and lost revenues with their trading companies (Alkire 1978: 141; Hezel

1995:\08).

72 Interestingly, the central Carolinian atolls suffered the same colonial restrictions

under the German and Japanese administrations, but their seafaring traditions have

persisted and gone through a resurgence in the mid 20th century (McCoy 1976) that

continues today (Flood 2002; Metzgar 2006; Ridgell, et al. 1994). Scholars point to a combination of relative geographic isolation, economic necessity, cultural identity, regional competition and historical partitioning of the Carolinian atolls during

independence to account for the persistence of indigenous voyaging and navigation in the central Carolinian atolls (Flood 2002; McCoy 1976; Metzgar 2006; Ridgell, et aI. 1994).

For example, Metzgar (2006:294) notes that voyaging between Satawal and Polowat

persisted, to some degree, because a historical division between Chuuk State and

State administratively separated these two atolls, which resulted in no regular inter-island governmental transportation.

In contrast to the central Carolinians, the Marshallese had a distinctive cultural response to the new, contested forms of knowledge brought by foreigners. In general, they valorized non-traditional knowledge and cultural practices. Several scholars have observed that the Marshallese often reject, or act ambivalent toward, their cultural traditions, while valorizing the "other" (Carucci 2001; Walsh 2003), a notion Thomas

(1992) refers to as the inversion of tradition. For example, Carucci (2001) describes how the Marshallese ignore their pre-missionary modes of dress in favor of those that typify

post-missionary times, such that they are one of the only groups to disregard traditional dress in favor of modern clothes at regional festivals (e.g., Pacific Arts Festival). The

lure of modern maritime technology, especially outboard motorboats and navigation

73 instruments, similarly reflects a broader cultural valorization of non-traditional knowledge and practices that became magnified in the post-war era.

In her dissertation, Walsh (2003) compares rhetoric of tradition between

Marshallese chiefs and commoners to argue that they both began to implicitly devalue their traditional practices in the post-war era in favor of powerful discourses of modernity, development and progress. The U.S. military and colonial administration

(1944-1986) left strong impressions of American power, wealth and knowledge on the

Marshallese. Reflecting historical interactions between Marshallese chiefs and foreigners, this valorization of the "other" occurred through local impressions of

American power. The Marshallese witnessed the defeat of the Japanese during World

War II, suffered from the nuclear weapons testing program, and felt the economic advantages of the Compact of Free Association (Walsh 2003).

The Marshallese contrasted the power and genernsity ofthe Americans to the

Japanese, under whom they suffered greatly and were expected to assimilate into their expanding empire. Walsh (2003) and others (Carucci 1989; McArthur 2000) have noted how the Marshallese began to refashion the Americans as chiefs during and after World

War II by attributing the mythological trickster Letao, or Etao, as the source of American intelligence and military power. The Marshallese began to make sense of American power in terms ofLetao's power, which derives from his "ambiguity, destructiveness, regenerative capacity, mobility, inversion of cultural rules, lies, and deceptions"

(McArthur 2000:92). In doing so, the Marshallese maintained a favorable impression of the U.S. despite hardships (McArthur 2000). Some Marshallese faced extreme hardships through one of the strongest symbols of American power - the nuclear bomb. 74 Roogelapese Navigators

Between 1946-1958, the U.S. government detonated 67 nuclear bombs on Bikini and Enewetak as part of their nuclear weapons testing program. Many Marshallese, including the navigation consultants, experienced radiation exposure, health problems, forced migrations and social disruptions (Barker 2004). The consequences of the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program were disastrous for navigation and voyaging on the

Rongelap and nearby atolls of Bikini, Rongdik and Ailinginae. Until the nuclear testing on Bikini and the massive radiation fallout on Rongelap in 1954, these atolls may have been one of the last surviving regional navigation centers. Captain Korent trained individually on Rongelap with his grandfather, while Isao Eknilang, Willie Mwekto and

Lijohn Eknilang learned as a group of children on Rongelap from a number of elders.

Navigation apprentices from Bikini, Rongdik and Ailinginae sailed to Rongelap to begin their formal training, which centered on a special coral reef that models how atolls disrupt the flow of swell and currents.

Historic ethnographic accounts only vaguely mention the existence ofnavigation schools (Davenport 1960:23-24; KrIImerand Nevermann 1938:215-218), but the navigation training center on Rongelap may have been the last formal navigation school in the region at the time of the nuclear testing. The U.S. government chose the northern atolls as testing sites due to their relative isolation, yet this isolation most likely ensured the continuation of cultural traditions throughout the first waves of the successive colonial regimes.

The forced migrations, radiation exposure, health problems and social disruptions that resulted from the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program essentially terminated the

75 transmission of knowledge to the younger generation of Rongelapese apprentices, which included Captain Korent, lsao Eknilang, Willie Mwekto and Lijohn Eknilang. These remaining stewards of Rongelapese voyaging and navigation strongly lament the loss of their oceanic heritage, as well as their land, families and customs. While there appears to be a general denigration of traditional cultural knowledge and practices throughout the

RMI, the Kopeel in Meto consultants, by virtue of their participation in the project, clearly value such knowledge. They became incredibly passionate when discussing the effects ofthe U.S. nuclear weapons testing program on the fate of voyaging traditions.

Their enthusiasm reflects their personal, familial, community, regional and cultural identities as navigators, particularly as navigators from Rongelap.

At the FNTC classroom on Majuro, Captain Korent shared his memories and family members' experiences ofthe nuclear testing as they relate to voyaging and navigation in the following life story:

Kiio ewor jidik okJok i/o bwebwenato in fear ru/to/(1k im fear pad ilo Bikini, Rondik kob Ailinginae, kOnke ilo oer fear pad ru/to/(1k fear mminene kOn mow 1m manit ko oer Ire. Manit kob jilifik in oer mow IfI1lIlJTIjejab aikuj rpiiiiii kDnke rej bok kijjear jan waini, ni kob bob jan kilik kDn an ane ko. Itok nan l/}jet rej rpiifiij ek kob aiilep men ko jan l(1jet. Ak iilikin iien me ewor baatp rej komokijier jan jikin ko me ear bob. Ikar 10 merom an baatp eo yuJok ilo mweo in look down, lukkuun merom. I didn't know what was that I thought very big moon. Wow, all very bright, I can see some smoke, but I thinking cloud at that time. Very big cloud. Its only 120 mile from KuwiUileen to Pikinni. So I can see the cloud and its really big cloud but I really know that smoke. [(jjrii eo jino Ire, rej ilokjan mama, mama pad Ebeye ok aolepin nejin ro jatin mama. Raar burn aolepin. even my grandma and grandpa aolepin ear burn, aolepin yo. Ijoko aolepin. Aolep /allap ro Rongelap wot. Jet remej, jet roar pad wot. Pedpedin fear piid. Anlok bar pad yo. Monean efear pad Kuwajileen. lturtok fear pad yo. Jiblik fear pad yo. Joob fear mow wot fear pad yo. Aolep /allap ro,jimetan fear mej.

76 RUtto, lukkuun nitto. Ewor 60s some, 70. I saw those guys, they bathed with water that was contaminated. Armej in Rongelap e jako aer etal nanjikin in /rotak kapen eo bwe ejje/(Jk armej ijo. Ebol !rain menjiin iar / in fie kar piid wot line nan ijelaji/gik canoe. Emaroii kar 11IQke e waD , 11IQk;e kiijerbal, measurement, 11IQk;e kiiTJlTlUll1 canoe. Ne in kar pad line ko kiio nitto ijela kii1fl1Pon wa, bwe in kar /rotak. Akjiin bQQT{l eo ijaiiin r(J(J1 bwe in /ratak. Ij ba, fie in kar piid wot i/o aeloii eo, experience ko aD, renaiiin itok jiin ancestor eo aD inaiiin jela kii1Jl1flll1l wa ijela jerakrok ijela aolep !rain. Ij ba, kiio ji/gik wa, ak I don't know how to do it. EjjelfJk emaroii riikoki kiio. Ne kiim rwl nan ijo ejako lalJap ro riikoki. Emaroii ewor ijo Ijao, he can do it but he cannot go out, but he can teach. Rej bar TJITIUlI1 fie kiim rook ni, ijotoke roar 1JI6iiii bam ak ijo !rain eo lalJap ji1Jl1JlQ, Henri, etal nan line jidik ko im bok coconut crab and hide and eat. Ak ejela ke enona 1JI6iiii ak ekiinaon 1JI6iiii. 1ar loe ilo Hawai'i ilo Queen hospital, itok nan Honolulu. 1ar jab loe on mej. Ej kallibwini ilo Kuwajleen ilo juan afie jidikdik, bar /ellap ippiin. But what can I do, nothing we can do. He tell me go ahead and enjoy your life. Ji1Jl1JlO itokjiin Pikinni im Pikinni armej ro kiit/fJk aer ejjelfJk bQQT{l. Aolep lien re travel ijo. Aolep lien back and/or/h. 1m iilikin bQQT{l eo no more. Rejaje armej ro reiiuk ta bQQT{l eo. ejjelfJk aer mele/e.

Translation:

Now there's something different in the story of our growing up and living on Bikini, Rondik, Ailinginae, because as my ancestors stayed and grew up they were used to their customs. Their culture was very good as they didn't need to look fur food as they got their fuod from coconuts and pandanus on the islands. Come to the ocean and eat fish and everything from the ocean. But after the time of the bomb they moved from the places which have pandanus. I saw the bomb's light, I stood up in the house and look down, very bright. I didn't know what was that I thought very big moon. Wow, all very bright, I can see some smoke, but I thinking cloud at that time. Very big cloud. Its only 120 mile from Kuwajileen to Bikini. So I can see the cloud and its really big cloud but I really know that smoke. The women there, my mother stayed on Ebeye [islet on Kuwajileen] but all the children of my mother's younger sister, they all got burned, even my grandma and grandpa they all got burned, all of them there. Everybody there. All the elders (navigation teachers) were from Rongelap only. Some they died, some they stayed. Pedpedin stayed. Antak also stayed there. Monean stayed on Kuwajileen. lturtak stayed there. Jiblik stayed there. Joob lived and stayed there. All the elders, half died. They were old, very old. There were some that were 60 some years old, 70. I saw those guys, they bathed in water that was contaminated. The Rongelap people have stopped going to the place to learn navigation because there are no more people there .• .I would have learned many things if I 77 had stayed on the island like making canoes. I probably would have made my canoe, measurements. IfI had stayed on the islets now as I'm older I would know canoe building because I had learned. But due to the bomb I haven't returned to study. I say, ifI had stayed on the atoll, my experiences, they have not yet come from my ancestors, I haven't learned yet how to build canoes, sailing. I say, now building canoes, I don't know how to do it. There are no teachers now. If we return there all the old teachers are gone. There is Ijao. He can do it but he cannot go out, but he can teach. They said its okay if you drink coconuts, so they ate coconut crabs and things like it, my grandfather, Henri, he went to small islets and got coconut crab and hide and eat. But he knew it was bad food but he wanted to eat even though he know he already sick with poison he never change his life. Every day he go fishing, climb coconut, moving around. I saw him in Hawai'i at Queen's hospital, I came to Honolulu. I didn't see his death. He was buried on Kuwajleen on one smail islet with his wife. But what can I do, nothing we can do. He tell me go ahead and enjoy your life. My grandfather comes form Bikini and the Bikini people allowed the bomb to be dropped. All the time he traveled there. All the time back and forth. And after the bomb no more. Those people didn't know what the bomb meant, no understanding.

Captain Korent's testimony of the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program reveals a sense of cultural loss and affirms his identity as a Rongelapese navigator. He lists the famed Rongelapese navigators and describes their regional voyages to Bikini. He also takes pride in the status of his family and larger ancestral clan as navigators. The rest of the atolls and islands in the RMI are the "other" against which a Rongelap identity is constructed. This follows Poyer, Falgout and Carucci's (2004) observation that

Micronesian identities favor the local community rather than the larger regional boundaries imposed by the colonial administrations, but that such identities cannot be considered in isolation from global events. Indeed, the Rongelap atoll identity is strongly shaped by the impact of the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program.

78 Captain Korent elaborated his life story during seveml interviews. He adamantly and explicitly stated that he would have been a master navigator without the devastation wrought by the nuclear testing. The aspirations of consultants Isao Eknilang, Willie

Mwekto and Lijohn Eknilang to also become master navigators were similarly terminated through the social and physical impacts of radiation exposure. These four individuals lost their navigation teachers to radiation exposure. As they became displaced from their homeland, they also lost the community infrastructure to build and sail voyaging canoes.

Without the ability to continue sailing and learning to navigate, they could not ruprup j(}kur.

Traditionally, an apprentice became a navigator by taking a navigation test. After completing the land-based instruction and floating around the coral reef on Rongelap to identity how atolls disrupt the flow of swell, the apprentice takes his navigation test, his first true oceanic voyage - ruprup j(}kur. The literal translation of ruprup j(}kur,

"breaking open of the turtle shell," metaphorically means that the apprentice's mind will fill with knowledge once he completes the journey. Typically, the apprentice sails several days at sea and must make landfall at a specific atoll. Without a ceremony, the chiefs bestows the title ofri-meto ("person of the ocean," navigator) on the apprentice if he completes his literal and metaphorical ruprup j(}kur. In the event the apprentice becomes lost or misjudges landfall, the chief denies the title. With this failure, the door to becoming a navigator is forever closed.

Captain Korent and most of the consultants did not have the chance to ruprup j(}kur due to their dislocation and interrupted tmining. With neither the requisite experience nor the title of ri-meto, they could not begin to teach a younger genemtion.

79 This has contributed substantially to the virtual cessation of voyaging that continues today.

A Virtual Cessation of Voyaging

"These guys don't need GPS to sail" was printed as a caption in the local newspaper, the Marshall Islands Journal (2007), in response to the arrival of the

Hawaiian voyaging canoes Hiikiile'a and Malsu in Majuro in late February 2007. This stark contrast between Marshallese and Hawaiian navigators highlights the dramatic decline of the practice of navigation and voyaging. Through the impacts of a succession of colonial regimes, inter-island voyaging in the RMI has declined to such a degree that it has effectively ceased today.

There are only a few instances of recent voyages. In 1996, navigation consultant

Thomas Bokin navigated a newly constructed 42 foot walap, or voyaging canoe, over

300 nautical miles from Ujae to Majuro, although the inspiration, organization and funding came from WAM (Alessio and Kelen 1995). In 2000, a fleet of several 22 foot tipfiiil, or intra-lagoon sailing canoes, began to sail from Ailuk toward Majuro, a distance of 200 nautical miles, to participate in the annual national sailing race. According to my host brother, Russell Takiah, the skippers did not have a deep understanding of navigation techniques, but were confident they would arrive in Majuro with the aid of a compass. Unfortunately, a dismasted vessel forced the fleet to prematurely return to

Ailuk. Prior to these two events, the last recorded voyage took place in 1992 for the

Pacific Arts Festival on Rarotonga in the southern . In preparation for this festival, WAM organized a project with islanders from Enewetak to build a 50 foot

80 waJap, or voyaging canoe. After the walap was shipped to the Cook Islands, Toshiro

Jokon guided it with traditional navigation techniques from Aitutaki to Rarotonga, a distance of 140 nautical miles (Finney 2003). These recent long-distance voyages evoked atoll identities (e.g., Enewetak and Ailuk) by claiming a strong sailing heritage compared to the rest of the Marshallese atoll communities (Carucci (995). In recent

Marshallese memol)', Toshiro Jokon is the only Marshallese to voyage without the formal pretexts of either documentation projects or festivals. He regularly traveled by motorboat between Maloelap and Majuro, a distance of 60 nautical miles, until his death in 2003.

Marshallese continue to voyage in outboard motorboats without the aid of instruments over short distances in which the atolls are either visible (e.g., Miliuro and

Arno; 8 nautical miles) or present such a large target area (e.g., Kuwajileen from Namu;

30 nautical miles) that they are not considered navigationally difficult. Still, the loss of navigational knowledge is apparent by listening to the maritime community with regard to vessels adrift at sea. Captain Korent, who worked on search and rescue missions for many years as part of the Ministl)' of Transportation and Communication, talked of numerous occasions when fisherman drifted at sea after they ran out of fuel and lost track of their position. He recalled a vivid memol)' in which the crew of a motorboat steered toward Mile from Majuro (60 nautical miles) by following the relative angle of the wind, but an imperceptible gradual wind shift led them, much to their surprise, to make landfall back on Majuro the next morning.

81 Contemporary Canoe Building and Sailing

While inter-island voyaging has virtually ceased, a few atolls continue to build and use traditional outrigger sailing canoes. WAM documented the regional variation in canoe design and construction methods among surviving elders on Jaluit (Alessio 1989),

Likiep (Alessio 1990), Namdik (Alessio 1991a; I 991b), Alluk (Alessio 199Ic), Enewetak

(Alessio 1993) and Ujae (Alessio and Kelen 1995). Since then, however, the canoe culture on several of these atolls has virtually disappeared. While a systematic survey of contemporary sailing and paddling outrigger canoes throughout the RMI has yet to be conducted, most of the atolls tend to have only a few sailing canoes. On Namu, for example, several kiirkiir and a few tipfiOi were being rebuilt in the spring of2006, but the atoll only had two functional sailing canoes. On most atolls, motorboats with outboard engines serve as the primary mode of transportation across the lagoon to family-owned islets.

Continultv on AIIuk Atoll

The atoll community on Ailuk atoll has strungly maintained its canoe building and sailing heritage. The inhabitants of Ailuk continue to sail across their lagoon on outrigger canoes (Figure 15) that are strikingly similar to Choris' (1822:Plate XIV) painted rendition ofan Ailuk sailing canoe in 1817 (Figure 16). Today, Ailuk boasts the most sailing canoes in the RMI - about 50 tipfiOi and kiirkiir. Ailuk supports a popUlation of about 500 people spread among three permanently inhabited islands. The majority of the population lives on the main southern islet, also called Ailuk, but there is a constant movement of people between Ailuk and the other islets, particularly the two

82 pennanently inhabited northern islets Enejlar and Kapen. Nearly all of the islets extend in a north-south direction for about 25 nautical miles, which is ideal for sailing with the northeasterly trade winds. Sailors enjoy a fast sail under an ideal beam reach without the need to change ends, or shunt the canoe, until the return trip.

Figure 15. Contemporary Ailuk outrigger sailing canoe.

/ ' /-

Figure 16. Historic Ailuk outrigger sailing canoe (Chori s I 822:Plate XlV).

83 Each household on Ailuk either owns or has access to at least one tipfiijl or kOrkOr. For example, my host father Kilon Takiah no longer owned a canoe, but his nephew Rice Snight built a 22 foot tipfiijl and Kilon's wife's brother, Tembo Alfred, built a 14 foot sailing kOrkOr. Tembo usually sailed his kOrkOr alone to his nearby family­ owned islet or paddled near shore to fish, while a crew of 3-4 extended family members sailed Rice's tipfiOl. My daily experiences observing and sailing the canoes were exciting, as 10-15 canoes sailed northward toward the distant islets each morning and returned that evening. The ri-Ailuk (people of Ailuk) sailed their canoes across the lagoon for fishing, gathering crops, visiting relatives, having picnics andjmpbo budjek

Gust traveling) - sailing for the enjoyment ofthe ride itself.

The ri-Ailuk use adzes to carve parts of the canoe, such as the outrigger float.

Historically they adopted modem adzes made of metal instead of using the cutting edge of a giant clam shell. Access to power tools and imported lumber, particularly plywood, among a few families enabled a few ri-Ailuk to experiment with the building process.

My host sister's husband, Tem Alfred, recently constructed the main hull of a traditionally designed canoe by fitting plywood to supports (ribs) rather than hollowing out the main trunk of a breadfruit tree. The outrigger supports () are laminated plywood rather than shaped hardwoods. The outrigger is still carved from a breadfruit log, but Tem's building process revolutionized the sailing abilities of his family, and in time. the entire community. The time to build a canoe decreased. The canoes also became lighter and thus more efficient in the protected lagoon waters. The new construction process also allowed for a new type of steering paddle. Traditionally, the helmsman guided the canoe by raising or lowering a steering paddle. This changes the

84 shape of the water flowing past the hull, which in turn alters the canoe's direction. Tem

Alfred designed a rudder that attached to the angled stern. The helmsman detaches the rudder when shunting and attaches it to the opposite end (the new stem). In terms of steering, this is much more efficient and requires less physical exertion.

The entire Ailuk community has since adopted and refined Tem Alfred's innovations. As a result, the ri-Ailuk are known for their exceptional sailing abilities.

Marshallese throughout the RMI recognize the sleek canoe design and technical sailing abilities of the ri-AHuk. While the ri-Ailuk are certainly proud of this, other fiIctors contribute to the continuing transmission of canoe building and sailing knowledge.

Economically, the building, sailing and maintenance of canoes is much more sustainable than purchasing and using motorboats with outboard engines. Alessio

(1991d) compared the construction, maintenance and use of traditional sailing canoes and outboard motorboats on Ailuk for lagoon fishing. He found that the former are much more sustainable. Once the initial construction is finished, the main advantage ofthe sailing canoe is the obvious ability to harness the power ofthe wind rather than use costly fuel. Of course, modem technology has certain advantages, such as immediate transportation that is not dependent on the vagaries of the wind. For example, the Ailuk's local atoll government recently contracted WAM to build a large fiberglass for the Ailuk community. WAM designed this working sailing vessel to increase the amount of copra transported from the outer islets. While sailing canoes can haul 4-5 bags of copra, the new catamaran can haul 25-30 bags. However, the larger storage capacity is offset by its slower speed. The ri-Ailuk often supplement its sailing power with an outboard engine despite the cost of fuel.

85 As with most of the other outer atolls in the RMI, the ri-Ailuk undertake subsistence agriculture, gathering of shell fish and fishing activities. Few options exist for income generation. The ri-Ailuk previously received money for their handicrafts by shipping them to Majuro, but now several cooperatives barter material goods (e.g., food supplies) for handicrafts and assume the responsibility of shipping the handicrafts to

Majuro. As a result, the ri-Ailuk no longer receive money for their handicrafts. The only other source of income generation is the production of copra. As such, there is very little income to pay for prohibitively expensive fuel, which in 2006 reached $4 per gallon.

Socially, the building, sailing and maintenance of outrigger sailing canoes remain at the center of atoll life on Ailuk, at least among the male members of the community.

The transmission of canoe building and sailing knowledge from master carvers to apprentices does not involve a formalized apprenticeship. Young men observe the work of the masters and participate in nearly aspect of the construction process through hands­ on training. The actua1 sailing event occurs daily and most boys compete to accompany the sailors, during which time they are constantly exposed to the practice of sailing.

Several young boys in my host family 12-14 years of age routinely sailed a kOrkOr across the lagoon.

Building and repairing the canoes were two of the key social activities that drew the men and younger apprentices together. The work, whether carving a new outrigger, cutting the hull of a canoe, or repairing a broken sail, served as a focal point for the community, and in doing so, forged and strengthened family and clan ties. Next to my host family's house, for example, canoe builder Rice Snight worked steadily for several weeks to carve and shape a replacement outrigger float from a breadfruit log. The site

86 served as a new meeting place in the mornings for many of the men from the western half of Ailuk islet to drink coffee together. When not drinking, coffee or taking part in conversations, one man at a time would work patiently under Riee's watchful eye to carve a section of the log.

The knowledge of canoe building (jekjek wa) holds less prestige than that of navigation and weather forecasting. but it is still a clearly defined domain of cultural knowledge that is intricate to voyaging. There is less explicit chiefly control over the dissemination of knowledge, although canoe building knowledge, like navigation and weather forecasting, tends to remain within the family. For example, Kilon Takiah's

grandfather Limejui bestowed his canoe building knowledge to his son Takiah Limejui,

who in turn shared the knowledge with his son Kilon. Kilon, in torn, passed on the knowledge to his elder son Russell Takiah. Kilon describes how his ancestors hid the

knowledge (tiljek) by sharing it with only select family members (see Kilon's

bwebwenato in Appendix E). At the request of Alessio, Kilon also shared the technical

skills of canoe building with Alessio and I after Kilon adopted us into his family. Like

navigation and weather forecasting, canoe building identifies a person within the

community in terms of their knowledge and technical ability (kapeel), as well as within

the family lineage.

Although the knowledge of canoe building survived better than that of navigation,

it too faced a sharp decline toward the end of the 20th century. Responding to this decline

were the activities of Alessio and Kelen in the formation of WAM and the creation of

local and national canoe festivals and races.

87 Resurgeuce througb Waan AelDIt In Maiel

Historically, the catalyst behind cultural revivals of voyaging throughout Oceania have often been foreign academics and foreign canoe builders and sailors. For example, the resurgence of voyaging between the central Carolinian atolls and Saipan during the last three decades (Flood 2002; McCoy 1976; Metzgar 2006; Ridgell, et a!. 1994) started with a challenge issued by Lewis to the Polowatese navigator Hipour. Three generations had passed since the last known voyage between the Carolines and Saipan took place, but in 1969 Hipour accepted the challenge and successfully completed the voyage in Lewis' yacht. According to Lewis (1978: 176), Hipour was the pioneer that initiated the renaissance of long-distance voyaging, which spread beyond the rivalry among the central Carolinian atolls across Oceania, particularly to Kiribati and Hawai'i.

Influenced by Lewis' (1972) study, a journalist worked with Kiribati mariners to build and sail a large voyaging canoe 1500 nautical miles from Kiribati to (Siers

1977). In Hawai'i, Finney (1979) was instrumental in reviving Polynesian voyaging, but many Hawaiians viewed the participation of foreigners negatively during the maiden voyage of Hokiile 'a to Tahiti. The voyages of Hokiile 'a sent even bigger ripples throughout Oceania, motivating many island communities to reconstruct and sail their voyaging canoes. In many places, however, the foreigners continued to serve as the impetus for such revivals, such as Metzgar's (2006) involvement in the resurrection of the navigation initiation ceremony on Lamotrek in 1990.

In the RMI, Alessio started the revival of canoe building and sailing by founding

WaanAelOii Kein (Canoes of these Islands) in 1989, which he and Kelen later renamed

Waan Aeloii in Majel (W AM; Canoes of the Marshall Islands). WAM is the only

88 organization in the RMI to draw from past traditions of canoe building and sailing, long­ distance voyaging and navigation. It is a seemingly lone initiative within the wider community's valorization of modernity. Perhaps WAM's greatest achievement in fostering community awareness for the Marshallese maritime heritage has been the initiation and promotion of canoe festivals and races. They have developed into annual events that not only captivate the entire Marshallese community, but that have also evoked a resurgence of canoe building and sailing throughout much of the RMI.

The canoe races developed largely through the combined efforts of Mary Lou

Foley at the Marshall Islands Outrigger hotel, WAM and other organizations and individuals to promote the Marshallese sailing culture. While documenting canoe building on several outer atolls, WAM recognized a competitive spirit among sailors during frequent impromptu local races. WAM designed additional races with prize incentives. These local races developed into national races held annually and for special events. Despite the fact that the races were developed only within the last 10 years, they are today the most celebrated cultural events in the RMI, taking the spotlight, for example. during the annual Culture Day. Hundreds of spectators flock to the shores to watch the events while outer island residents listen intently to live radio broadcasts.

Atoll communities with sailing canoes take part in the annual and honorary races, which forge and maintain individual, community, atoll and national identities. Carucci

(1995) described how the building and sailing of the voyaging waJap for the 1992 Pacific

Arts Festival distinguished an identity. According to Carucci, islanders from Enewetak considered their canoe building skills superior to those of other

Marshallese. As such, the Enewetak canoe project was a rite of revitalization that

89 allowed for the definition ofEnewetak identities in the context of a newly emergent independent RMI. Aside from this one oceanic voyage, the resurgence of canoe building and sailing in the context of sailing festivals and competitions is more local.

The contemporary sailing races are the annual Coconut Cup and the President's

Cup in. in which sailors race tipiiO/ and kOrkOr in the protected lagoon waters of Majuro.

The Coconut Cup is a unique multi-class lagoon regatta with one-man kOrkOr and two­ man tipnol, modem , and windsurfers that is held every spring on

Majuro. The President's Cup celebrates Independence Day by racing one-man kOrkOr and two-man tipiiOl on Majuro. In preparation for the President's Cup, each atoll that wishes to enter must first hold a local competition. The winners then represent the entire atoll at the national race. Weeks before the 2006 President's Cup, I witnessed a local race between two canoes on Namu. Onlookers wildly cheered this impromptu race across the lagoon, but the outcome seriously decided who would represent the atoll at the national race. As is customary in the RMI, however, the individual winners humbly refrained from boasting, so that their actions would seem to be part of the larger atoll community.

Contemporary sailing races also include honorary races. In 2003, a mayor's conference created an honorary sailing race in Ailinglaplap to celebrate their liberation from the Japanese in 1944. As the sailing canoe symbolizes 11lIl1lIi" Mqjel (Marshallese custom), Iroij Mike Kabua (2004) centered the festivities for the Liberation Day on the re-enactment of a popular legend about how a woman named LOktaiiiir introduced the sail to the outrigger paddling canoe.

90 The legend ofUiktaiiiir is arguably the most well known Marshallese legend today. There are several representations of this popular legend in contemporary performance, such as conversations, songs, political speeches and cultural festivals, and in print, including local collections (Downing, et al. 1992; Grey 1951; Kabua 2004;

Knight 1982; Mitchell 1973) and anthropological research (Carucci 1997; Erdland 1914;

Krlimer and Nevermann 1938; McArthur 1995; 2004; Tobin 2002; Walsh 2003). lsao

Eknilang highlighted the main aspects of the legend. According to lsao, 12 brothers raced their outrigger paddling canoes across the lagoon of Ailinglaplap. During the race, all of the brothers dismissed the request of their mother, Loktaiiiir, to ride with them except the youngest son, Jebrq. She then showed Jebr9 how to set up and use a sail, which allowed him to pass his brothers and win the race.

As Ailing1aplap had virtually no sailing canoes, froij Mike Kabua and local mayors devised a plan to ensure the revitalization of their sailing heritage. The sailors from each participating atoll agreed that if they did not finish ahead ofthe Ailinglaplap canoe, they would forfeit their canoes to the Ailinglaplap community. Just like the 12 brothers in the legend of Jebrq, 12 atolls participated in the re-enactment of Jebr9's race.

Ailinglaplap won the race, so that the other sailing teams had to leave their canoes

(Kabua 2004).

The sailing race on Ailinglaplap drew inspiration from the legend of Jebrq but did so selectively. Rather than require II of the contestants to paddle, as Jebrq's brothers had, for example, the ''re-enactment'' simply focused on the main elements of the legend

- a race held in Ailinglaplap. It also did not involve other versions of the legend that complicate the story. For example, Jelibor Jam's version of Jebrq, recorded by Tobin

91 (2002:56-61) in 1975, describes TiilJlur's anger upon realizing that Jebl'Q beat him to the finish. TiilJIur conjured violent seas, which hurt his brothers still in their canoes, so JebrQ showed his love and calmed the seas. Instead, Ailinglaplap's Liberation Day sailing race invoked the popularity of the legend of JebrQ to reinforce a sense of mantin Majel.

Larger than atoll identity, the festival strengthened a national Marshallese identity.

The 2006 Culture Day, held at the Alele Museum, similarly focused on the legend of JebrQ. One of the most celebrated skits held throughout the day was an elementary school's version of JebrQ's sailing race. Young boys paddled imaginary canoes toward the center stage, where a young girl, Uiktaiiiir, asked them permission to ride, to which they negatively responded. When JebrQ agreed, she gave him a sail and they led the procession of paddlers away. Similar to the Ailinglaplap race, the Culture Day's focus on

JebrQ strengthened a national sense of mantin Majel.

Atoll pride seems to drive these sailing festivals and competitions. This is highlighted by my conversations with Ailuk sailors about their attempted voyage to

Majuro. Skippers Russell Takiah and Rice Snight named atoll pride as the greatest reason for the trip. They simply wanted to prove to the other Marshallese that they, as ri­

Ailuk, were the best sailors and that Ailuk alone has retained its canoe building and sailing knowledge.

WAM's documentation projects similarly evoked a sense of atoll identity among those elders and community members they worked with. While the Enewetak waJap was being constructed, for example, WAM initially approached Ailuk canoe builder Kilon

Takiah to build a smaller canoe that would be used to train the sailing crew. Although he had built several smaller tipnol during his lifetime, this would have been Kilon' s first

92 opportunity to build a wa/ap. The planned training canoe project did not happen, much to Kilon' s disappointment. He expressed his regret to me largely in terms of not having the chance to bring prestige to his ancestors and, by extension, the entire atoll. Similarly, during my visit to Ujae, community members remembered vividly the success ofWAM's canoe documentation project and affirmed their superior knowledge to that of other atolls. One elder politely asserted, for example, that his method of making k/cwaJ

(sennit), which involved placing the coconut fibers in salt water for several months, was far better than the ri-Ailuk, who place their fibers in swampy anaerobic conditions for several months.

Through WAM's documentation projects and the promotion of canoe races and festivals, the Marshallese community has become more aware of the need to promote the preservation and revitalization of canoe building and sailing, and there is now a resurgence of canoe building and sailing throughout much of the RMI. Importantly,

WAM's success encouraged Captain Korent to call for the concerted effort to revitalize indigenous navigation and voyaging. This developed into the collaborative project

Kopee/ in Meto.

KapeeJ in Meto

The project Kopee/ in Meto (indigenous knowledge ofthe ocean) drew from the surviving knowledge of the consultants, the continuing canoe building and sailing traditions on Ailuk and a few other atoll communities, and the country's renewed interest in, and resurgence ot; canoe building and sailing. Captain Korent had been thinking about initiating the voyaging revival for several years. Suddenly, the death of one of the

93 last master navigators, Toshiro Jokon, in 2003 elevated Captain Korent's status within the community to the last navigator. According to Captain Korent, this made it imperative for him to initiate the revitalization of voyaging now.

Perhaps the most enduring legacy of Kapeel in Meto will be that Captain Korent became a ri-meto ("person of the ocean"; navigator). Near the end ofthe project, Captain

Korent undertook, for the first time in his life, a voyage using indigenous navigation.

This was his belated ruprup j(}kur. He successfully sailed between two atolls separated by 120 nautical miles. After making landfall, Iroij Mike Kabua and Imata

Kabua acknowledged that Captain Korent had become a ri-meto. With increased confidence, Captain Korent now aims to teach one of his grandchildren from a young age as a navigation apprentice. Passing on his knowledge to the younger generation is critical for the revival. Despite the importance of Captain Korent's ruprup j(}kur, WAM's

Kapeel in Meto project still faces the pressing issues of securing financial support and generating interest and volunteer help from the community. WAM can gain insights from voyaging revival projects throughout Oceania.

In regions of Oceania where voyaging has continued, modern institutions have synergistically created supportive networks, such as the Northern Marianas Island Canoe

Federation and the University of 's Traditional Seafaring Society (Metzgar 2006).

Similarly, the College of the Marshall Islands offers the possibility of developing classroom instruction on navigation and the Fisheries and Nautical Training Center

(FNTC) could teach traditional navigation alongside modem celestial navigation, creating, in effect, professional traditional navigators. As voyaging has virtually ceased in the RMI, however, WAM does not have the option to support voyages that were

94 previously undertaken by families. Without an infrastructure of family supported voyages, WAM, more closely resembles the Polynesian Voyaging Society (PVS) and other organizations in Hawai'i, which have financially supported the entire process of voyaging, including the construction of voyaging canoes, the training ofthe crew and the sailing.

Similar to PVS, WAM is a non-profit organization dependent on self-funding, the private sector and the international donor community. In contrast to PVS, however,

WAM faCes the additional challenge of undertaking the revival without the assistance of volunteers. The cash economy inevitably began to replace subsistence living following the Pacific war. Now, most families work for, and rely upon, cash to meet their daily needs. Most Marshallese do not have the luxury to volunteer their time. As a result,

WAM must therefore pay their employees to repair the voyaging canoe, undergo sea trials, serve as crew and to learn as navigation apprentices. This places an extraordinlll)' financial burden on WAM.

In addition to the challenge of securing funds for the voyaging revival, WAM must finds ways to promote the transfer of knowledge to the younger generation and to generate community interest and support. Kelen and I gave informational talks to community groups, schools, traditional and governmental leaders, and the general public.

We also updated WAM's website and gave a series of interviews to the local newspaper, the Marshall Islands Journal, which I reprint in Appendix G, "Community Updates."

Another opportunity to engage the community is through legislation.

At a recent Pacific Preservation Symposium on Majuro, Finney and I (2006) called attention to a section of the RMI Historic Preservation Legislation (Spennemann

95 1992) called ri-kapeel. The legislation aims to officially recognize cultural experts by bestowing upon them the title of ri-kapeel, or people possessing indigenous knowledge and skills (Spennemann 1992, pp.29-31). However, this legislation has never been put into action.

According to the consultants, iroU traditionally placed the ri-kapeel title on individuals with exceptional knowledge and skills. The title probably has more relevance for the Marshallese than legislation from a U.S. model of preservation, which centers on safeguarding the tangible past (King 2003; O'Neill and Spennemann 2006; Thomas

2004). Based on Erdland's (1914) ethnography, however, Carmen Petrosian-Husa

(petrosian-Husa 2004:52) noted that ri-kapeel were people that could use magic power at will. She suggests that the contemporary usage ofthe term ri-kapeel within the RMI

HPO may not be entirely free of negative associations and may be the reason why the legislated title has yet to be implemented (2006 personal communication).

According to the RMI HPO legislation, the ri-kapeel title is conferred upon one individual with unsurpassed knowledge in a particular field of knowledge. For example, there could be a ri-kapeel of navigation, a ri-kapeel of weather forecasting, a ri-kapeel of medicine, etc ••. Any member of the community may nominate any individual for the ri­ kapeel title within any field of knowledge. The RMI HPO frrst reviews recommendations by the community and prepares a list of candidates in collaboration with members of the

Council of froU (Chiefs). The Council of froU then elects one candidate based on their knowledge, the applicability of their knowledge in modern society and their willingness to train young apprentices. The chosen ri-kapeel agrees to train one apprentice for at least one year, for he or she receives monetary compensation. Importantly, the ri-kapeel

96 title offers a way to continue the transmission of knowledge from elders to the younger generation, a critical component in safeguarding intangible cultural heritage.

After Captain Korent's successful voyage, I submitted a nomination to the RMI

HPO for Captain Korent as the ri-kapeel in navigation. I include this in Appendix H,

"Ri-Kapeel Nomination." To help create public awareness and to inspire future ri-kapeel nominations from the community for navigation and other domains of knowledge, I reprinted my nomination in the local newspaper and described the process of nominating a ri-kapeel (Genz 2006). To date, however, no further nominations have been submitted and the RMI HPO has yet to initiate discussions with the Council of Iroij.

International legislation may also promote the cultural revival of traditional knowledge in the RMI. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural

Organization's (UNESCO) (2003:2) Convention on the Safeguarding of the Intangible

Cultural Heritage has the potential to foster international and local visibility and awareness of the urgency to revitalize navigation and voyaging by making inventories of such knowledge on one of two lists - the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural

Heritage of Humanity and the List ofIntangible Heritage in Need of Urgent

Safeguarding. The RMI is currently working to ratifY UNESCO's Convention.

Reflections

The philosophy of the Marshallese voyaging revival was to synergistically combine research with cultural revival through ethnographic collaboration. This drew from Finney's (1979) experiences in reviving Hawaiian voyaging. In this final section, I offer a series of personal reflections that emerged during my fieldwork on the practices of

97 ethnographic collaboration in the Kapeel in Meto project. I elaborate on the challenges I faced in collaborating with one local counterpart and mainly one consultant to initiate and sustain a cultural revival for a domain of knowledge that remains restricted, secretive, specialized and powerful.

On the Development of KllDeelln Meto

Marshallese tend to remain ambivalent toward anthropological research. On the one hand, the Marshallese value the presence of foreigners (ri-piille), as they legitimize traditional cultural beliefs and practices. Alessio's interest documenting the traditional knowledge of canoe construction and design encouraged several master canoe builders to share their knowledge. In the development of Kapeel in Meto, my counterpart Kelen commented that the Marshallese community would only consider the voyaging revival project favorably with the participation of foreign academics. In addition, Captain

Korent and the navigation consultants eagerly anticipated the scientific explanation of the formation of swell, waves and currents.

One the other hand, Marshallese share a general distrust toward foreign academics. My counterpart commented that the word "research" reflects a recent colonized past. This has a particular resonance with the navigation consultants, as many of them had been displaced from their homelands through the impacts ofthe U.S. nuclear weapons testing program in the 1950s and lived through the elaborate medical research conducted by the U.S. government to study the effects of exposure to radiation.

WAM became concerned that I would follow the precedent set by other navigation researchers in Oceania and "research" indigenous knowledge without

98 benefiting the local islanders. For example, Alessio brought to my attention the negative assessment that Satawalese and other islanders held of Thomas' (1987) book The Last

Navigator, in which Thomas chronicled how he learned navigation from master navigator

Mau Pialug. According to Alessio, many Satawalese hold the view that Thomas insinuated himself as the last navigator rather than Mau Pialug. By providing this vivid example of what not to do, WAM set the imperative to work collaboratively and to avoid exploitative "research."

More acceptable to WAM and the navigation consultants was their local concept of "documentation." They conceived of my role as an outside academic facilitator in charge of documenting the process of learning navigation, what they referred to as je ilo bole, literally "write in the book." The consultants identified the phraseje ilo bok with earlier preservation projects conducted by WAM and the Alele Museum. Following the precedent set by these projects, the navigation consultants provided lists of important vocabulary and then focused on derming and explaining archaic words. Motivated by their concept je flo bole, the consultants took an active role in documenting their own knowledge. We explained to the community through informal conversations, formal presentations and newspaper interviews that my role as the outside academic was to help

WAMje i/o bokCaptain Korent's navigational knowledge in the context of teaching

Kelen as an apprentice.

As Kapeel in Meto progressed, Kelen and I both documented the consultants' knowledge that fit within their concept ofje i/o bok (e.g., archaic terminology) and conducted anthropological and oceanographic research. This was my attempt to make

99 more equal the power relations between anthropologists and local consultants. Yet, inequities of power between myself and the Marshallese pervaded the project.

My dissertation research became intimately connected to, and inseparable from,

WAM's cultural revitalization initiative Kopeel in Meto. WAM was the only organization in the RMI involved with canoe building, voyaging and navigation, and

Captain Korent was, as the beginning of the project, the only navigation consultant. This intimacy was beneficial, as it enabled me to focus on one community organization and work in-depth with one consultant. The intimacy also meant, however, that my research was dependent on WAM's successful initiation and sustainability of Kopeel in Meto. To complicate this relationship, I was constrained to complete my research within a year, while voyaging revivals throughout Oceania have typically required years or decades to be successful.

With such intimacy between WAM and I at the beginning of my fieldwork and the Kopeel in Meto project, we both faced an immediate logistical challenge. We did not have a voyaging canoe. At Captain Korent's request, WAM had previously constructed a

35 foot voyaging canoe named Jitdom ("seek knowledge'') for research and training.

Poor communication between UHM and WAM prior to the start of the project, however, masked the fact that Jltdam required substantial repairs and had not yet undergone sea trials outside of the protected lagoon waters. Jltdom was the only ocean-going sailing canoe in the RMI, but WAM lacked the funds to repair it or to train a sailing crew.

At the beginning of my fieldwork I faced two options. I could either take an active role in reviving the navigational knowledge or switch my dissertation topic to another aspect of the Marshallese maritime culture. My decision to persevere with the

100 revival arose through a sense of commitment to WAM and Captain Korent, as well as the realization that this was perhaps the last opportunity to learn about indigenous

Marshallese navigation. However, I realized that the successful completion of my research now depended on initiating and sustaining the cultural revival.

To initiate Kapee/ in Meto and my research, WAM needed either to fix their voyaging canoe or to find alternative sailing options. However, WAM had neither the materials nor the budget to fix the voyaging canoe. Further, sea trials would have required extensive time and finances. With minimal experience in ocean salling, safety would have also been a main concern. Recalling the early Hokiile'a tragedy (Finney

1979), we would have needed to charter an escort vessel and to purchase critical safety equipment. Neither the main funding agencies nor WAM had the budget for such an endeavor. The alternative involved chartering a yacht or a motorboat, but this, too, required additional finances.

Until we found a solution to our lack of sea transportation, Kapeel in Meto would remain land-based. Since I faced a strict time line to live in the RMI and complete my research, I assumed the responsibility of securing support for local transportation at sea. I became directly involved in the revival by writing grants, coordinating activities, and dispersing and accounting for funds. WAM eventually received some financial and donated support, but we still faced the challenge of organizing and chartering a yacht.

After a year of negotiating with various yacht owners, waiting for favorable wind conditions, and postponing departures due to personal, professional and traditional obligations, we finally succeeded in conducting a traditionally navigated voyage on a yacht.

101 As a result of my increasingly active role in the cultural revival. however, Kelen,

Captain Korent and the other consultants quickly deferred to me as "boss." They began to perceive the revival as my revival. I appeared to have the ability to turn our thoughts into reality by controlling the funds and making payments to individuals or organizations, while they did not This inequity of power challenged the endeavor to synergistically combine research with cultural revival because the Marshallese perceived that I was directing the project Such a perception of anthropological research reflects the strong colonial history and continuing legacy of post-colonial exploitation in the RMI. As

Kapeel in Meto developed, I tried to work as an anthropological consultant by giving suggestions but deferring to the Marshallese to make decisions. As we negotiated our roles and responsibilities, however, the project was further challenged by the cultural politics of navigational knowledge.

On the Cnltnral Polities of Nay:igational Knowledge

Stone (2001) recently suggested that indigenous Marshallese knowledge no longer holds the same prestige as it once did. I discovered, however, that a cloud of secrecy continues to surround navigational knowledge. A virtual cessation of contemporary inter-island voyaging has worked to maintain, and possibly elevate, the prestige of navigational knowledge from earlier times because the knowledge is so rarely used. The cultural politics of navigational knowledge extended beyond me to include my counterpart, Kelen. At times we both felt tension, hostility and resistance in working with certain individuals, communities and regions.

102 The first example centers on an individual's refusal to share his navigational knowledge in the face of death. Iroij/ap/ap lmata Kabua and koij Mike Kabua gave permission for their extended family to share the knowledge of navigation and weather forecasting, which included Captain Korent and all but one of the consultants. Chiefly permission did not, however, equate with willing participation. Captain Korent initially recruited his uncle Ijao Eknilang, who, in turn, was instrumental in encouraging other consultants to join Kopee/ in Meto. Yet, some of the extended elders with navigational knowledge chose not to participate. In particular, one relative held in his possession a locally written book that detailed Marshallese navigation. According to Captain Korent, the book contained descriptions and diagrams of the entire repertoire of navigation concepts held among several deceased navigators. This individual, however, refused to share the book with the Kopee/ in Meto consultants. In fact, he told Captain Korent that he will literally take the book to the grave with him when he dies. Captain Korent believed his relative's motivation was to not lose the prestige that came with the possession of the book.

A second example involves an atoll community's resistance to share their navigational knowledge. In April 2006, Kelen and I flew to Namu to work with navigation consultant Alton Albious. Alton's nephew, an a/ap (land owner) named

Christian Layman, directed our visit to Namu. He politely requested from the community that Alton share his knowledge of navigation with us in order to help preserve it. Alton did not greet us at the coral runway when our flight landed, and the reception Kelen and I received from members of the community as we exited the plane had an immediate

103 undercurrent of hostility. I did not need Ke[en' s help in translation to understand the words spoken:

l-01fI01'ii reitan kalak kapeel in kapen kein ad im r991

These men are going to [earn our know [edge of navigation and go back.

This was followed with the harshly voiced and oft repeated question:

Kwanaqj r991 fiiiiit?

When are you going to [eave?

When we met A[ton at his home, Ke[en explained our purpose in visiting him and asked respectfully for his permission to allow us to work with him. Once A[ton recognized that Captain Korent was really directing the project, he agreed to share his knowledge. Similar to my Kilon Takiah's response to A[essio's inquiry to [earn canoe building, A[ton insisted that he adopt both Ke[en and I into his family. During a Sunday feast, Ke[en was invited to speak to the community about our project, which helped to integrate us more within the community.

Neverthe[ess, Ke[en and I continued to feel an undercurrent of suspicion.

Walking along the main path, nearly everyone addressed us with the phrase enaqj ke wat? or "will it rainT' However, only at the end of our visit did we inquire directly about

A[ton's weather forecasting knowledge, and we continually reminded them that our main involvement was to document navigation. To me, their repeated question enaqj ke wat?

[04 had less to do with testing our apparent new knowledge of weather forecasting than with an inability to openly talk about the restricted knowledge of navigation. This was reinforced by the fact that on Namu there is no word or title to recognize an individual as a navigator, as no one other than the chief is supposed to know the extent of navigational knowledge.

Still, Alton began to share his knowledge of navigation. Kelen and I suspected, however, that Alton was a weather expert with some navigational knowledge rather than a navigation expert with some weather knowledge. When I broached the subject of weather, an immediate change in countenance came over Alton. This was clearly not knowledge to be discussed. It is possible that he was simply caught off guard because we had not told Christian of our intent to also investigate weather knowledge. We also did not have chiefly permission at the time to document such knowledge. However, Alton already finished training one of his sons in weather forecasting, who had achieved such mastery that others regularly asked him about the weather in relation to fishing or motoring to nearby Kuwajileen. It is possible that he felt that we were intruding on his son's claim to the knowledge. (fso, weather forecasting, perhaps because ofits continued relevance for fishing and traveling, is even more powerful today than navigation on this particular atoll.

A third example involves chiefs' reluctance to broaden Kapee/ in Melo beyond the region of their control A few of the consultants knew of another individual well­ versed in navigation lore. Despite the fact that he was from the western atolls of the

Railik chain, he did not fall under the chiefly leadership of Iroij Mike Kabua and

Iroij/ap/ap Imata Kabua. Without permission from the Kabua leaders, we could not

105 approach other chiefs to request working with their cultural experts from other clans. In effect, Kapeel in Meta remained bounded to the motivations of Iraij Mike Kabua and

Iraijlaplap Imata Kabua.

The above three examples show that navigational knowledge in the RMI is still highly guarded, restricted and secretive despite the fact that is it is at risk of being lost forever with the passing of the last few custodians of the knowledge. By retaining the knowledge, individuals and communities assert the traditional aspects oftheir identities.

At stake, however, is losing the opportunity to document the surviving knowledge and transmit it to the younger generation. This could have a significant future impact on reviving the practice of traditional voyaging. Fortunately, Kelen, Captain Korent and I were able to engage several elders despite these cultural politics of navigational knowledge. Importantly, Captain Korent re-learned aspects of navigation and applied the knowledge at sea during his ruprup j(}kur to become a ri-meta.

After the traditionally navigated voyage, Captain Korent's stature within the community grew. Although the chiefs bestowed upon him the title ofri-meto without a formal ceremony, the maritime community quickly learned of his achievement. I also honored Captain Korent as the cultural expert in navigation by nominating him for the

Historic Legislation title of ri-kapeel, which I published in the local newspaper to foster community awareness (Genz 2006). Several months after I left the RMI, Captain Korent developed severe health complications, which he attributes to anijnij. The Marshallese dictionary provides benevolent and malevolent translations for anijnij, including "spell,"

"enchantment," "magic, .. "sorcery" and "witchcraft" (Bender 1969). The cultural beliefs and practices of anijnij against Captain Korent are an extreme but telling manifestation of

106 the cultural politics of know led gel. Whatever the underlying motivations, it is clear that navigational knowledge continues to be highly secretive, restricted and powerful.

Summary

Voyaging declined dramatically in the late 19th and early 20th centuries through competing fonns of knowledge and practices brought by explorers and missionaries.

Western maritime technology and knowledge carried a perceived prestige among the

Marshallese iroy, who controlled such indigenous knowledge as canoe building, weather forecasting and navigation. A succession of colonial administrations further contributed to the decline of voyaging, culminating in the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program.

This permanently disrupted the social inftastructure behind voyaging throughout the northwest atolls, which relied on Rongelap as a training center. Fortunately, a few atoll communities, such as Ailuk, have continued to build and sail small sailing canoes. Waan

Aeliiij in Majel not only documented this knowledge, but ignited the oceanic spirit of the

Marshallese by promoting canoe races and festivals. Captain Korent drew upon this cultural maritime revitalization to initiate the cultural revival of navigation and voyaging, which led to the development ofthe Kapeel in Meta projecL However, the cultural revival and my research were challenged by local ambivalence toward anthropological knowledge and research, the continuing inequities of power between anthropologists and consultants, and the individual, community and regional politics of navigational knowledge. Despite these complexities, challenges and dangers of ethnographic collaboration, Captain Korent learned aspects of navigation he had not acquired in his

, I am limited in what I can write about anljnlj in the dissertation, as it is a culturally sensitive and personal topic to Captain Korent and the navigation consultants. 107 youth from several elders and applied this knowledge during his belated ruprup jf}kur to become a ri-meto. In the following three chapters, I describe the consultants' knowledge of navigation.

108 CHAPTERS CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF SPACE AND TIME

Ammarell (1999) observed in his ethnography of Bug is navigation how navigators orient themselves by naming, conceptualizing and using absolute and contingent directional systems on land and at sea, and how navigators invoke several cycles of time • Drawing from Frake's (1994; I 99S) discussion of the Carolinian star compass, Ammarell (1999:86) defines absolute directions as context-free, which are exemplified by the directions of a mental compass, and contingent directions as directions relative to a person or object (e.g., left-right, port-starboard). In this chapter, I similarly describe the consultants' conceptualizations of absolute and contingent directions in relation to spatial orientation, and their conceptualizations of the annual and lunar cycles of time in relation to voyaging strategies.

Absolute and Contingeut Direetious

The consultants' absolute directional system uses indigenous terms to name the cardinal directions east (rear), west (rilik), north (eon) and south (rok). These directions describe four categories of phenomena relevant to navigation - swell direction, wind direction, current direction and the rising or setting of stars.

Grammatically, the Marshallese language adds directional enclitics, directional postpositions and suffixes to the base terms (Table I). The base terms for course heading, directions for swell, winds and currents, and star movements add directional enclitics for eastward (talc), westward (to), northward (niiieon) and southward (rokeon).

109 The latter two are followed by the obligatory directional postpositions tok (hither. or coming toward the speaker) and 19k (thither or going away from the speaker) to the nouns for swell, currents and winds. To describe the horizon in terms of places to look for weather signs, weather forecasters combine the terms of the four-point absolute directional system to further subdivide it The suffix tu- is added to these combined terms to specifY northeast (tuean turear), southeast (turOk turear), northwest (tuean turilik) and southwest (turok turilik).

Marshallese term I Enl!llsb meaning DIreetIonal eoclltlcs to westward tok eastward rOlreaii southward nifieaii northward DIreetIonal ODS tok I hither, (comine:) toward 19k I thither, (going away) from DIreetIons eaii north rear east rl/ik west rak south /lleaii turear northeast meaii /urI/lk northwest turak turear southeast turiik /urI/lk southwest

Table I. Direction tenDs.

Tobin (2002: II -36) recorded a narrative that explains the formation of directions.

According to the legend, one of the main creators of the world was a woman named

Jineer i10 Kiiba. She separated the earth from the sky by placing supports in the east, west, north and south. As the sky could not fall down, darkness gave way to light. As

Tobin (2002:15) remarks, she created the major directions. Portions ofthese names are 110 used today - north (eon or iofi) derives from the archaic term Kation and south (riik) derives from the archaic term Katiriik. Jineer ilo Kiiba is also credited with the creation of the sun, moon, directions, tides, currents and winds (fobin 2002:16-17).

The consultants identify and name swell (nol) from the four cardinal directions

(fable 2). Depending on the term, they may be named by either the direction from which they emanate or the direction to which they flow. For example, buiito (east swell) literally means "swell flowing westward" and buiilokriik (south swell) literally means

"swell coming hither from the south." Multiple terms for the same swell are used interchangeably. The names of the swell suggest general directions (east, west, north and south), but the terms do not describe the sailing course or heading of a vessel at sea.

They do not form a conceptual compass for orientation. The consultants envision that the swell are always present regardless of seasonal variations of wind and sea.

Swells (lUll) MarsbaJIese I !!loss LIteral meanlnl! buiitok westsweD sweD flowing easIWard buiito east swell sweD flowing westward buiitokriik south swell swell coming hither from the south buiitokeaii north swell swell combtg hither from the north koe/eptok west swell sweD flowlne; easIWard koeleptok rlllk west swell swell flowing easIWard (from) west !fO In rear east swell wave of the east 110 In rlilk west swell wave of the west

Table 2. SweD terms. Tbe literal meanbtgs btclude directional enclitics and direction postpositlons.

The consultants identify four main current streams (ae, aet), which are named by the direction to which they flow (fable 3). The names of the four main currents do not

111 fonn a conceptual compass, as the tenns do not describe the sailing course or heading of a vessel at sea. The consultants envision that these generalized current streams are always present. The tenns aetale and aeto can also specifically mean the east-flowing equatorial countercurrent and the west-flowing north equatorial current, respectively.

Currents Cae. aet) MarsbaUese EnWlsb !!loss LIteral meaninR ae!r;keaii current flowing northward current flowing northward going thither ae/r;Tdriik current flowing southward CWTllJIt flowing southward going thither aenliieaii/r;k current flowing northward CWTllJIt flowing northward going thither aeriikeaii/r;k current flowing southward CWTllJIt flowing southward going thither aelak current flowing eastward current flowing eastward, also east- flowing equatorial current aelo CWTllJIt flowing westward current flowing westward, also west- flowinR north equatorial CWTllJIt

Table 3. Current terms. The literal meanings include din:c1ional enclitics and din:c1ion postpositions.

The consultants identiJY and name eight winds (kOto, an. Ie) unequally spaced around the horizon (Table 4). Some of the tenns are based on the cardinal directions and directional enclitics, either using the base tenns an and Ie or omitting a tenn for wind altogether. These winds may be named according to either the direction from which they emanate or the direction to which they blow. Some of the contemporary tenns derive from archaic tenninology. According to Tobin's (2002:15) recorded narrative, Jineer ilo

Koba descriptively named the four main winds according to the direction from which they blow, e.g.,jonin itok i rear means "comes from the east;" jonin ketak means "comes from the west;" jonin leitale means "comes from the south;" andjok/a means "comes from

112 the north." The winds do not fonn a wind compass analogous to other areas in Remote

Oceania, as the tenns do not describe the sailing course or heading of a vessel at sea.

Table 4. Wmd terms. The literal meanings include directional enclitics and direction postpoSitiODS.

The consultants identify and name stars to demarcate the night sky into the cardinal directions east, west, north and south (Table 5). The consultants use single stars and asterisms4 as key points along the horizon that have the same bearing as the destination island, but each star is not part of a longer star path. For example, Utakkan

(coconut shoots) is the guiding asterism when sailing north from Kuwajileen to

Rongelap, while Li1]U1Qkak (kite) is the guiding asterism when sailing south from

Rongelap to Kuwajileen. Further, the stars do not fonn a conceptual compass analogous to the Carolinian star compass, as they describe neither the sailing course nor the heading of a vessel at sea.

4 Following Ammarell (1999:254), I use the astronomical term "asterism" to refer to the simple Marshallese star patterns rather than the term "constellation," which refers to well-known international star pattems. 113 Stars (l1u) Marshallese AsterlsmlStar International tion DIreetIooal bearing Li kite I (unknown) south Utaklum coconut shoo1s I (unknown) north Jebrll star 8 Taurus in Pleides east Li star Polaris north (fu In Riik star (unknown) south ijuRak star (unknown) south MatJ!aJ star Venus. evening star west

Table 5. Stars and their directional bearing.

The absolute directional system of swell, currents, winds and stars is the basis of spatial orientation at sea, but it remains a very general orientation system. The swell and current terminology creates a four-point orientation framework and the wind terminology forms an eight-point framework. Without further subdivisions, the consultants cannot

precisely describe the sailing course or heading of a vessel at sea. For instance, each of the four cardinal direction terms for swell and currents must include any direction within

45°. For example, the direction east ranges from 45° to 135° rather than precisely 90°.

According to the consultants, navigators rarely use absolute directions based on the swell, current, winds and stars when giving commands to the helmsman for steering. He does not say, for example, "steer toward the east" or "steer toward, or at a certain angle to, the

east swell" or "steer by following the flow of the west-flowing current"

To describe the course and heading of a voyaging canoe, the consultants use a contingent directional system. This is expressed through contingent directional oppositions. Oppositional terms describe direction in relation to the outrigger sailing

canoe and the wind (Table 6). Sailors expresses a course heading in terms of changing the course slightly upwind (bwtibwe) or downwind (kobbe). Other more generalized oppositional sailing terms describe the sailing course in relation to the wind. Sailing 90° 114 counterclockwise from the direction the wind is blowing is called jabdik, while sailing

900 clockwise from the direction the wind is blowing is calledjab/ap. For example, jabdik can refer to either sailing north with an easterly wind or sailing south with a westerly wind. Another general opposition is kipeddikdik (close to the wind) and kankan

(off the wind).

MarshaDese term I EnJdlsh Idoss Course cbanRllS lwbbe I steer downwind bwiihwe I steer upwind Course based on wind dIreetIon jabdik I sailinl! 90" counterclockwise from the direction the wind is blowinll lablao I sailinll 90" clockwise from the direction the wind is blowinll Genenal morse /dpeddikdik I upwind kankon I downwind

Table 6. Contingent directional terms.

AnODal and Looar Cycles of Time

The consultants describe two cycles of time salient for navigation. Navigators strategize the timing of voyaging in relation to the annual and lunar cycles. The consultants divide the annual cycle into two seasons based primarily on the winds.

During the windy season, aiiOneaii, the strong easterly trade winds blow for half of the year, although the onset and decline of these winds vary from year to year (August­

January ranging to November-April). The strong winds and rough seas make voyaging difficult in terms of the sailing canoe's integrity and the navigator's ability to read the sea surface for signs of disrupted swell and current patterns. Anoneaii is also characterized by drought and famine. The windy season transitions to a calm season called Talc, which

115 is characterized by light and variable winds and smooth seas (February-July ranging to

June-October); however, frequent summer storms interrupt the otherwise pleasant sailing season. Rak is also associated with rain and an abundance offood.

Additional markers of the annual cycle oftime include current streams, stars and weather patterns. The two equatorial opposing current streams that flow through the RMI shift their boundaries throughout the annual cycle (see Figure 2.5). In the summer, the west-flowing north equatorial current (aero) and the east-flowing equatorial counter current (aetok) converge at 11° North latitude. This current boundary shifts south during the winter months to 5° North latitude, such that the aeto flows past most of the atolls.

According to Captain Korent, the presence of aeto (September-February) or aetok

(March-August) marks the annual cycle.

Observations of specific stars (iju) signifY periods of the annual time cycle in relation to weather systems, weather forecasting and, indirectly, navigation.

Traditionally, astronomers (ri-je4ied iju or "observers of stars") observed the timing of a star's disappearance on the western horizon just before dawn to indicate its annual significance in terms of annual weather patterns. This contrasts with observing a star's appearance on the eastern horizon at sunset. The star becomes significant when it wotl(}k or "falls down" toward the sea. To the consultants, most ofthe stars are associated with the onset of either bad or good weather for voyaging (Table 7). Similarly, Rongelap navigator Lapedpedin describes stormy weather in association with certain stars, as well as the transition between rok and anoneaii with the rising and setting of Jiipe (a.P, y

Delphinus) at sunset, respectively (Knight 1999:7).

116 Sfars ... MarsbaUese English IntemadonaJ Deslgnadon Slgnllkanee fa the annnaJ cycle Ad son of LOktoiiiir Arctures in Bootes December storm Jiipe son of LOktoiiiir, 'dugout a,Il,T Delphinus May-August, stonn bowl' JebTt) youngest son of LOktoiiiir 5 Taurus in Pleides June, onset ofTalc, clear weather Mijjlep son of LOktoiiiir a,1l, r AIteir in AquiIae January, storm TiiIpur eldest son of LOktaiiiir Antares in Scorplus December, onset of aiiOneaii. stonn

Table 7. Star terms and significance in the annual cycle.

The consultants invoke a narrative that provides a cosmological explanation of the stars and their relation to the seasons. This is the well-known bwebwenato (story, legend) of L5ktaiiiir and her sons. The legend describes the origin of the sail for the outrigger paddling canoe. Described in Chapter 4, lsao Eknilang narrated how 12 brothers once raced their paddling canoes across the lagoon of Ailinglaplap. During the race, the eldest brother, TiiIpur, dismissed the request of his mother, Uiktaiiiir, to ride with him. Each brother in turn followed suite until the youngest one, JebrQ, agreed to take his mother along. She showed JebrQ how to set up and use a sai~ which allowed him to pass his brothers and win the race. The stars 6 Taurus in the constellation Pleides and Antares in the constellation Scorpius represent Jebl'Q and TiiIpur, respectively. The disappearance of

JebrQ on the western horizon at dawn marks the onset of rak, a time of abundance and generosity. The disappearance ofTiiqtur on the western horizon at dawn marks the onset of aiiOnean, a time of famine.

Isao Eknilang recited chants for four stars in relation to their significance within the annual cycle - Ad, Jebr9, Mijj/ep and Tiirpur.

117 lio in Ad ekaJcij1{lkij1Jlle line, eli boke in

The wave ofAd (Arctures in Bootes) is rumbling from the island, it's trying to break the reefbut it cannot

Jine in ej kiib tarkijet, kiib ~ kiib~, bwtnjolitak bok in, Jebr(} deelel rear ekii1f/l1Fl1f/l1Fl ion aejet ekwe armej

This crab is digging in the beach, digging there digging there, throwing back the sand, Jeb1'(} (Ii Taurus in Pleides) fans to the east, making the surface ofthe water clean and calm

Reje TiilpUF 1m leto aiiin Miijlep ej bun

TiilpUF (Antares in Scorpius) forms and the wind from east, Miijlep (a.(3, 'Y Altair in Aquilae) appealS

lnene em bane im art Tii1JlUT, leel) ej bwiidudu

TiilJlUF (Antares in Scorpius) is carrying the heavy sail on his shoulders to tack, that guy is bending

Severe weather patterns that occur with some regularity are used to monitor the transitions between aiioneaii and rak. Most of these winds occur during the stormy calm season rak (Table 8).

WInds (klito. Q//, rel MarsbaUese Enl!llsh S ee In the annual cycle biiut cloud thai sIgnals good weather July liimur cloud that silDUlls rain and wind July Kavilak nameofstonn ADril Lakuplele name of storm, wind from all August-September directions Llkahwlra name of storm Jmte-Julv l1ala an Kalak name of storm November-December pala an Kamal name of storm, wind from all August-November directions

Table 8. Wind terms and significance in the annual cycle.

118 The lunar cycle indirectly relates to navigation by allowing navigators to predict

short-tenn weather patterns that could adversely affect a voyage. The changing

appearance of the moon through ten phases relates to the prediction of regular stonns

(fable 9). Following de Brum's (1959:22) published notes on weather, Thomas Bokin

maintains that neap tides (idik) associated with the first quarter and third quarter moons

during the calm season (rak) indicate the onset of stonns, while neap tides (idik)

associated with the fU"St quarter and third quarter moons during the windy season

(aiiOnemi) bring favorable seas and winds for sailing. In addition, the time just before the

new and full moons, called palO (from English ''battle''), is associated with the onset of

rain and wind.

Table 9. Moon phases and meanings for weather prediction.

The consultants name the phases of the moon according to the position ofthe moon in the sky or below the horizon at sunset. The fU"St appearance of the crescent

moon (taktaktnae) after a new moon marks the beginning of the lunar cycle. Most of the

119 phases correspond to the eight phases in Western astronomy, with the additional naming of this first phase (taktaki1Ule) and the appearance of the moon just before a full moon

(jetmar).

In his collection of stories, Tobin (2002: 126) captured a short explanation of the phases of the moon by Jelibor Jam in 1975. The legend explains the origin of the moon by taking the listener through a progression of its phases, and relates the phases to weather predictions. Jelibor describes the moon moving through taktaki1Ule, limeto, lipepe,limetale and tuJUi1Ule. His description nearly matches that of the consultants.

According to Jelibor, however, the moon appears first from the west. If this means the moon is on the horizon at sunset, the phase is full moon (taktakinae). The moon travels, presumably when observed at sunset, higher in the western sky (/imeto) until it is directly overhead (Iipepe). Next, the moon appears high in the eastern sky (limetale) and fmally on the eastern horizon (tuJui1Ule). If the story is taken literally, it progresses from full moon to new moon, but in the reverse order that would occur naturally, and it uses the same terminology, but for opposite moon phases. If, however, Jelibor's directions of east and west were reversed, his description would nearly correspond to that from the consultants.

Determining the correct meaning and placement ofthe lunar phases, in particular jetmar andjetiiOl, became a strong source of debate among the consultants. Willie

Mwekto disrupted the established lunar cycle by transferringjetmar andjetiiOl from crescent moons to gibbous moons. Isao Eknilang, Anno Aisaia and Captain Korent responded by clarifying the meanings of the phrases. To them,jetmar means that the moon is sighted just above the height of a bush (mar) at sunset, while jetiiOl means that

120 the moon is sighted just above an ocean swell (nol) at sunset. Francis Livai then suggested that jetmar refers to the roots of a tree rather than a bush, so that the moon should be even lower in the sky than duringjetiiOl, thus further changing the relative positions ofjetmar andjetiiOl. Throughout the discussion, a participant, Lee, asked questions. The following transcript, which starts with Captain Korent re-positioning jetmar and jetiiOl as crescent phases, illustrates how the consultants discussed and debated their knowledge of the moon:

Korent: Konke jetiiOl im jetmar ij lemnok men ko ren kor side eo jllOn, akjetiiOl epad, fie tu/ok ai, ke, aelij;j pad ion Iwet innmn tu/(}k wot a//(}kjetiiOl eUor ion nol,jetmar pad ion mar.jetmar innmnjetiiOl, kOnke /u/(}k a/ epad ion mar in jota, rej ba jetmar kiio, ilju elap tu/(}k a/ ewa/(}k im pad ion no I, ekwe jetiiOl. Ak kwar ba jetniil kob tutuinae rej jonan wot jllOn.

I think thatjetiiOl andjetmar should be placed on the other side (as crescent, not gibbous, moons). When the sun sets and the moon stays above the surface of the ocean, that'sjetiiOl, running on the swells. Jetmar is above the bush. Jetmar and thenjetiiOl, because at sunset the moon stays above bush in the evening, they say jetmar now. Tomorrow at sunset when the moon appears above the swell, that's jetiiOl. But you said thatjetiiOl and tutuinae were the same thing.

Anno: /niie. emaronjonan wotjllOn, emaron ko tutuinae me/e/e in e tutu aelon, bolenjidik wot kOuon.

Yes, it's possible they are the same, maybe tutuinae means that moon is swimming, probably the two phases are close together.

Lee: Ta me/e/e injetiiOl?

What doesjetiiOl mean?

Anno: Bolen e pad ion nol,jetiiOl e wii/(}k aelon ion nol.

Probably the moon is above the swell,jetiiOl is the phase in which the moon appears above the swell.

121 Lee: Akjetmar? Ak emUj ke jeUiDI mo/ctajiinJetmar?

Andjetmar? DoesjeUiDI come beforejetmar?

Korent: JeUiDI mo/ctajiinjetmar ...

JeUiDI before jetmar •..

Isao: Eh?

What?

Lee: JeUiDl e pad ion qo akjetmar ion mar.

JeUiDI is above the wave andjetmar is above the bush.

Anno: Jaab, /omvak tak mo/cta fijjjjt aelon, tak aelofi ion non

No, my thought is when does the moon rise first, above the swell?

Korent: Jaab.

No.

Isao: Ne tu/()k aelofi e pad ion mar, ilju im eta!, tutuinae.

If at sunset the moon remains above the bush, tomorrow and after, tutuinae.

Korent: [nne ippiinjetfiol.

Yes, withjeUiDI.

Lee (to Anno):Jetmar,jeUiDl, tutuinae, ebod ke? Jetmar moktajiinjeUiDI ke?

Jetmar,jeUiDI, tutuinae, is that wrong? Jetmar beforejeUiDl, right?

Anno: Wa!omok kiio e tutu, ejeUiDI, fie tulok a/ e wa!oiitak itok ion mar, ak jetmar pad ion mar, ke?

The moon rises now and gets wet, that'sjeUiDI, if the sun sets and the moon rises above the bush, but jetmar remains above the bush, right?

Isao: Jetmar imjeUiDI men ko jej aikuj kajirpwe kiio.

122 Now jetmar andjemol need to be corrected.

Korent: Konke La-Amo ejab tomale ej bajemol.

Because Arno [with affectionate infonnal La- prefix] doesn't believe what he says aboutjemol. lsao: Joon ekm lukuun katakin eo ekwe ainwotjelajetmar jiinjemol.

One elder that really taught me, well, I know that jetmar comes before jemol.

Korent: Jetmar innamjemol.

Jetmar and thenjemol.

Anno: Moktajemol,jemol pad ion va.

Firstjemol,jemol remains above the waves. lsao: liiiie ale ij ba ejab waJ()k aeloii e pad wot ijotake, ale a/ e pad wot ilo cenler universe, eh?

Yes, but I'm saying that the moon doesn't move, it stays there, and the sun remains at the center of the universe, right?

Korent: EQ1;I, ekwe kiio aeloii pad ion mar ekwe kiio fie pad ion mar,jetmar, koloe Ire? E pad ion mar, kiio ilju ebar tuJ()k aJ ale kiio epad ion flOl.

Yes, well now the moon remains above the bush, that's jetmar, do you see? It remains above the bush. Tomorrow when the sun sets again, it will be above the swell. lsao: Ej wala/tale.

It goes rises lower.

Korent: Roan eo joon emarok/()k.

The next day it will be darker. lsao: MeJeJe injetmar ewa/()k moktajiinjemol, kOnke aeloii ej itak, aJ ej pad wot iJe ejab makkiitkiit, eriitto jetmar jiin jemol.

123 This means thatjetmar appears before jetiiOl, because as the moon rises, the sun stays there and doesn't move,jetmar is older thanjetiiOl.

Anno: Ekwe kajiTflWe jiin riino ro, ej itok jiin rl-riino ro ejab no.

Well, correct the mistakes from the ancestors, they come from the ancestors, not me.

(everyone laughs)

The conversation provides insights into how the consultants conceptualize the phases of the moon. Rather than describe the phases in terms of the alignment of the moon, the earth and the sun, the consultants describe the moon's phases in terms ofits appearance above the horizon at the time of sunset. Particularly revealing is the sequence from the moon's fifth phase through the seventh phase. From the perspective ofa person standing on the beach at sunset, the moon first appears above the bushes (jetmar). The following night it will appear just above the ocean swell on the horizon (jetiiOl). A few days later the moon will already be below the horizon and tutu, which means "wet" or

"swimming" (tutui1U1e).

The conversation further reveals how the Marshallese construct and theorize knowledge. A large portion of the knowledge of navigation and weather forecasting would have been traditionally constructed through personal trial-and-error and experimentation. Experts would have made observations and absorbed the embodied perceptions of the swell and currents over an extended leaming period at sea. The consultants were not able to demonstrate such knowledge construction during the project, partly as a response to their age and physical health.

124 A second fonn of knowledge construction that the consultants drew upon was their vast repertoire of bwebwenato. These oral traditions expressed through conversation, stories and legends reflect knowledge that has already been created and verified through everyday life experiences in the past, but such knowledge is also amenable to changes. When disagreeing on a certain aspect of navigation, the consultants used a succession of bwebwenato to bolster their claims to the truth. The above conversation shows how the consultants attempted to reject or affinn each other's knowledge, and how they were able to reach consensus by saving face. Captain Korent started the conversation by rejecting Willie Mwekto's notion thatjetmar andjetfiOl were phases in the gibbous cycle, but the rest of the conversation centered on convincing Anno

Aisaia that jetmar precedes jetfiOl in the lunar cycle. Finally, lsao Eknilang summarizes the conversation by concluding thatjetmar is older thanjetfiOl. Anno accepts this, but diverts the attention from him by claiming that the mistakes were passed onto him from his ancestors. The group's laughter brought this debate to a friendly close.

Weather Foreeasting

The knowledge domain of weather forecasting (kDtu, lale Ian or "observe weather'') focuses on certain aspects of the annual and lunar cycles of time that signal the onset of the windy and calm seasons and their characteristic stonns, as well as short-tenn weather predictions. While also relevant for fishing, agriculture and other activities, the consequences of not knowing short-term weather patterns are immediate for sailors, as severe weather can force a vessel off-course or capsize and destroy a vessel. Weather forecasting is therefore critical to voyaging and navigation. Traditionally, navigation and

125 weather forecasting were separate domains of knowledge, such that families would select one child to become a navigator and another to become a weather forecaster. The consultants, however, were partially trained in both weather prediction and navigation.

According to the consultants, the weather forecaster typically looks at the eastern horizon at sunrise and the western horizon at sunset to observe meteorological, astronomical, oceanographical and biological kOk/al, or "weather signs," in order to make a prediction for weather patterns one day to two weeks in advance. They make observations of the weather, clouds, minbows, rain, wind, sun, moon, stars, tides, animals and plants. These signs generally indicate the onset of min, increased winds, storms and severe weather patterns, such as typhoons, but they can also signity good weather for sailing.

The most important category of meteorological weather signs is clouds (kOr19).

Weather forecasters observe their location, size, shape and color to make predictions

(Table 10).

Clouds (kfItlq) MarsbaJJese Eul!llsb MeaJ1Iua for weather predictlOD adinpii signals good weather ooltm silDl8ls miD and wind oren silDl8ls increasinll wind bOut 'fisblnll rod and flower' silDl8ls Rood weadter for sailiDR in July dJIepiin Ian 'backbone of the horizon' clouds angled to the western horizon signal miD and wind in the evening; clouds angled to the southern horizon signal miD and wind in the afternoon; clouds angled on the eastern horizon signal miD and wind ten hours later; clouds angled to the northern borlzon moving to the west signify miD after thnoe days and clouds moving to the east slllJillY miD after six days elemeej black cloud signals miD and wind Ii silDl8ls miD 1-2 davs If moves easterlv 8Il8iust wind iimur sllDI8Is miD and wind in July ebor sllDl8ls wind eran}abuk 'those people scocPiDR silDl8ls miD and wind 126 strong

Table 10. Cloud terms and their meanings for weather prediction.

Isao Eknilang recited chants at the FNTC for three clouds - Jrijdt} aden pii, /aJdo bwine roan, andjii im bii UI.

127 Kworuj Jam kotujo, kwollo kOdJ) aden piijidik hm iturin Ian, TfI1llOTI kOto /ein

You wake up to predict the weather every morning and evening, you see small kO dJ) aden pii above the horizon, this is good wind

Jikit im Rukit imOn Luwadmiime, eo ion kilkOp jiin m4jur, kt}do bwine raan eo

The morning stars Jikit and Rukit are the house for Luwadmiime (north star), in the north holding on for sleep, the kOdJ) bwine raan

Kwollo jii-miir ko 1m bii uJ ko, ektak limed im ad emad ilo June

You see the light redjii and bii uJ, load our drinks and our provisions in June (this means it is good weather for sailing)

The consultants also make predictions based on observations of rainbows (iia), the moon (ae[on), the sun (aI), the tides (bOkal, animals (menninmour) and plants

(keinikhm) (fables 11-15).

RaInbow fila) ManbaUese Enellsb Meanine: for weather predktion ale urur 'mother of wind' signals onset of wind If arch Is vertical /aurur signals clear day Lemaro 'Mr. thirsty' signals no rain Lokortaii signals no rain If it Ita In IkilJ TIIJ en sianals rain and wind

Table II. Rainbow tenDs and their meanings for weather prediction.

Table 12. Moon tenDs and their meanings for weather prediction. 128 Sun(al) Marshallese Enl!llsh Meanlnl! for weather predldlon Imiin allan 1m a/ 'house of moon and sun,' encircling signals rain ifclose to moon/sun and no haze rain if farther from moon/sun marok Ion lweI dark on the ocean lack of SIDIS' rays on ocean at sunset signals rain In the morning miir "eo eo 110 an a/ 9l'eV color durlnll sunset signals rain miir ttoon eo 110 an al blue color durin!! sunset signals no rain tult;k In a/ sunset clouds to the south of sun signilY rain tonight, clouds to the north signilY rain after three daYs lak in a/ sunrise clouds to the south of sun signal rain during the rising tide' clouds to the north sienaiS rain after three daYs

Table 13. Sun terms and their meanings for weather prediction.

Tides (bIJkIJ) ManbaDese En..u.b Meaning for weather prediction e/eloii onset of!!ood weather durln~ ..mn~ tide e/etak onset ofbad weather durin!! IlO81l tide to/ao SlIrinI! tide time ofRood weather idlk neap tide time ofbad weather, appewance of clouds that signal storms and IVPhoons

Table 14. Tide terms and their meanings for weather prediction.

AnImals (mennJnmourl and plant!i (kelnlkkonl Marshallese Enl!llsh Meanlnl! for weather predldlon dak duck opens and closes mouth like thirsty sianals rain karuk white sand crab shallow holes signal rain, sighting of crabs on beach at low tide signals rain durlnl! rlslnl! tide kidid bini, wandering tattler (Heleroscelus batblng on ocean side or lagoon side Incanum) signals rain kGlkGl bird, ruddy turnstone (Arenarla Inlerpres) landing on beacb to dig and cry signals time to forecast clouds kwale} bini, golden plover (Pluv/ol/s damlnlca) one call In middle ofsky (kuJllaiij signals rising tide and rain twelve hews 1ater In the evening TJOkwi#ooJ messed UP Rr8SS signals rain

Table IS. Anima1 and plant terms and their meanings for weather prediction.

129 Lokbwij Rilometo, now deceased, recited a chant during an Alele Musewn radio program for two weather signs regarding animals - kOtkOt (ruddy turnstone) and kidid

(wandering tattler) and plants - pok wiijooj (grass). With his passing, the consultants could only guess the meanings of these chants.

kOdt) jllDn eo talc irok, aimuuji, ejaun piile (Ie, ebbate raan (Ie enaqj buii ibwij in, kOkOt efiarij bok in, e1'l!i bwe en ka-u-u

one cloud comes to the south, white, the day is slow to dawn, it will storm with the rising tide, the ruddy turnstone digs in the sand, wakes up to call ka-u-u (chant when one sees the kOtkOt bird and clouds on the southern horizon)

tutu in kidid i/o Ie, tutu bwe en wot

the wandering tattler's bathes because it will rain (chant when the kidid bird bathes)

t%n/ok ia Ie, t%n /amjakol Ja? Rikin Monkowt, kOTflTJUUljikin eladikdik Ire ej bzUiin Iwtom 1f/QTfIaaTl in kOto pok kitwan wiijooj Jipja 'm bilkOn Wijtata, el11/();; dele ekOdt) muji Ian, ekOdt) tortor, ekakOl/an Ire enaaj wot, eot 0-0

(no translation) (chant when wind messes up the grass)

Summary

The consultants identitY and name swell, currents and winds according to the direction they flow or emanate from, and the rising and setting points of stars. The terms demarcate the ocean (swell and currents), horizon (winds) and the night sky (stars) into the cardinal directions east, west, north and south. In contrast to the Carolinian star compass, Marshallese navigators do not use these absolute directional terms to describe to the helmsman the sailing course or the heading ofthe voyaging canoe. Instead, the

130 navigator uses contingent directional tenns, primarily the oppositions kohbe (steer downwind) and bwiibwe (steer upwind). The annual and lunar cycles of time are important for voyaging strategies. Observations of current streams, the setting of stars and weather patterns indicate the onset ofthe windy season (aiionean1 and the calm season (rak), which is characterized by light winds and a smooth sea surface that navigators can easily read. On land, weather forecasters make observations of meteorological, astronomical, oceanographical and biological "weather signs" (kOk/aJ) to predict the onset of storms within the annual and lunar cycles, as well as to make short­ term weather predictions. In the next chapter, I examine how navigators at sea draw upon different environmental phenomena as "navigation signs" (kOk/aJ) that serve as auxiliary aides to navigation.

131 CHAPTER 6 AUXIUARY AIDES TO NAVIGATION

The consultants draw upon a vast repertoire of kOk/aJ (navigation signs or seamarks) as auxiliary aides to the main navigational method of wave piloting. The kOk/a/ are stars that have the same bearing as the destination island and waves, currents, reef formations and marine and bird life located near a particular atoll or within a particular region of the ocean that indicate the distance and direction toward land. These location-specific oceanographic and biological kOk/aJ may be associated with spiritual beings called ekjab. In this chapter, I describe the consultants' astronomical, oceanographic and biological navigation signs as auxiliary aides to navigation.

Astronomical KlJk/a/

According to the consultants, navigators guide their canoes toward single stars and asterisms along the horizon that have the same bearing as the destination island. In contrast to voyaging traditions throughout Remote Oceania, these celestial referents do not contribute to a longer star path and do not form a conceptual compass. The

Rongelapese consultants named several guiding stars and asterisms for the north-south voyage between Rongelap and Kuwajileen (Table 16).

132 Table 16. Guiding stars and asterisms.

Oceanographic KlJk/a/

The consultants' repertoire of oceanographic /Wk/a/ include location-specific waves and currents (Table 17, Figure 17). A long, curving wave pattern called maan flO

(''the front ofthe wave'') extends 240 nautical miles between Jabwot, Likiep and Rondik.

At the end of this extensive wave pattern lies a current that surrounds Rondik called aleelee. Another current called lijiblili extends in a curve 120 nautical miles between

Rongelap and Lae, while a smaller current called kapen Woja ("west ofWoja islet") flows eastward toward the leeward side ofAilingJaplap. A singular large wave south of

Wotto is aptly called elap flO (big wave).

Table 17. Oceanographic kokla\ terms and specific locations.

133 ,,. ,M' "D' "

'" 'C:lW()Ije \\Lrilnlb '::t M:ll<.o.:lup Cl'\U!

" .. ~" • Limajalolo b 6,-,=

J"!U

Figure 17. Map of oceanographic /rOk/a/ specific to an atoll, island or sea.

lsao Eknilang perfonned the following chants at the FNTC for two location- specific oceanographic kOk/a/- aleelee and elap flO.

Ko kallim jek 1fID01I flO (Ie ekOto Jabot etor Julel e aleelee eo Rondik

Look at the front of the wave there, from the wind of Jabot to Likiep to the circular current of Rondik

Jejriik tok rokin [(open elap flO, kwojoori ion wa, letak Iio kokOtkOt iep

We come to the south ofKapen, big waves, you stand finn on the canoe, let the boom out

134 Biological Kliklal

Biological kOk/a/ are marine and bird life that may be associated with spiritual beings called ekjab, or "sea life" (Erdland 1914; Krflmer and Nevennann 1938;

Nakayama and Ramp 1974). These kOk/a/ may benevolently guide the lost navigator toward land or malevolently lead a navigator astray toward his death. To illustrate the importance of sea life to navigation, Isao Eknilang narrated a story at the FNTC called bwebwenato in wiwijet (story of getting lost as sea and going mad). In this narrative, a bird (kOtkOt; ruddy turnstone) indicated the direction toward land when his father and other navigators became lost at sea.

Bwebwenato In Wlwi/et Papa Turlik im Monaean, elukuun ruprup jfJkur, Ailinginae nan Wotto. Ailinginae im tok nan WollO 1m kimjerakrok kOlIan Bikini kab Rongelap, kim bar rfJfJltok nan kOttan Jokdikkanjilu. Jiin Wollo nan Ailinginae juan wiik wiwijet­ bwebwe in kopen. [ar uwe im 110 naan In wiwijet an kapen. Aolep kapen ro rej wiwijet, papa, Monaean, me ej kDqjlriri,juan eff/ff/an etan in Turlik lukuun kapen, ear /ff/Dnjikuul in kapen in Rongelap. Aolep rejjerakrok ippiin doon im aolepin pe/fJk. Ekwe, kiio, bwijin koin kapen rejelii ak ijo, koto kOpaer kimo. l-allap eo e jijet ion wa eo, kwa/fJk kOk/a/ ~, koto kOpaer kona, ekOff/ff/ane roro, aaa, kwon roro in Jokdik kij pad lik in aelon in Wollo. Kok/a/ eo kwa/fJk line eo. l-allap eo ekapeIIfJk roro eo, ej ba, koto kOpaer kona eo etto aii jitik im boktak wa e, lot en ej kodkod ion boke elel puken Jokdik.

Translation:

My father Turlik and Monaean really took their navigation test by sailing from Ailinginae to Wotto. From Ailinginae toward Wotto they sailed near Bikini and Rongelap and returned near Jokdikkan (three northwestern islets on Rongelap). From Wotto to Ailinginae they spent one week wiwijet,lost at sea because they became disoriented. I rode along and learned the word wiwijet for navigators. All the navigators became wiwijet - my father Monaean, who adopted me, and one man named Turlik, a very good navigator who conducted the navigation school on Rongelap. Everyone sailed together and became lost together. 135 So, now, there are many navigators who know, but this is the male kOlkOl (ruddy turnstone). The elder sat on the canoe and showed us the navigation sign there, the male kOlkOl. He chanted, Baa, you should make the chant for Jokdik because we are now near Wotto. The navigation sign will reveal the island. The elder opened the chant, he said, "The male kOlkOl paddles, it takes a long time to bring the canoe there, who can steer a straight course and hit Jokdik directly?"

During subsequent interviews, Isao elaborated the meaning ofwiwijel. A navigator who becomes lost and does not receive help from benevolent kOk/al to discern the direction toward land will lose his mind and continue to sail disorientated until his death. Isao also narrated and wrote a bwebwenato in etto (legend) at the FNTC called bwil im kartale (launch the canoe and sail eastward) to illustrate for me the spiritual nature of kOk/al that are ekjab. This narrative describes the origin of a living seamark named

LilakpokJ, a k% (brown booby) located west of Majuro.

BwH 1m Kartak

Euo im eUo ilo aelon in Mqjuro in ear wor ruo riitto. Joon bqj raon kOrii eo ear kOrumn mOM Mejwod ale kopwor kOnke ej euii bajjek. Likao eo ippiin ear eorone im kOpooj wa eo waon. Roan eo lokjoon erro ear kOpooj ta ko renaaj aikuji iiDn kappok aikuj ko an kOrii eo. Erro kar ebok, airro, ale an likao kein ellal, a/al kOne im kab an ile. Ellii eo an kOrii eo, ear kOrumn wOI bwe leo ippiin en bokk eddo iiDn likin/9k Ajoolii, bOlen ruo 'fIOil melo/9kjiin line. Men kojel erro ar boke ni imjoon daan kOrii bob iiinwol ellii eo ekOrumn bOb. Erro elal em, ale a(1)OfI/9k iiDn ijon. Likao eo ear jO/9k lollap eo ale emjale eo aero im laJcmOj, ekOmmanjoon an kolimur iiDn kOrii ippiin. Kalimur eo,lale kwar wodwtid im ejje/9k pejjilp no i 19jel. Unin kOnke lio elukkun fiaj. Ear jab 10, ruo likao jeTf/jein jeTf/jatin ilo Ailinglaplap, raar iit bwin pej ko pejjin leo i 19jel in Ajoolii im kojjion in pukol ia eo pej ko rejjiin i. E"o pepe in a(1)OfI im kojjion anak ia pej ko rej pelokjiin e. Erro ear jinoe aOf/Ofljiin Aerok, Ailinglaplap. Kejoon bon in aerro kartale leo edik ear 110 joon pej im kolalejiin 19jel im kojjilok ippiinjein, "kar pej in iiiiiit eo?" Jein e ba, "pej in iio eo /9k!" E"o bar kOran wa eo. Wiikjoon, bar lojj99n eo edik, e 110 joon bar pej, im bar kojjilok, "kar pej in iiiiiit eoT' Jein e ba, "pej in allan eo J9k." LokOn J9k joon allan in ae"o kOron/ale wa eo, leo edik ebar kojjilok, "Ia Ie, ale ejje eo iiiiiil e anT' Jein e ba, "raon eo 19k." Jimmarok in raon

136 eo joon e"o 110 wa eo woan lojj(}(}n eo. /War bOk /cOrii eo, im ddoor joon Janinwa ilo pooj eo an wa eo, im le/cO nan Ailinglaplap. Llkoo eo ak lojnono ippiin /cOrii roar k(}(}te jan wa eo, ear jlktokjoon /oTnf/Ok bwe en /cOmmane joon woan boo kileplep nan an kiitok kiitak im pukot /cOrii ippan. Ear ae tok bwijin in mar, iiinwot kaiial, utilomar, /cOnal, lukweej im frojet. Ear /cOmmane boo eo eoan /cOn oolepln mar, ak wojke kein. Do an kor /cOmmane boo jan mar kein ej /cOka/oki im anijnij boo ak mar kein, /cOnjoon al In anijnij ej ba, "toppen ke meramera tappen ke dojdoj, tn/(}k im bar intok." Elak kii/(}k ne boo eo janjoon kain mar ejjab bar r(}(}ltok, unin elap an eddo wajke eo. Airuleo an /cOmman nan oolep wojke fro ak roar jab e1flT/101l. Aliktata, ebar kqjjion /cOn mar ne rej kidden. Ebar /cOkii/(}k boo kidden eo ak ej alloke: "toppen ke dojdoj, toppen ke meramera in/(}k in bar intok." Boo ear kii/(}k em bar rwltok. Joon roan boo eo ear jan /cOn an kwole. Irooj eo ear /cOtol/okjoon an pepe. Ear ba nan oolep e1flrpan in pukon eo bwe ren eonod kijjen boo ek. Ke rej woj pad itokii,/eo ippan /cOrii ear wa/(}kjan loan boo im wa/(}k nan /cOrii ippan 1m ektakke ilo boo eo im kii/(}k nan ippan irooj eo 1m ri-eonod ro motton, e bOo "kiuk, kiuk." Irooj eo eba, "elukkuun in kwole ren ejolonj(}k ek kijjen boo eo." /.eo ippan /cOrii eo ej popo iiinwot ne boo eo ej mOna ak kaiil ek fro kijjen. Irooj eo elak lukkuun kallimjeke boo eo ej 110 e lio kab leo ippiin iloan Ia;; win boo eo. Ear kqjjion kade ak boo e ookwa ninean/(}k ioon Namu, Kuwqjileen, Lae, Ujae im jepliiJ/(}k nan Wotto ta/(}k wot nan Ailing/nae 1m ijo LObarlep irooj in aelon en, ear /cad boo eo m ear wot/(}k im jeplii/(}k nan Ronglap, iiinwot ke ear pein tu anmiin. Kiio boo eo jekjek 110 Atfjoklii epad ilo RDngelap rain/no In(}(}n bwebwenalo kein rej /cOn wot /cOk/a/ ne rej akjej ba Litakpoki, boo ka/o.

Translation:

Long, long ago on the atoll of Majuro there were two elders. One day the woman wanted to eat a type of breadfruit or a giant clam because she had a pregnancy sickness. Her husband accepted this and prepared his canoe. The next day they prepared those things they would need and searched for the things the woman needed. They took the wood /cOne for paddling and a string for fish. She only wanted that for her pregnancy sickness. Her husband took responsibility for going out to sea toward Ajoolii, about two miles away from land. The things they brought were coconuts one pandanus fruit for the woman to chew, as she wanted pandanus for her pregnancy sickness. They went and paddled toward that spot. The man threw the anchor and its line and then he made a promise to his wife. The promise was to look where she chewed pandanus and there would be no more pandanus fruits floating on the ocean. The reason was that the woman has very fragrant smell. He didn't go westward, but two young men, brothers from Ailinglaplap, smelled their discarded pandanus fruit from the sea ofAjoolii and tried to search from where they came from. They drifted and paddled and tried to follow from where the discarded pandanus fruit drifted. 137 They started to paddle from Aeriik, Ailinglaplap. One night as they paddled eastward the younger brother saw a discarded pandanus fruit and lifted it from the ocean and asked his older brother, "When was the pandanus fruit discarded?" His older brother answered, "This pandanus fruit is from last year!" They continued to paddle the canoe. After a week, the younger brother again saw a discarded pandanus fruit and again asked, "When was the pandanus fruit discarded?" His older brother responded, "This pandanus fruit is from last month." In the middle of one month (after two weeks) as they paddled to the east, the younger brother again asked, "What's this, man, but when was the pandanus fruit discarded?" His older brother answered, "Yesterday." At dawn the next day they saw the canoe of the couple. They took the woman and put down one small coconut crab in a hole in the canoe and headed westward toward Ailinglaplap. The man, the husband of the woman they stole in the canoe, had an idea to make a large bird to fly back and forth in and search for his wife. He took many kinds of plants, like ktUiaJ, utilomar, k01/lIJ, lukweej and kojet. He made his bird from all the plants. From this he made it into a k%, or brown booby, and made magic on the bird and the plants and he sung one magical song, "the shape of the bird is light, not heavy, the bird is flying away and flying back." The bird flew away and never carne back because one kind of plant was too heavy. He did the same thing for all the plants but they weren't so good. Finally, he tried again with a plant they call kidden. He again made it into a k%, or brown booby, but he sang this song, "The shape of the bird is light, not heavy, the bird is flying away and flying back." The bird flew away and carne back again. One day the bird cried because it was hungry. The chief commanded one of his decisions. He told all the men to search for food to feed the bird. When they were on a reef far away, the husband of the woman appeared from inside the bird and took the woman into the bird and flew away toward the chief and his friends the fishermen, and he said, "Squeak, squeak." The chief said, ''the bird is very hungry you should all throw up your food to the bird." The woman's husband caught the food, the same as if a bird was catching fish for food. The chief stared at the bird and saw the man and his wife inside the bird. He tried to throw a rock at the bird but it leaned to the side and changed course northward to Namo, Kuwajileen, Lae, Ujae and changed course to Wotto and eastward to Ailinginae where the chief LObarlep stayed. He threw a rock at the bird and it fell and changed course toward Rongelap, as if it were hit in the left wing. Now the bird is in Adjok/a. our northern atolls, and stays on Rongelap today (Ane Aitok). This legend is about a navigation sign, they say Litakpoki, the k%, or brown booby.

The consultants recall the names, locations and other information about the spiritual kOk/a/, such as Litakpoki, from elaborate ikid (song-stories). The consultants

138 placed a strong significance on recording, explaining and fully understanding a particular ikid that chronicles the monumental voyage of a Marshallese named Lainjin. In this ikid, called ikid qI an LaiT/iin (song-story ofLainjin), Lainjin describes the location of many kOk/a/. The ikid e(l an LaiT/iin describes, for example, the location of Litakpoki west of

Majuro. According to the consultants, Lainjin sailed ftom Pobnpei to the northwestern

Marshallese atolls, southward through the Railik chain and then eastward toward the

Ratak chain. In doing so, he detected kOk/a/ for each atoll and committed them to memory by creating an elaborate ikid. (Figure 18, Table 18).

".. 170' "

WI1llw q 1~IIC~ '0' eaeiobae pej in edwan 1'''''lljik'tn c:::l\\oI\e .,i", ~ '";. .~ ~1;.n1r.\lb • ••• k ~Ma1d11p Jure Jerao Omaap I,jh ClAm

aoninw611a ~!"I< I""""\.~illl '--I.I'\UlJil.dil< maaii in Madmad. • V • jekdi • • 1 "=il- t."h •• .kowakruo " rh.... " ."--_~'OO~==

Figure 18. Map of kOk/al witb spiritual qualities. Most oftbese navigation signs are contained witbin the ildd ell an La/'liin.

139 ell llmenEtao fresh water,' offresh Mile

LilnUen

Majruo, west

birds

Table 18. Terms and locations of lrOk/a/ with spiritual qualities.

Isao Eknilang and his younger sister Lijohn Eknilang perfonned different versions ofthe ikid efl an Lainjin. Isao chanted the ikid efl an Lainjin (1) at the FNTC, while

Lijohn alternately chanted and sung the ikid efl an Lainjin (2) at her home on Majuro.

[kid en an Lainlln m

Komlak tar/ak kiim 110 menmuj bao kukOt ae in bae eo in likiej jiin Ujelang Li"uirp in Enewetak in elii/9k eaii wa in kiim po im pei9k im kiki Ak eo lik eo lak eo, Iikiej en Jinme Kalo kiipaer leono eo etto aO jitik im bokJak wa e, lot en ej kadkod ion hOke elel 140 puken Jokdik KW9murl e wa in Wtullll ippiin l-OkOtofioriior eaii E jiin wurtak eaiietak kwolo kOlla eo kab rp6rrpOr ko, e wato menmuj eo kajjitok kOn rosae /eddik ro eaii ro, kqjkaj non iatyimue bwe en roo jepaii, kabwe bOkeaii Nifjiben elel Rik/9k kOmij kabol boke, di e piile ne im kauwe jitim, joor flO im komelele lalim Kwoj idaak wot ilo KOrlolok aeboj e(llimen Etao Itok im pe/9kjiin ad in Kile Jiron Liske kab ilo meto Lejur, bwe e"o Aoinwollii laiimaiid eo kabjor no ion flO eo, jab lik jerer jiin bOke in euItokrii ej ion flO en kab kObjerejolokjemo Jokad e kilnineaii kiirokean im kijjiek eo, jekdii rok im kijjiek eo. latot ko totO koko etotokoko Ko kallim jek 1JIO'ITI flO (Ie ekOto JabOt etor Julel e aleelee eo Rondik Ejilto bwin lofijakwiileljab likjereriinene roan ion Jejrok tok rokin Kopen elap flO. kwojoori ion wOo letak lio kakOtkOt iep Komlak tanak kOm 110 ak eo, jiinjobiil iep jiin kakOlkOl, lilJUlQkak eo nejin lnedel E kiitok e pikpikAcfjoklii kapen Majuro Litakpoki poklem poktok rpa/en kan kupidpid kupidpid ko Likapijwewe KDwak roo ko rej kOj jiin doon ekqji Rotakjuon ak eri kowakjuon ekqjaii men in Makinjekkewe Elwap tiltil tokrok ia in tak Libujen rej woj bukot JutakwOo Jutakwa luer e jed Ebon Moan eo moan in Madmad moan in Wundik lrun in manit in ak eo ebiktak neen wa bOb in wajar eo rej woj kqjo jibel im abjifjetak aer kameniwawa ej bwilll}jet im kojike 19k Wolto

Translation:

We go to the east, we see a white sea gull, the current offoam is to the east of Ujelang The foam of Enewetak passes to the north, we take down the sail, drift and sleep The frigate bird is looking for the east, windward of Jinme The male ruddy turnstone bird paddles, it takes a long time to bring the canoe there, who can steer a straight course and hit Jokdik directly? Make provisions for your canoe with l-OkOtofioriior to the north Going to the north you see the garbage dump and the foam, to the west a white bird asks with a chant the female birds to the north, chants to make a straight course because oftwo paddles, hit Niijiben directly to the southwest Start to sail, you know the course and have the light from a torch of dried fronds (the sailing course is clear), you stand firm on the canoe (stick to the course) and have confidence You drink only at KOrlolok, Etao's fresh water Draw up water and drifting from Kile, tell Liske and Lejur on the ocean to tie for

141 strength the galaxy, hold onto the wave, don't stray from the course on the wave but make it a straight course, now it's easy The bird jokad flies to the north, the bird flies to the south, chirping, chirping Look at the front of the wave there, from the wind of Jabot to Likiep to the circular current ofRondik Come to the east directly, don't sail around the island in the day We come to the south ofKapen, big waves, you stand finn on the canoe, let the boom out We go to the east and see the frigate bird, let the sheet out to luff the sail and examine the bird, the kite of Inedel The brown booby flaps his wings and flies to the northern atolls west of Majuro, Litakpoki makes it confusing, away then close, makes prints in the water, turbulence forms the whirlpool Likopijwewe Two whimbrels fly apart from each other, one speaks Ratak language but where is the other whimbrel? A bird from (Kiribati) plays a song in the Kiribati language Coming from the south is the frigate bird Libujen who is looking for the giant eel Jutakwa, looking up towards Ebon The pandanus branch is the pandanus from Madmad, pandanus from Wundik land tract A flock of frigate birds is flying to the east with provisions, carrying a basket of arrowroot to have a feast after finishing the construction of a canoe before launching it to sail straight to Wotto

lkid en an IAinlln (2)

(aI) ruji 19k kOkaJujo 10 kqdo aden piijidik ko jarki ilo roan e1fl1flanjerkon ruoj im kOkajkaj mak kake (kOnnaan) kajkaj ilon (roro) ruji 19k 19k kOkaJujo im /0 kqdo aden piijidik kane iturin Ian e1fl1flOn kOto Ie in

(al) jen wod tok ean tok !rOm /0 ta kOlla eo kab 1fIOr1f/Or ko eok wa to menmt.9 eo ealoma ruoj im kOkajkaj mak kake (kOnnaan) kajkajean (roro) ej jen wod tok ean tok kOm 10 kDlla eo kab 1fIOr1f/Or ko eok wa to menmt.9 ko im kajitok bwe en ruoj eae im leddik ro ean ro

(aI) kOm 10k tartok kim 10 ok eo Lewa im LOmtal rej kajo miiI in iake wa eo warro ruoj im kDkajkaj mak kake (!rOnnaan) kajkaj irilik (roro) kOm 10k tartok !rOm 10 ok eo Lewa im LOmtal rej ro kajo an miiI rej ro jekjek wa eo Lakielel in e1fl1flOn kOj umum imjab Ie Lomador !rOkadkad

142 nan Lanjimwe tokibed bwe en rooj jebaii kobbe bukien Nqjiben elel wot

(al) kwar 10 ta bwe kwonjeralc emjeblalcjar eo rej woj abjijje ni in wa im bO ban wa e warro rooj im kOkqjkqj mok kake (k01UIllQ1/) kajkaj irear (roro) iroj im manit in aIc im eo io ej bikJaIc neen WaTfl bOb in wajar eo rej woj kajo jibel im abjiije talc aer kameniwawa ej bwill(}jet bwe en kiilem kqjfek I(}kwot Wotto

(al) kim laic tartalc frok talc kOm 10 jar eo elwap ti/til talc ea ib rej bukDt Jutakwa rooj im kOkajkqj mOk kake (k01UIllQ1/) kqjkaj irok (roro) e/uap total talc irok ea in talc Libujen rej woj bukDt Jutakwa Jutakwa luer e jed Ebon

(al) ebufi in kobkan nan ro rejelii ebiin in kobkon nan ro rejelo bUn in jummemej ib emelele Lolum (roro) ilik I(}k kOmi} kobol bake Tie piile !If! im kawe jeton !If! JUT ~ im kOmele/e Lolum

(al) bOiinin jelii eo bwe eban dedo rej job kij roi line (roro) ebon fiOnat im wot im keior ko kewanje/ii eo ~ ilik meto (al) ebon fiOnat im wot im keior ko kewanjelo eo ~ ilik meto

Translation:

(sung) wake up and make a weather prediction, look at the small aden po clouds as the sun rises at the break of day, please chant and chant because of it (spoken) chant of the sky (chanted) wake up and make a weather prediction and look at those small aden po clouds next to the sky, the wind will be good

(sung) let's go from the west to the north we see the drifting log and foam, the flying white sea gull's wings are folded back, please chant and chant because ofit (spoken) chant ofthe north (chanted) let's go from the west to the north, we see the drifting log and foam, the flying white sea gull's wings are folded back, therefore chant for the women of the north.

(chanted) we go to the east and see the bird, Lewa and Uimtal are shaving the wood of their canoe with a clam shell, please chant and chant because of it (spoken) chant of the south (chanted) we go to the east and see the bird, Lewa and Uimtal are shaving the wood of their canoe with a clam shell, Lakielel is good, we make an earth oven

143 and Lomador doesn't sail directly toward Lanjimwe, sail with the wind, therefore chant, sail with the wind directly to the cape ofNajiben only

(sung) you saw what because you should sail and leave everybody, they carry coconuts for the canoe and fill up their canoe, please chant and chant because ofit (spoken) chant of the east (chanted) a flock offrigate birds is flying to the east with provisions, carrying a basket of arrowroot to have a feast after finishing the construction of a canoe before launching it to sail straight to Wotto

(sung) we go to the east and south, we see forming a circle, they are searching for the giant eel Jutakwa, please chant and chant because of it (spoken) chant of the south (chanted) coming from the south is the frigate bird Libujen who is looking for the giant eel Jutakwa, looking up towards EOOn

(sung) the helmsmen stands alert and begins to search for what they know, they begin to search for what they know, which means they already know and have the knowledge (chanted) to the sea we go the peninsular, and make bright the reflected wave by you that is a wave sign and explains the knowledge

(sung) tonight we know because it will not be heavy, they have gone away from this land (chanted) tonight it storms and rains and has strong winds, they know the ocean (sung) tonight it storms and rains and has strong winds, they know the ocean

Isao Eknilang's version is similar in format and content to that ofLadap

Lanbulien (Krilmer and Nevermann 1938:254-266), JeliOOr Jam (Tobin 2002: 131-142) and Labedbedin (Knight 1999:68-74), while Lijohn Eknilang's version shifts from singing to speaking to chanting in a series of seven verses. The information within the ikld refers not only to specific navigation signs, but also to signs for weather forecasting and sailing conditions.

In contrast to the regional ikld e~ an Lai1/iin, Francis Livai's ikld e~ an Kahua

(song-story ofKabua) is specific to Kuwajileen. Francis performed this ikld at the

144 FNTC. It indicates two landmarks that are used for land identification - the reef of

Bokan islet and an oceanside rock on Ebadon islet on Kuwajileen. The seamark pej in edwan. or discarded pandanus fruit, floats on the currents from the northern land tract

Monaloj to the southern land tract Wiijajak on Ebadon islet on Kuwajileen.

Ikld en an KabUil

koloe bar kan i Bokan urtiii ko kan kopiiloktok ut eop kwon jitdame ut eo piileen jo Kabua ilelen Lijeneroii lijinen aibuiibuii a ekiita/()k ebar jibadbad lioeo mokta ekiita/()k ejokLikiep ekiito ejok iraan i/uape en i Keko jibiijibii kwoj te/()k ia ke pej ko kijoTfi ko Lijiiiiiriiiir enlo~enlik ko wapepe lik eo eaii kolo ko pej in edwan adpej in teak edwan in Wojqjak kiji /al ta eo jej bwil ie turen ebjen kere wojlii wa eo em6koj e ~ pe/o ~ ijenjikin len riwit mejiijidik kan iarin Nekout im Nekot ekiimeto katkat eob en jok eikukwoj piilin ruok/()ke iuur eo ekii/()k arinjitok en in kijekanjinre eo in.

Translation:

You see the reef ofBokan (a northwestern islet ofKuwajiJeen) rocks resemble an old dancing game placing a lei of flowers on the head, you will remember frum a long time ago your husband Kabua

145 Lijeneroii, a spirit, makes the lei his mother counts for flying away the goal is to get together happily again beforehand flyaway lands on Likiep flies westward lands during the day on the flowers ofKeko (islet ofKuwajileen) grandmother, grandmother were did you get lost? Discarded pandanus fruits, your food Lijifiiiriiiir (a rock oceanside of Monaloj land tract on Ebadon islet, Kuwajileen) look toward the ocean you drift from the north you see the discarded pandanus fruit floating on currents that was food prepared on the way pandanus ofWojajak (land track on Ebadon islet, Kuwajileen) bites down where we launch the canoe next to the racing of the sails the fast canoe next to you of the tree pe/o this is the place for the toy sailing canoes small eyes ofNekout and Nekot (land tracts on Ebadon islet, Kuwajileen) the ruddy turnstone birds fly and land there One bird wins the fight, but they all flyaway flyaway come and cook and eat fish right after catching them

To contextualize the ilcid e~ an Lainjin and ilcid e~ an Kabua within the history of navigation and voyaging, I present a UweUwe1/QJo in eUo (legend) narrated and written by

Isao Eknilang at the FNTC on Majuro entitled Litarmelu lwb Lairdin (Litarmelu and

Lainjin). In this origin story of navigation, the first Marshallese navigator, a woman named Litarmelu, gained her knowledge from Yapese navigators who visited her atoll.

She taught her son, Lainjin, who generated the ilcid. He, in turn, aught his son, Lotap.

Isao and the other consultants claim their genealogical heritage and navigational knowledge from Litarmelu and her descendants Lainjin and Lotap.

146 Lltllrmelu kIlb Lainiin

Lai'1iin ej lukkuun armej. Jinen Lai'1iin, Litarmelu. BwebweTUllo kOn armej rein. Ekar wor ruo likao in Yap, ekar ton pad ilo Namdik. LakmOj nejjiero kOrii im /01flO1"einjoue kar kajjitok ippiin aer im etaJ im ekatale, iiinwot aer jelii kar diale miikmk jeraJcrok. Nan rQllTl kein rej jeraJcrijk wot. Jimen Litarmelu ekar kqjjitok ippiin Litermelu fie eTTlll1'on ekatale e1]lOrWrW in katale 19jet kapeel ko aer ilo lae l/}jet im jerakrok nan aelon nan aewn. Ekar uwaaIc jemen im ba elf/T(IQ1I. l-eo juan me nejin lojj99n eo juan, 101{lQ1To jelf/jeinjelf/jatin, kar kajjitok ippiin lio nejin, e ba, "jab, bolen /omuok en kar katale." Ne emoj kar wa/9k ilo wiiwein aer mour liktale, lio Litarmelu kar 1]IOrWrW an katale alejelii in kar wa/9k nejin en kar wal9k leo nejin etan in Lai'1iin, e jujen bar katale in. 1m kar bwebweTUllo ijo je ron ke in Lainjin kar katakin ie i/o lik in Madmod ilo Namdik im dekO en rej ba tais fie pad ilo Namdik kab Madmad. EtaJetaJ iturin dekii en im kajjitok ae en, tUTilik kab tureeaar ke im jiin wot an iturintale aet ke, leo nejin iturin dekii en imjelii ke iumwin an uwaak, ej et ko an? Ejelii ke bolen eTTlll1'on bun nan 19meto imjinoejeraJcrok kake im lukkuunjikni kab kqjjitok kajjitioki men ko 19meto me rej kOjerbaJ. ljo ko me rej /oor il9meto to/fiiintata, emen, yelii ilo la/in turilik tureeaar tuean turok im fie rej ba IW ue bufito, iiindein ej ba bufito, IW ej italc rej ba kaeleptale, IW ej ean rej ba buntokeafi, kab bufitokrOk im itok jiin rok. Lik in jeraJcrok kake ewor juan iien lukkuun jew leo nejin kar eTTlll1'on jeraJcrijk, kmkde me jonoulruo an /io ear uwe ippiin Iroojlap/ap irooj kein,juan Lirlap/ap im Aito, kar non bwebweTUllo jeron ke kOf.UllUI Nauru im Kiribati im Ebon imjekoue, Mile. Re me roro ear jekOnan Lai'1iin kiil9kjiin ion wa im tutu bu4jek. Edikjiinjonoulruo an iio. Ej roro, roro r/}jen aibOj in rej ba kortolok, aiboj in 19meto. Lukkuun aibOj ejjab bar juan kain dOn ale aibOj, e wotl9kjiin Ian juan an aibOjboj. 1m irooj kar kajjitok ippiin Litarmelujinen Lai'1iin bwe en lukkuun kwaJ9k ta eo leo nejin ej ba. lrooj ro rej ro;yake ta Litermelu ej ba nan leo nejin im kajjitok kOn kwal9k ta eo ej ba. Ej ba, "Kwoj idaaJc wot ilo Kortolok aebOj e(llimen Etoo." Ak kt}1f/Oole itok kab9bo, kii/9k kOn kab9bo im waJomak lukkuun aiboj. Rej ba aebOj e(llimen Etoo ilo kOtan ke dOn in kortolok. Juon aJen lukkuun If/ool ke Litermelu kab leo nejin ejab kain ke Etoo, JemaJiwuJ im Jebro im Jiljil im Kooj eo, ale lukkuun armej. Jowi an Litarmelu ear wal9kjiinjuanjowi kOm irilik rej ba Ri-Kuwajileen. Army ilo Ratale kein en kar bar ronjake im bar ro;yake ippiin riittoro ej ba Ri-Ut. Jowi Ri-Kuwajileen e wal9 kjiinjuan uJ i/o aelon kein ilo Majol in rej ba uttloTTlll1'. Ut in fiaj uJ ilo jowi kein in Ratale rilik wot im irilik Ri-Kuwajlein. Eton bwebweTUllo in im uJ in an Ri-Kuwajlein epad Kuwajlein,juan boo ej kiil9kjiin One rilik ion Kuwajileen in, rej ba Ane Boj. Ekiitok im wot in rilik in Kuwajileein. 1m eTTlll1'on boo in Kuwajileenn men in ale wot eo jiirifiin ale kOlf/1f/DTIe juanjowi ej jinoe jan bar jowi ko jet iit in Ri-Kuwajileen. Ejab ri­ Kuwajileen ejab armej in Kuwajileen ale, rej ba Ri-Kuwaji/ee, Ri-Toklein, Ri­ Jan/ein, ewal9kjowi lal ue, Ri-Kuwajileen.

147 Kiio Lai1fjin ebar war juon nejin Tfi1IUUUI. Ta moktata an kar leo nejin jinen ear jabwebwe iiinwot ilo bwebwenato in Majol kein iiinwotjuonjabwebwe an karton wiwijet. Wiwijet ewa/t}k ippiin kakonjet iienjelaJoon lukkuun 1fIT{II1QTIjin im lukkuun m6kmJe ilo It}jet ak rekii'JQ01l wiwijet. Wiwijet iiinwot ejelii men in rejelii repe/t}k im lukkuun pe/t}1c, elukkuun eiie/t}k men in rej keememeji. 1m jonan wiwijet Litarmelu iiinwot kiitok wa lo waan iloan mejatoto, wanartak jabwebwe. 1m juon lomarro ej line im /t}k wotlok lim eo, ej ba boktok, lokjok/t}k iinkO rilikin Wollo. Ello ilo kapen meto an. Jonan aer kar kiime/e/e jonan wiwijet eo aelo 1fIOO1 ejab 1fIOoi ak itok Iimtok, ear jab iiinwot Conlintental im Air Marsha/I, ekar kii/t}k ilt}jet injabwebwe in ll)jet ion diin ak kar lukkuun kiime/e/e nan kij raan keinjonan wiwijet an Litarmelu iiinwot ear jerakrOk imejatoto. lWinin ekar jako Litarmelu ejaiiin bar war wa/t}k. Ak kiio Lai1fjin ewor nejin 1fIT{II1QTI etan in Latap. Latap ear jinae kapeJlt}k aeloii in Majol nan ejerakrOk, ear jab kiijerbal composs im men lo jiin ri-Amerlca i/o kapen. Ear kiijerbal flO kan budjek, /i1JlQajflOflO in It}jet im eii/ake lo aer diin lo buiito buiitak im jew kajjien ia rej wa/t}k. Ne rej jerakrok aeloii in Majol ak etal jiin Mejit nan Ujelang eiie/t}k compass, im rejab bOk allan ilo wiiwein kiin an ri-America rej bok a/ bok iju /rob compass kiin aero 1m rej bumbum koke men kein iilikin aer kalak It}jet ippiin riab bwe lukkuun 1fIOoi ri-America men lo jinoe kalak kiin kij ri-Majol ejerakrOk. Moktatajiin an irooj jelii ke ebar war jerakrok rlab. Bwebwenato an Lai1fjin elukkuun a1ikor ke ejab mejatoto imjabdewot, epad Lae epad Rongelap epad Rondik epad Bikini, Kuwajileen. kiin aelOn lo an jinerkan ekodkad ke an Ri-Kuwajileen im Ri-Ut im mejatoto ilo Railik aelOn lo an jiner aolep. Kii1fl1Jlane juon waanjofiok kar itok nan Rongelap juon iien im ejaiiin lukkuun braj iturin line tak im kiin wantok nanjuon /omarro ilo Jebwar ilo Rongelap. K£Yjitok eo naan in aelOn in? 1turin made eo an eba naan wOt. Eba a1ikar ke bOlen jab e1fl1f/an bwe enaaj tueaii fie ejako mattan fie ak e kwa/t}k made kiin an bOlen an tarinae. Lukkuun armej men in,jej kii'JQ01l Lai1fjin. 1m fie ej bumbum kiin ikid e~ an. Ejaiiin kor wor kii1fl1f/On ikid ilo Majol in jiin Pohnei metak ak Lai1fjin. Ebol aolep Majol in. 1m ewor jet /aJlap rejelii mour wot bolen relukkuun kiljiinjinoe nanje1fl/t}k ikid e~ an Lai1fjin. Akjej ba budjek loin ~ bok me/e/e im kwa/t}k i/o jej jela akjenaaj lukkuun loba ippiin doon im bok me/e/e jan aolep /a/lap ro rej me/e/e kiin men kan im lobaiki im kalak in rl)jet jiinjinoin nanje1fljt}k in. Latap nejin Lai1fjin ear kape/lt}k aelon kein nan ri-Ge1TllllTlJl ro im ri-Japan ro ejerakrOk in Majol. Test eo ear kii1fl1Jlane ak wiiwein iajoii/on an ri-Majol ear bok etal im ejerakrOk koke Majol in. 1m lukkuunjelii etal nan e in aikuj kwa/t}k tokOlik ak ilo ronjake ippiin /olJap ear kalak in e,juon bar kapellt}k bar mattan Lai1fjin, ear jerakrok i/o waan Japan lo, mallan /roin ear kapen eo an Japan lo bwe Lotap kor /rope/jt}k aelon kein nan jerakrok. Ear boktok Lotap im j(}k iturin Japan epaak Japan. elap an kii'JQ01l taibuun elap eba hongasora, ejaiiin 110 line en ak ejelii etan aer ba. Lok turin Japan rej loiiitok ippiin eba hongasora ak leo ippiin /omarro ekwajt}k reiton Iale flO a/c, jiin eii/ake iinbwin an 1fI1IIakiitkiit ejelii ke iturin Japan. Raar r(}t}l in tututak nan turin Nauru kob kajjitok ippiin ebar kapeJl(}k roro Lainjin ear kwaj(}k trip eo an mokta h}n aiboj limen Etao 148 iturin Nauru Imjokon im Kiribati imjokon. 1m iian Mejit, ej kapellokjuon roro in kiikJaJ an Mejit, ej bOo "ejur wor elanne entak wod /w elur lalufo bwe ato leit /wkon." Leit ippiin ri-Mejit ijqje roan kein ak mokto rej ba bwebwe. Ear kapell()k roro me ej pad ie, im ba iianjebwor im ba iianjibeer jitam. Ri-Germany rej ba ri-Mqjol remoro;; ejerakrok iloan ejjeJ()k compass im bok aJ 1m aolep /win. Nan rainin kim jeje iturin doon kiin bwijln kain roro in mejatoto roro In jeram roro In kiito roro in l()jet iilnwot kapeel/W an Litermelu, Lal'l/in kab Jeo jibbun leo nejin Lai'l/in, Lotap. Ewor juon Jallap in Rongelap bar makade ilo bwebwenato i/o l()jet. Ear moktataji/wne bwe en iten rup aelo;; kein kiin kapen, etan /aJiap eo jimaO Lokabol. Etanjowi in Ri-Namu. E1JI1IIQkiiI jelii ke eban kiirp1{llUle jerbal bolen e make jelii. Lainjln kab Jeo nejin kar pad ilo Lae iian rainin, Wotto kab Ujae. Moktata Kuwajlein.

Translation:

Lainjin is a real person. Lainjin's mother is Litarmelu. This is the story of these two people. There were two Yapese men who stayed in Namdik. After they adopted the woman the asked whether she wanted to learn how really sail, and to this day they only sail like this. Litarmelu' s adopted father asked her ifshe would be happy to learn their knowledge of the ocean in order to know the calm ocean for sailing from one island to the next. She answered her father that it would be good. The younger of the two brothers asked his daughter, who said, no, I should probably learn those ideas." After she learned their ways on the ocean, Litarmelu was happy to teach her son named Lainjin. And the story there that we heard was that Lainjin learned on the oceanside ofMadmad on Namdik at a certain rock. He went next to the rock and asked about the currents to the west and to the east and the surrounding currents, and then knew the answer to what was there. He probably began to know about the ocean and started therefore to sail and really asked questions about what is used at sea. There are four important waves that they follow. I know in the world waves to the west, east, north and south, and if they say that wave goes westward they call it buiito, if the wave goes eastward they say kaeleptak, the wave to the north they call buiitokean and the wave bufitokrok comes from the south. One time sailing at sea her son really knew how to sail. Before he was twelve years old he rode with two chiefs, Lirlaplap and Aito. As the story goes, they wanted to sail to Nauru, Kiribati, Ebon and others, Mile. As he chanted Lainjin jumped from the canoe and went swimming. He was less than twelve years old. He chanted a chant for fresh water called KOrlolok, fresh water in the ocean. This is really fresh water, not some kind of liquid but fresh water than falls from the sky. And the chief asked Litarmelu, the mother of Lainjin, because she would really tell what her son had said. The chiefs listened to what Litarmelu had to say about her son and asked what he said. He said, "You drink only at Korlolok, Etao 'sfresh water." But to prove it he grabbed a scoop, jumped over

149 with it and returned to the surface with fresh water. They say it is Etao's fresh water, the water of Kanalak. Litarmelu and her son were very real at one time, not like Etao, Jemaliwut, Jebro and Jiljil im Kooj, rather real people. Litarmelu's clan came from one clan we in the western atolls call Ri-Kuwajlein. People from the Ratak chain should also listen, the elders say Ri-Ut The clan Ri-Kuwajlein comes from a flower in the atolls they call utilomar. This flower is fragrant and only for the western atolls of the Ri-Kuwajlein clan. The story of the flower for the Ri-Kuwajlein clan is that it is only on Kuwajlein. One bird flew from the western atolls to Ane Boj on Kuwajlein. It only flew to Kuwajlein. And probably this bird ofKuwajlein made a clan and began the clan that is called Ri-Kuwajlein- not ri-Kuwajlein, not the inhabitants of Kuwajlein, but they say Ri-Kuwajlein, Ri-Toklein, Ri-Janlein, the Ri-Kuwajlein clan appears in the world. Now Lainjin had one son, but before his son was born, his mother became lost at sea, the same as wiwffet. Wiwffet happens with people sometimes regardless of their good sailing skills at sea, they will become lost. Wiwffet is the like getting lost, really lost, where you don't remember anything. Litermelu was so lost that her canoe flew to the sky and became lost. And one man saw something fall from the sky and he threw an anchor near Wotto, far to the west seas. They tried to explain wiwffet as either true or not true, but not the same as the airlines Continental or Air Marshall. She flew away on the ocean and became lost This is how we were told about Litarmelu getting lost and flying into the sky. Litarmelu disappeared until today and has not yet come back. But now Lainjin had a son named Lotap. Lotap began opening the atolls in the Marshalls for sailing. He did not use a compass or things that the Americans use for navigation. He simply used waves, choppy seas and feelings of the how the waves roll back and forth, and how they appear. And he sailed throughout the Marshallese atolls, from Mejit to Ujelang, without a compass, and he did not use a sextant like how the Americans take sights ofthe sun and stars and use a compass. And therefore the Marshallese sailed after they studied the ocean not really knowing, because the Americans really knew how to sail and navigate. Before the chiefs knew there were sailors who did not really know how to navigate. The story ofLainjin is very clear. He stayed on Lae, Rongelap, Rondik, Bikini, Kuwajlein and all the atolls of the Ri-Kuwajlein and Ri-Ut clans within the Railik chain. For an example, he came to Rongelap one time and didn't yet know the land and came to one man on Jebwar on Rongelap, and asked what was the name of this atoll. Next to his spear the man said, "only the name." Lainjin said, "it is clear that this atoll to the north is no good as all the friends have disappeared and the spears are probably for war." This Lainjin is a real person. And when he sailed he made his song-story. There has not been another song­ story in the Marshalls from Pohnpei eastward other than Lainjin. But we just tell it and try to understand it by really working together. And gain an understanding

150 from all the elders who know these things and put it together, and learn the chants from the beginning to the end of the song-story. Lotap, the son ofLainjin, opened sailing throughout the atolls from the Gennans and the Japanese. He took a test to show that MarshaIlese could sail with Marshallese navigation. Afterwards he needed to tell how he learned from the elders. Another person, a friend ofLainjin, also opened sailing by sailing on a Japanese vessel and partly using Japanese navigation. He took Latap and next to Japan with a near typhoon, he said hongasora, but he couldn't yet see land. Near Japan they asked him and he responded hongasora but he said to look at the wave and feel with the body the movement, and that is how you one knows where Japan is located. They returned to the east near Nauro and asked him again to open the chant that Lainjin made on his earlier trip about the Etao's fresh drinking water near Nauru, Kiribiti and other islands. And toward Mejit, he opened one chant and navigation sign for Mejit He said, "ejur wor elanne entaJe wod ko elur Ia/uio bwe alo leit kokon." The word leit means from earlier times tuna. He opened the chant for the place there. The Gennans told the MarshaIlese they could sail without the use of a compass or sextant. Today we work together to know many kinds of chants fur the weather, lightning, wind and ocean,just like the knowledge ofLitarmelu, Lainjin and her grandson, Lainjin's son, Latap. There is another elder from Rongelap who really knows stories of the ocean. He earlier opened the atolls through navigation. The name of this elder, my grandfather, is Lokabol ofthe Ri-Namu clan. His knowledge moved and will never be used again, probably only he knew. Lainjin and his son stayed on Lae, Wollo and Ujae, but first Kuwajlein.

Tobin (2002:115-125) recorded another version of the origin of navigation by

Jelibor Jam in 1975 entitled "The reason the Kapinmeto penple know navigation: Story of the beginning of the knowledge of navigation," and Alfred Episos (2004) contributed a written story entitled "How Marshallese began to know about navigating" to a recently published collection ofMarshaIlese narratives. lsao's version of the origin of navigation differs from these two accounts in that it blends the mythic origin of navigation

(Litarmelu) with historical events in the early 20th century (Lainjin and Lotap).

lsao starts the narrative with the phrase, "Lai1ifin ej lukkuun armel' (Lainjin is a real person). As McArthur (1995:93) notes, statements about lukuun bwebwenato (real

151 story) are qualifYing comments that reflect a desire to give historical credibility to a narrative rather than to establish a category of historical truth. The reason for telling stories is less about reporting history than in teaching wisdom from the past. The narrative Litarmelu /cab Lainjin encodes several motifs that represent salient aspects of

Marshallese culture. such as matrilineality, a man achieving heroic deeds after being granted cosmological power from a woman, and the origin of knowledge.

Lainjin'sjourney from Pohnpei to the Marshallese atolls contrasts with the epic models of Polynesian voyaging. Lainjin's voyage is an incredible journey in which he memorized kOkJaJ for specific atolls, islands and seas within an ikid, while oral legends from Polynesia point to long-distances voyages as journeys of migration. In the traditional Marshallese cosmology, islanders came into existence on their atolls through gods of creation rather than through voyages of migration (robin 2002). This explains why Litarmelu had to adopt navigation from visiting voyagers.

Litarmelu /cab Lainjin also describes historical events. According to Tobin's

(2002:373) biography of Kapinmeto navigator Jelibor Jam, officials in the German colonial administration placed Lotap, Jelibor's grandfather, inside a ship to test his knowledge of navigation. Isao similarly describes how Lotap "opened sailing" for the

Germans by taking and passing a navigation test. Isao later elaborated that the German colonial officials were so impressed with the stories of swell pattern navigation that they offered to lift the prohibition on the use of traditional navigation if Lotap could prove its effectiveness. To do so, he sailed with the Germans on one of their ships and remained below deck. They purposely sailed an erratic course to confuse Lotap. Each time they asked him where he was, however, he confidently pointed the direction toward land,

152 which the German navigators confirmed. Importantly, the consultants claim their genealogy and voyaging heritage in a direct line from Lotap and his father Lainjin to

Litarmelu, the mythical origin of navigation.

Summary

Auxiliary aides to navigation include a repertoire of astronomical, oceanographical and biological kOk/a/ (navigation signs or seamarks). According to the consultants, navigators use celestial kOk/a/ as guiding stars. The locations of asterisms and stars along the horizon serve as bearings toward specific atolls, but the Rongelapese consultants only identified such celestial kOk/aJ for the north-south voyage between

Rongelap and Kuwajileen. In contrast to Carolinian navigation, the consultants do not conceptualize a longer star path or a mental star compass. Observations oflocation­ specific waves, currents, reef formations and marine and bird life indicate the distance and direction toward land. Some of these navigation signs may be associated with spiritual beings called elrjab that benevolently guide a disorientated navigator toward land or malevolently lead a navigator astray. The consultants recall this information by chanting and singing elaborate ikid (song-stories) and by narrating bwebwenato (stories) and bwebwenato in etto (legends). Overall, navigators draw upon their repertoire of celestial, oceanographic and biological kOk/a/ only ifthe main method of navigation fails.

In the next chapter, I examine this technique of wave piloting.

153 CHAPTER' WAVE PILOTING

Marshallese navigation is based on the technique of detecting and following swell and current transfonnations in the vicinity of land, what Finney (1998) and Ascher (1995;

2002) describe as wave piloting. In this chapter, I provide ethnographic data to support their argument that Marshallese navigators pilot their canoes with reference to wave patterns. Following Ammarell (1999), I describe how know ledge of the oceanic environment is conceptualized, explained, represented, perceived and applied. I first describe the consultants' oceanic concepts of swell, wave and current patterns, i.e. their cognitive model of navigation. I then illustrate how the consultants physically represent their ideas in models. I next draw upon the comparative framework of oceanography to understand the indigenous concepts and representations from a scientific perspective. I then describe how Captain Korent perceives the wave patterns at sea and applies the concepts during a traditionally navigated voyage. Finally, I discuss and summarize contemporary navigation.

Concepts

The consultants' cognitive model of navigation involves three interrelated concepts of the ocean. These oceanic schemas are dilep, kiik/a/ and kiimeto, andjukoe, rubukoe andjeljeltae. In eliciting responses from the consultants to better understand their concepts, misunderstandings often resulted from their use of the terms flO (wave), aet (current) and iiOl (swell). The consultants used the terms flO and aet interchangeably,

154 while rarely using the tenn ;wI. The tenns uo and aet could therefore ambiguously mean deep ocean swell, smaller wind-driven waves and unseen underwater currents. Hand gestures became important to clarifY what the consultants referred to with the use of the terms uo and aet. For example, in describing how the east trade wind swell transfonns when approaching land, the consultants gestured how the swell reflects seaward while using the tenn for current (aet).

The primary concept within the consultants' cognitive model of navigation is the dilep. Literally meaning "backbone," the consultants envision the dilep as a particular sea condition that fonns between any two atolls or islands. According to the consultants, the navigator follows a path of wave patterns on a direct sailing course, or rumbline, between the home and destination atolls. The wave signature of this wave path differs from the otherwise nonna! sea state. Significantly, the dilep is specific to each sailing course between any two atolls regardless of distance. For example, a navigator sailing west from Majuro would soon detect several dilep connecting Majuro to surrounding atolls in direct lines, including Aur, Ma!oelap, Erikub, Likiep, Rongelap, Kuwajileen,

Jabwot, Ailinglaplap, Namorik, Ja!uit and Ebon (Figure 19). In addition, other dilep extend farther north to Eneen Kio (Wake Island), south to Kiribati and west to Japan.

155 ,,. ,.,. ,ro' "

o Uil.ur

""

" '---_...... I:''''llb=='l''''- ...... 16.~

Figure 19. Example of dJlep. Separate dJlep connect Majuro to surrounding atolls.

According to the consultants, the navigator's highest art is to maintain the canoe on the dilep. In contrast to other regions in Remote Oceania, the Marshallese navigator does not set course and maintain orientation with reference to a mental compass as defined by celestial or wind referents, nor does he keep on course and estimate position once out of sight land with any conceptual construct analogous to etak, the Carolinian moving reference island concept. Instead, the navigator sets an initial course based on the known geographical configuration ofthe atolls, and while still within sight of land, searches for the dilep. Once detected, the navigator finds his way toward the destination atoll by staying on this wave path. Navigators use other interrelated concepts (kOkJaJ, 156 kiimelo and ae/) to expand the range at which land can be detected in the event that the navigator strays from the dilep.

Captain Korent and Thomas Bokin, the two consultants most experienced in navigation, provided the clearest explanation to account for the formation of the dilep.

According to them, the dllep is the crossing of opposing or nearly opposing swell that form a continuum of nodes of intersection called boo} (1itera1ly, "knof') between two atolls. At regular intervals, the opposing swell heap up to form the boo} as the swell cross each other. As the swell intersect each other, they affect the motion ofthe canoe with equal force, such that the canoe rolls from side to side with equal strength. If the navigator strays from the dilep, the two opposing swells will still cross each other, but one swell will rock the canoe harder than the other swell. The navigator remains on the dilep by balancing the equal sideways rocking motion of the canoe.

Figure 20 illustrates the dilep. In a north-south sailing course, the navigator follows the dilep from a southern home atoll to a northern destination atoll. He envisions the east swell to be stronger eastward of the dilep and weaker westward ofthe dilep.

Similarly, the west swell is stronger westward of the dilep and weaker eastward of it. A navigator voyaging from a southern home atoll to a northern destination atoll on the dilep experiences a rocking motion from the east swell equal in force to the rocking motion from the west swell (canoe #1). If the navigator strays too far eastward of the dllep, the east swell will hit the canoe's keel harder than the west swell, resulting in a heavy rocking motion eastward (canoe #2). If, on the other hand, the navigator strays to far to the west of the dilep, the stronger west swell will hit the keel harder and unduly rock the canoe westward (canoe #3).

157 9dilcp

booj - booj...

#2

Figure 20. Dilep. In a north-south sailing course, the navigator follows the dilep by balancing the rocking motion of the east and west swell. If the navigator strays too far eastward from the dilep, the east swell will be stronger. Ifhe strays too far westward from the dilep, the west swell wiII be stronger.

Isao Eknilang and Willie Mwekto jointly offer an alternative explanation. They assert that the dilep is an extension of reflected swell emanating from the destination

atoll. This suggests an entirely different sensation of motion. Rather than rolling from

side to side, the canoe pitches forward each time it encounters a reflected swell.

Koklal and Kamelo

According to the consultants, the navigator can remotely sense land by detecting

kOklal (navigation signs or seamarks) and kamelo (reflected waves) in the event he strays

from the di/ep. As described in the previous chapter, kOkJal may be oceanographic and

biological phenomena near a particular atoll, reef or sea that have spiritual qualities

158 (ekjab). In contrast to these location-specific kOk/a/, other kOk/a/ are generalized wave patterns that form in particular locations around any atoll or island.

The consultants envision that six distinct kOk/a/ surround every atoll and island.

They extend seaward 20-25 nautical miles from an atoll or island in specific quadrants, forming continual lines of characteristic wave patterns. The relative strength ofthese radiating wave patterns indicate to the navigator the distance toward land. As each kOk/a/ around an atoll or island is a slightly different wave pattern, the kOk/a/ also indicate the direction toward land. The navigator must not only distinguish the kOk/a/ from the otherwise normal sea state, but he must discern the effect that each of the six distinct kOk/a/ has on the motion of the canoe and its visual patterning.

Extending seaward from an atoll or island, the kOk/a/ are located to the east (jur in olane), west (nit in kOt), northeast (kiiiij in rojep), southeast (kaaj in rojep), northwest

(we/a/a or nit in kOt eaii) and southeast (we/a/a or nit in kOt rok) (Figure 21). The kOk/a/ terminology reflects either the shape of the wave patterns or the effect the wave patterns have on the motion of the canoe (Table 19). Several kOk/a/ are distinctive curved shapes, includingjur in olane, which means "post of the breadfruit picker" and the northeast and southeast kiiiij in rOjep, which mean "fishing hook to catch flying fish." While these kOk/a/ are smaller curved waves, nit in kOt, which means "pit for fighting the birds named kOtkOt (ruddy turnstone)," is a larger pattern of confused seas. Thomas Bokin referred to the northwest and southwest kOk/a/ as nit in kOt eon (northern nit in kOt) and nit in kOt rok (southern nit in kOt), respectively. The other consultants, however, used the term we/a/a. This refers to how a weak elder person falls to the side if struck in the knee,

159 which reflects how this particular kOkJa/ simultaneously pitches the canoe forward and rolls it to its side.

k8iij in riijep nit in kilt eai\ '") rweJala nit in kilt m o ) jur in okrne

~wejala nit in kilt riik .J kUj in riijep

Figure 21. KiiklaJ surrounding an atoU.

KIIklol (navll!ation simi. seamark) MarshaJJese Enlillsh Location Jurlnokme I post of tile breadIi'uit picker east nit In /r01 I pit for fighting the birds named /r01/r01 (ruddv tumsIone) west kii4i In roleo fishing book to catch flying fiah northeast southeast we/ala how a weak elder oerson fa\\s to the side ifstruck In the knee n southwest nil In /r01 eon nil In /r01 to the north northwest nit In /r01 rok nil In /r01 to the south southwest

Table 19. Tenns of /rOkJaJ surrounding an atoll.

The consultants offered two explanations to account for the formation of the kOkJa/. According to Captain Korent and most of the consultants. the dominant incoming swell-the northeast trade wind swell (buiito) - passes by an atoll and curves to form an intersecting wave shadow. This forms nit in kOt. the northwest we/a/a (or nit in kOt eon). and the southwest we/a/a (or nit in kOt rok). In addition, the incoming swell interacts

160 with its reflected counter swell to produce a series of heaping up effects, which are jur in olane, the northeast kiiid in rojep, and the southeast kiiid in rojep (Figure 22).

kalij in rirep nit in kilt eai\ relata I IV ,Ir\ R\ V jur in okme nit in kot X ,s ~ l~ 1 .<> ;J ~ .. \ f\ ~" \ \ ~J ~ela!a nil in kot rllk ~i kalij in riijep

Figure 22. CaptaIn Korent's conceptuallzation oflriik/aJ SlDTOunding an atoO.

Specifically, the farthest extent of the reflected wave delineates the long curvejur in okme. Additional swell contribute to the fonnation ofthe two kiiid in rojep curved wave patterns. The northeast trade wind swell crosses the north swell to form a cross- hatch pattern, which is then heaped up by the reflected counter swell. This is the northern kiiid in rojep. Alternately, the northeast trade wind swell and the south swell produce a cross-hatch pattern. When heaped up with a reflected counter swel~ this is the southern

161 kIi4i in rojep. The canoe dramatically pitches forward at these kDkJa/, such that it accelerates down the wave in a surfing motion.

As the northeast trade wind swell passes by the atoll, its southern component now propagates northward, while its northern component propagates southward. The bent arms of this swell interact with the incoming west swell and its reflected counter swell to produce the northwest and southwest we/a/a. In the northwest and southwest quadrants of an atoll, the sailing canoe suddenly rolls to the side and pitches forward. According to the deceased Arento Lobo, the waves push (jotak bQran or "throw the head'') the bow of the canoe to the side (from west to east) and other waves push (jotokJokon or "throw away'') the stern of the canoe to the other side.

The southern and northern components of the northeast trade wind swell continue to propagate, intersecting in the wave shadow. The resulting confused sea state within the wave shadow is nit in kDt. Here the navigator feels the canoe rock sideways and pitch forward.

Captain Korent's explanation of nit in kDt created conceptual misunderstandings.

Through gestures and diagrams, Captain Korent showed how he envisioned the formation of nit in kDt. The northeast trade wind swell wraps around an atoll, such that its northern and southern components cross each other in the wave shadow. When Captain Korent identified this region at sea, however, he did not explain the north and south swell as transformed components of the east swell. Instead, he used the terms buntokeaii (north swell) and bumo/crok (south swell). Although Captain Korent conceptualizes how the east swell wraps around an atoll in the wave shadow, the terminology reflects the immediate direction the swell is emanating from. This difference between Captain

162 Korent's conceptualization and explanation of the transformed swell suggests that in practice the immediate direction ofthe swell in relation to the navigator is more important than its transformation through time.

Thomas Bokin, on the other hand, centers his explanation of the kOk/a/ on the intersection of wave shadow effects from multiple swell (Figure 23). He uses the metaphor of islands "covering swell" (penjak) to illustrate this. For example, the northeast kiiijj in rojep is the crossing of the northeast trade wind swell and the north swell, as the atoll covers, or blocks, the south swell and west swell. Farther out to sea, the wave shadows vanish and the sea state is once again characterized by the four main swell. The southeast kaaj in rojep, nit in kOt eon and nit in kOt rOk are similarly formed.

The farthest extent of the wave shadow effects to the east and west, in combination with the north and south swell, are JUT in okme and nit in kOt, respectively.

Kiimeto are related to kOk/a/. Litera1ly meaning "fly back toward the ocean," kiimeto are a reflected swell. While reflected swell may contribute to the formation of some kOk/a/ and may even extend far enough out to sea to form the dilep, kiimeto is the term for a reflected wave that singularly indicates the distance and direction toward land.

Similar to JUT in okme, kiimeto reflect seaward for 20-25 nautical miles. The distinctive heaping up effect from the kiimeto is called booj in line, or the "knot" of land. As the navigator sails toward an atoll from any direction, he feels a pitching motion forward and slight acceleration down the booj in line wave. The navigator can detect an atoll's kameto anywhere at sea; they do not lie in particular quadrants or locations. In effect, the extension of reflected swell create a circular boundary around any atoll or island.

163 bU11lok.Call

kaiij in rojep

nit in kot > jur in okme

kaaj in rojep

t buiitokrok

Figure 23 . Thomas Bokin's conceptualizati on of kok/a/ surrounding an atoll. Each of the four main swe ll s is blocked by an atoll to form a wave shadow in the opposite quadrant. For example, the east swell (bwilo) creates a wave shadow to the west of an atoll.

Jukae, Rubukae and Je/je/tae

A third concept of the sea involves three zones of currents (ael) calledjukae, rllbllkae andjelje/lae. These are three zones of distinctive wave patterns that indicate

relati ve distance toward land. Jukae, rllbllkae andjelje/lae mean "first zone of currents,"

"second zone of currents," and "third zone of currents," respectively. While dilep, k6k/a/ and kamela are wave patterns that result from the transformations of swell ,jukae, rubllkae andjeljellae are cu rrent-induced wave patterns. The consultants envision that these current streams form regions of choppy waves in an otherwise normal sea state

irrespective of tidal movements and equatori al current streams. By detecting how the

164 zones of currents influence the motion of the canoe and keeping track of their sequential ordering, the navigator can estimate distance toward land.

The consultants offer two explanations to account for the formation ofjulaJe, rubulaJe and jeljeltae (Figure 24). Captain Korent, Thomas Bokin and Mejon River envision three zones of currents between any two atolls or islands. Upon leaving an atoll, the navigator comes across julaJe 10-15 nautical miles near the home atoll, rubuIaJe halfWay between the two atolls, andjeljeltae 10-15 nautical miles near the destination atoll. The sequence of the terms reflects the voyage. On a return voyage, the navigator identifies the same current patterns as firstjulaJe, then rubulaJe and finally jeljeltae.

From this conceptualization of the currents,julaJe, rubuIaJe andjeljeltae serve as markers along the dilep to gauge distance traveled. On the other hand, lsao Eknilang, Willie

Mwekto and Alton Albious envision jukae, rubulaJe and jeljeltae encircling each atoll or island, with julaJe 10 nautical miles offshore, rubulaJe 15 nautical miles offshore and jeljeltae 20 nautical miles offshore. In this case, they reinforce the kOk/a/ and kiimeto in extending the range at which land can be detected, but they also indicate distance traveled during the very beginning of a voyage.

165 o

.--.-rubukae

Figure 24. Alternate conceptuallzatlons of]ukae, rubulare andjeljeltm!. The thn:e zones of curren1S may extend between any two atolls (left) or encircle each atoll (right).

Models

The consultants represent their multi schematic cognitive model of navigation through models Uemiin tie) made by weaving and lashing pandanus roots or the midribs of coconut palms into a 1atticework. The consultants learned in their youth the explicit swell concepts modeled by these curved designs, commonly referred to as "stick charts."

At his home on Majuro, Isao Eknilang wove and lashed small pandanus roots to make two models called nifieaii kah rokeaii (Figure 25) and wapepe (Figure 26). Thomas

Bokin made a different latticework at his home on Ujae called meta by placing coconut

palm midribs through a woven pandanus mat and setting coral pebbles inside this design

(Figure 27). The models each represent two perspectives - swell and current

166 transfonnations in the vicinity of one atoll and the oceanic conditions a navigator experiences between two atolls.

Figure 25. Niiieaii leab rokeaii.

167 Figure 26. Wapepe.

Figure 27. Mew.

168 Nilieaii /uzb Ril1teqtl

Navigators traditionally used the niiieaii /cab rokeaii ("northward and southward") to teach novices on Rongelap how to guide their canoes southward to Kuwajileen and

back. The nifieaii /cab rokeaii can be interpreted in two ways. From the first pelSpective, the center ofthe 1atticework represents an atoll (Figure 28). As the east swell (bufito) and west swell (koeleptak) approach the atoll, they form six surrounding kOkJaj; however,

only a few kOkJa/ are represented by the latticework. Aside fromjur in olane and nit in

kOt, the instructor must indicate the location ofthe remaining kOkJa/. Isao indicated the

location ofthe northeast and southeast pair of kiiqj in rojep, but not that of the northwest

and southwest pair ofwe/a/a.

nit in kBt

Figure 28. Wave patterns surrounding one aton in the niiieaii koh riHwaii.

169 From a second perspective, the intersection of several pandanus roots at the extrerne boundaries of the latticework represents northern and southern atoUs (Figure 29).

The straight vertical line models dilep andjukae, ruhukae andjeljeltae. The three zones of currents are represented as singular points, extending outward from each atoU. The diagonal lines indicate an additional wave pattern called lutok/9kkan. which literally means ''pouring out, away from you." An unobservant navigator inadvertently foUows the lutok/9kkan waves and continues past the atoU.

Figure 29. Wave patterns between aloUs in the nliieaii koh rOkBaii.

170 Wqpepe

The wapepe is similar to the nifieaii kob rokeaii in that it models how an atoll disrupts the patterning of swell and currents and the sailing conditions between atolls. but it includes swell from the four cardinal directions. Similar to the nifieaii kob rokeaii, the center of the latticework of the wapepe represents an atoll from one perspective (Figure 30). The curving pandanus roots indicate swell approaching from the east (buiito). west (kaeleplak). north (buiitokeaii) and south (buiitokriik). These form the

/WkJa/. although only jur in okme is physically represented. The instructor must indicate the location of the remaining /WkJa/. Isao indicated nil in /WI and the northeast and southeast pair of kiiiij in rojep. but not the northwest and southwest pair ofweJaJa.

nitin~~

Figure 30. Wave patterns surrounding an atoll in the wapepe.

171 The sides of the wapepe can also represent atolls from a second perspective, such that the latticework shows the oceanic conditions a navigator experiences between eastern and western atolls and between northern and southern atolls (Figure 31). The vertical and horizontal lines indicate the dilep, while singular points in each represent the three zones of currentsjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae near each atoll. The di/ep are flanked by angled lines, which represent lutok/f)/ckan. The portion of each curve that extends beyond the lutok/f)/ckan represents an additional wave pattern indicative of becoming lost.

This is re/9k (also called kone/f)k), which literally means "plunge into the sea. "

Figure 31. Wave patterns between atoUs in the wopepe.

172 The meto, literally meaning "sea," "ocean" and "navigation," is similarly

interpreted in two ways. From the first perspective, the meta shows how the four main swell approach an atoll, which is represented by a coral pebble at the center of the woven midribs of coconut palms (Figure 32). Each of the kiikJaJ are represented in the meta as the intersection of various swell. For example, the intersection of the east swell (buiito) and north swell (buiilokeanl form the northeast curved wave pattern kiiiii in yojep. The meto further shows wave shadow effects in the formation ofthe wave patterns (Figure

33). The northeast kiiiij in YOjep, for example, only forms from the east swell and north swell, as the south swell and north swell are blocked, forming wave shadows that extend toward the kiiiii in yojep. Similar processes account for the southeast kiiiii in rojep, nit in kiit eaii, and nit in kiit yok. The farthest extent of the east swell's wave shadow is nit in kiit, which is delineated in the meta by the crossing of the north and south swell.

Likewise, the farthest extent of the west swell's wave shadow isjur in okme, which is delineated in the meta by the crossing of the north and south swell.

173 6':-/1;' nit in k6t .::e~an!!f.;;;-_ __~ k::·a:.:ii~j in rojep "~l'o~ rO' nit in k6t ~ jur in okme i,(-. L. . I ~~ ~~~ __~ .J~~~ 'Vv~\.\) nit in kat rok kaiij in rojep

Figure 32. Wave patterns surrounding an atoll in the meto.

blllltl.lkcan

hlliitokrok

Figure 33. Wave shadow effects in the formation of k6k/a/ surrounding an atoll in the melO. 174 The meto also shows the sailing conditions between eastern and western atolls and between northern and southern atolls (Figure 34). The coral pebbles form an imaginary line between these pairs of atolls, referred to as dileplep ("backbone'') or olear ("root").

The exact placement of the coral pebbles also indicates the three zones of currents.

Depending on the direction of the voyage, they representjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae.

~ O:;dileplep.... -+-+~=-$-.,..E-i /

Figure 34. Wave patterns between four atolls in the meto.

Overall, the nifieaii kab rokeaii, wapepe and meto illustrate most of they indigenous concepts. They show the dilep, jukae, rubukae and jeljeltae, and a few

175 kOk/a/. Of the kOk/al, the niiieaii /cab rokean and wapepe only physically portray jur in okme and nit in kOt; the pairs of kOiij in roep and we/a/a are not included. This suggests that some kOk/a/ are less important than others in the navigation system. In fact, the consultants describe how the tenn we/ala originated from Captain Korent's grandfather.

In addition, none of the models physically represent the kiimeto. This could mean the kiimeto is not central to the system of navigation or that the concept of reflected waves is easy to understand and therefore does not need to be modeled.

In addition to modeling the location ofthe swell and current patterns in relation to land, the niiieaii /cab rokean, wapepe and meto partially model the formation of the swell and current patterns. The angled lines of nit in kOt show that the east swell moving north of the atoll has turned southward, while the east swell moving south of the atoll has turned northward. The angled lines ofjur in okme show how the east swell reflects at a certain angle to the atoll. The vertical lines in the niiieaii /cab rokeaii and the curves in the wapepe show how the crossing of opposing swell form the dilep. The selective modeling of wave formations might reflect the importance in understanding why a certain wave pattero forms. For example, the navigator can detectjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae without requiring knowledge oftheir formation, while the navigator may need to know how nit in kOt forms in order to detect it.

Nayigation Training Reef

A naturaIIy-occurring coral reef between two islets on Rongelap models the swell and current concepts (Figure 35). This reef, simply referred to as dekii (coral rock), traditionally served as the focus for a regional navigation training center. The training

176 reef models how ocean swell transform as they approach and encounter an atoll. Low tide exposes a circular section of reef between two islets. This represents the destination atoll. Small waves approach the reef from the ocean and the lagoon in opposite directions, which represent deep ocean swell from the east and west, respectively.

Traditionally, a navigator blindfolded his apprentice, placed him on a small outrigger canoe and positioned the canoe at various locations around the exposed reef. The astute apprentice could discern the direction of the circular reef from the canoe' s motion in response to the surrounding koklo/. In addition, the crossing of the east and west waves in the shallow water between the exposed reef and the main islet form a dilep.

Figure 35. Navigation training reef (delm1 on Rongelap. Low tide exposes a circular reef(middle of image) between two islets, which encounters breaking waves from the ocean to the east (right) and lagoon to the west (left). The reef disrupts the flow of these waves, which models how an atoll disrupts the flow of swell and currents.

On shore facing the reef, Captain Korent pointed out the formation of the curved wave pattern kiiiij in rojep and the dilep. Looking toward the exposed reef in Figure 35, the dilep is the crossing of the east and west waves in shallow water. Closer to the reef, the east and west waves are more angled to each other, forming the cross-hatch condition kiiiij in rojep.

177 The training reef presents an interesting case in exploring how indigenous concepts are modeled and explained. The shallow water wave transfonnations surrounding the exposed coral reef only model the oceanic conditions of the dilep and kOk/a/. According to the consultants, feeling the reefs wave patterns may be the only practical experience an apprentice gains before taking his navigation test at sea. This suggests that in order to detect these wave patterns in practice, the apprentice must first gain an understanding of their fonnation and receive embodied knowledge of their motion. During a navigation test, the apprentice must be able to detect other wave and current patterns, such as kiimelo andjukoe, rubukoe andjeljellae, based on verbalized knowledge rather than embodied knowledge.

An Oceanographic Explanation

Oceanography serves as the comparative framework to understand the physical basis of the indigenous oceanic concepts and models from a scientific perspective. Overall, an oceanographic explanation articulates strongly with only one component (nil in kOl) of one navigational concept (kOk/a/).

The application of a global wave climatology model (ECMWF 2007) to the RMI shows that this region of Oceania is characterized by a dominant easterly trade wind swell for the entire year (Figure 36). This supports the indigenous conceptualization that the dominant east trade wind swell (buiito) is relatively constant throughout the year.

However, the indigenous conceptualization that swell and currents flow consistently from each of the four cardinal directions does not make sense oceanographically. The global wave climatology model shows that the swell direction follows the seasonal shift in the

178 trade winds, approaching the Marshallese atolls from the northeast (50') between

November-April, from the east (90') between May-June and from the southeast (120')

between July-September. The swell then shifts back to the east in October and finally to the northeast in November to repeat the cycle again. Swell from the southwest (220' -

250') sporadically complement the dominant trade wind swell between August-

November, but it does not contribute substantially to the overall wave field. Similarly,

the current streams do not constantly flow to each of the four cardinal directions. Instead,

they flow only to the east (north equatorial counter current) or the west (north equatorial

current) with seasonal fluctuations .

'0'

• ", .' . --I May-June, October '\.~ 150· . '., '".... Augu st-Novem ~ •.• q 2.... .

Figure 36. Swell climatology in the RMl. The easterly trade wind swell dominates the wave field, shifting seasonally between 50'-120', while swell from the southwest sporadically contribute to the wave field.

The differences between the indigenous swell concepts and the global wave

climatology model may reflect differences in terminology. The swell terms indicate

directions ambiguously. For example, a swell coming from the northeast could equally

be called builto (east swell) or buiilokeaii (north swell). Tn contrast, the global wave 179 climatology model shows that the east swell continually shifts between northeast and southeast. With such a temporal pelspective from oceanography, the swell is an "east swell" rather than a "north swell."

Wave data collected through a series of wave buoy deployments (see Figure 14) offers real time data in comparison to the global wave climatology model. The wave spectra for each deployment indicate the wave energy, wave direction and wave period.

The center of the wave spectra images represents the buoy. The direction of waves and swell encountering the buoy are indicated by compass points. The wave height in meters is color coded. Red indicates high wave heights and blue indicates a calm sea state. The distance from the center indicates the wave period in seconds.

The wave data collected at off-shore locations surrounding Majuro, Arno and Aur indicate the presence of swell from several directions, usually forming a bi-modal, or cross-hatch, sea state. Comparing the wave data along each transect from off-shore to near-shore deployments, and from transect to transect around the study site, the transformation of swell can be seen. The clearest evidence of swell transformed through refraction and diffraction comes from a comparison between deployments 18 (Figure 37) and 22 (Figure 38). Figure 37 shows the normal wave field southwest of Arno as a cross­ hatch sea condition, with swell from the southeast and east. Figure 38 shows that as the swell continue to flow westward past Arno and then Majuro, the southeast swell changes direction, such that it flows from the south, and the east swell changes direction, such that it flows from the northeast.

180 N 4

N~

3

Wio i7 '4 ,., i Wave period (s) 2

sw

Wave height (m)

Figure 37. Wave spectrum for buoy deployment IS. This is a normal sea state 25 miles southeast of Arno, with an unobstructed 10 second east trade wind swell (dark red) and an unobstructed strong 10 second southeast swell (dark red). The spectrum shows wave direction, wave height (meters) and wave period (seconds).

3

E 2

Wave height em)

Figure 3S. Wave spectrum for buoy deployment 22. This is 5 miles west of Majuro. Compared to Figure 37, the spectrum shows the northeast trade wind swell has curved so that it is now coming from the north (dark red) and the strong southeast swell has curved so that it is now coming from the south (dark red), such that the t\vo swell components intersect in the wave shadow. 181 Swell reflection is evident in only one wave spectrum. 5 miles southwest of

Arno, wave buoy deployment 21 shows a cross-hatch sea state, with swell from the south and southeast, and a weak northwest swell. As land lies to the northeast of the buoy, the weak signal most likely is from a swell reflected from land.

The satellite imagery clearly show swell refraction and diffraction in the wave shadow of atolls. A satellite image of the small coral island Mejit most clearly shows wave diffraction-refraction in the wave shadow. This satellite image ofMejit (Figure

39), which is illustrated for clarity (Figure 40), shows how an east swell transforms in the wave shadow through diffraction and refraction, such that the southern component of the east swell changes direction so that it is flowing to the northwest, while the northern component shifts so that it is flowing to the southwest. Satellite imagery does not, however, reveal swell reflection .

Figure 39. ASTER satellite image of Mejit. Photo courtesy of the RMI EPA .

182 Figure 40. Illustration of satellite image of Mejit.

The SWAN wave model shows that as a IO-second swell approaches Mejit island

from the east, it transforms through refraction. The model shows that swell do not refract

far out to sea due to the steep bathymetry of the Marshallese atolls and islands. Instead,

the swell spread laterally as they pass close by an atoll or island to fill in the calm wave

shadow through near-shore refraction. The overall diminished wave energy in the wave

shadow quickly resumes a normal sea state (Figure 41 ), while the individual swell

components continue to propagate northward and southward, creating a significant wake effect where they intersect each other (Figure 42).

183 Figure 41. SWAN wave model ofMejit showing overall wave energy.

1.5

..------~~---~~~ ------­

------~-----.------&_------~----­------_------~----- ...... •••••••••••••••••••••••.••.••••••••- ••• • -.--~------•••••••••••••• -.-.-.- ",."".,"""")"»•• - •• - -.--•• -----»>.,),, ... ~~~~~.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~,,~,'" ~~~ ...... , ~.~~~~~ ~ ~~~~~~",~~,~"""""~""",,,,~",,~~

"~,~"~,~~""~",;,~~""""",,~,,,,,,,~,, ~,~~~~ ~, ,,----­ "- " """, -" """"" " " "~"""""",,,,,-,------­ 0.5 """""'7"""""7'7'7'77'7~""",-,-"-,-"""""",~""""~"",,,,,------______~ ______------""",-,-,------,---"-- ,------,, , --"--7"""-,,----,~-,---,------,-;---,-----,--,----,--,--,------,-",-~------,------,,------,------.-.-.. ---,--~-, -,,-,-,-,-,---,------~--

-,------,---"~,--,,,---~,---~------,--.--,------.-,------~------~------o ..•..•.••...••...•...... ------,-~~------...... o 0.5 1.5 2 x10• meters

Figure 42. SWAN wave model ofMejit showing propagation of individual swell components.

184 The oceanographic data clearly explain the physical basis of the navigation sign nit in !Wt. The wave spectra data, satellite imagery and refraction-diffraction model articulate well with the indigenous concept of nit in !Wt as a wave shadow effect. Both

perspectives suggest that the east trade wind swell curves as it passes by an atol~ such that in the wave shadow the northern swell component curves southward and the southern

swell component curves northward. The transfonned swell components intersect with each other, as well as with the west swell and its reflected wave, to fonn a confused sea state that extends 20-25 nautical miles seaward in the wave shadow. This provides an excellent example ofthe similarities between indigenous and scientific knowledge

(Agrawal 1995).

The terminology to describe nit in !Wt, however, reveals differences between

indigenous and oceanographic concepts. The swell terms may focus on the immediate sea conditions rather than tracing their transfonnations through time. By demonstrating

at sea with hand gestures, Captain Korent named the southern and northern components of nit in !Wt west of Majuro as buiitokrOk (south swell) and buiitokeaii (north swell), respectively, even though he conceptualizes these components as transfonnations of the

east swell. Without considering the history of how the swell have been transfonned,

Captain Korent refers to them as "north swell" and "south swell." Oceanographically, however, these swell are diffiacted and refracted transfonnations of the east swell.

The physical basis of the dilep remains unclear. It remains uncertain why the crossing of opposing swells would result in a particular wave path between two atolls.

The wave spectra, satellite imagery and refraction-diffraction model support the transfonnation of swell, but only in the wave shadow. This does not account for the

185 transformation of swell far out to sea in other directions. Further, the wave spectra from buoy deployments on the dilep do not show the presence of opposing swell. During the wave buoy deployments between Majuro and Aur, for example, Captain Korent asserted that he felt a north-south dilep. I clearly felt the sideways roll from the dominant northeast trade wind swell, but could not detect an opposing west swell. The wave spectra showed the same results. In addition, wave spectra from buoy deployments placed off to the side of the dilep are the same as spectra from deployments on the dilep.

Aside from nit in kOt, the physical basis of the remaining kOk/a/ (jUT in olane, kiiiij in rojep and welala) cannot be fully explained. The indigenous concepts of these kOk/a/ centers on cross-hatch sea conditions and reflected waves. The wave spectra clearly show bi-modal sea states, but signals for wave reflection are more ambiguous. Many times at sea Captain Korent demonstrated how reflected waves contributed to the heaping up effect of the kOk/a/ and how kiimeto jolted the regular motion of the vessel through the water. From an oceanographic perspective, however, much of the wave energy most likely dissipates on the coral reef rather than reversing direction. Indeed, nearly all the wave spectra indicate that the wave buoy could not detect reflected swell.

The physical oceanographic basis ofjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae remain unclear.

I could not personally detect the subtle change in motion of the vessel in response to the current streams. Further, the SWAN wave model cannot incorporate the effects of currents on swell transformations and the wave buoy is not designed to measure currents.

The differences between indigenous and oceanographic knowledge may reflect a combination of conceptual differences, the inadequacies of my sensory perceptions, instrument sensitivity, and the loss of knowledge. There may be a fundamental

186 difference in how indigenous navigators and oceanographers understand wave and current transfonnations. Such a discrepancy is exemplified by the dilep. In this case, indigenous knowledge of the ocean can potentially infonn the ideas and methods of modem oceanography, particularly theories of shallow water wave transfonnations. The oceanographic explanation may also be misinfonned by my inability to detect the wave patterns at sea. In addition, the wave buoy might not be able to detect some wave patterns. It is possible that certain wave patterns have a distinctive effect on the motion of the vessel, which is different from that of the wave buoy. This would explain the lack of a signal for reflected swell in the wave spectra. Finally, it is possible that the consultants are not entirely certain about their concepts of the ocean. Only Captain

Korent had the opportunity to apply his knowledge at sea. Without the experience of detecting and using these wave patterns, Captain Korent and the consultants rely on their memory alone. This knowledge could have changed throughout their lifetimes to solidity in their memory an incorrect concept. In addition, the incomplete transmission of knowledge from their elders could have contributed to the development of inaccurate concepts. Despite the differences between indigenous and oceanographic knowledge,

Captain Korent perceived and used the swell and current patterns at sea.

Sensory Perceptions

Navigators traditionally developed finely-tuned sensory perceptions of the ocean through years of experience. According to the consultants, this perception of the ocean rests primarily on the navigator's sense of balance. The canoe serves as an instrument to indirectly assess the motion of the ocean surface. The navigator experiences subtle canoe

187 motions in response to the salient swell, wave and current patterns. During the day, the navigator also watches the flow ofwaves.

The consultants minimally verbalize the canoe movements and their sense of balance. Captain Korent observed and demonstrated the motion of swell through hand gestures, but he did not describe their characteristics and only rarely used explicit terminology. The term e;galre means "feel, experience and sense," but the Marshallese language has encoded only a few terms of sensory perceptions that describe canoe motion and balance (Table 20). Most often, Captain Korent simply remarked "ijo" (there) while pointing to a swell or "kiio" (now) when experiencing the swell through the motion the vessel.

Table 20. SensaI)' perception terms of canoe motions (eiijake).

The stationary wave buoy deployments offered me some experience in perceiving the motion of the vessel in response to the flow ofthe ocean. However, it was extremely difficult for me to detect the wave patterns while not moving through the water.

Experiencing the vessel's movements was easier for me during practical navigation, as I

188 became accustomed to the continual rhythms of the yacht and could detect subtle changes in its motion.

One series of wave buoy deployments southwest of Arno served as a short navigational exercise. As Captain Korent slept, the vessel traveled 25 nautical miles off.. shore. Neither the crew nor I previously told Captain Korent our intended direction or distance of travel. Upon waking, he could not detect any salient wave patterns, but began to direct the vessel toward the general direction of Arno. 20 nautical miles away from

Arno, still out of sight of land, Captain Korent detected the southeast kQifj in rojep. He explained and demonstrated through hand gestures the motion of the vessel in response to this wave pattern, which the entire crew and I felt and saw. Specifically, a cross-hatch pattern from the intersection of the south swell and west swell heaped up slightly.

According to Captain Korent, this was due to the influence of a reflected swell. The wave pattern forced the vessel into a slight surfing motion (likur) down the middle of a curved wave. Captain Korent followed a succession of these kiiiij in rojep, which formed every few minutes, until we sighted land 10 nautical miles oftShore.

Navigation in Practiee

Captain Korent sailed between two atolls separated by 120 nautical miles using indigenous navigation. Although he preferred to sail an outrigger sailing canoe, WAM was repairing the only voyaging canoe. We thus enlisted the help of the yachting community as an alternative. Any differences in motion between a yacht and an outrigger sailing canoe did not matter to Captain Korent, as he had previously detected the salient wave patterns in both outrigger canoes and large inter-island government

189 transport ships. During September 2-7,2007, a year after the inception of Kapee/ in

Meta, Captain Korent guided the yacht Mali between Kuwajileen and Ujae (Figure 43).

Figure 44 shows the GPS tracks of the two-way voyage.

Figure 43. Captain Korent guiding Mali.

". ,,, ' ,,,' ".

- Kwajileen to Ujae -- Ujae to Kwajilecn

00' ,(

.:...._ '''' ' _ _ '''''-____~ !AI-ical ..11ef; ,,,' " "

Figure 44. GPS tracks for voyages between Kuwajiieen and Ujae. 190 Figure 45 shows Captain Korent's strategy to use the swell and current patterns between Kuwajileen and Ujae. He planned to sail on the dilep from the south pass of

Kuwajileen toward Ujae. The transitions through the current streamsjuluze, rubukae and jeljellae would help gauge the distance traveled from Kuwajileen. They would also indicate the distance toward Lae, a small atoll located on the dilep toward Ujae. A screen of wave patterns surrounding Ujae and Lae would provide additional means to detect land if Captain Korent veered from the dilep. This would include each atoll's windward laik/a/ (jUT in okme and kiiiij in rojep), Lae's leeward laikja/ (nit in lail and we/a/a) and each atoll's surrounding kiimelo. In addition,jeran laimaan, or a flock of dolphins, is a laikjal that lives in the sea between Ujae and Lae. Staying on the dilep, however, would run the risk of coming too close to Lae at night. Captain Korent therefore intended to head slightly north ofLae. Upon sighting Lae or feeling its disrupted wave patterns, he planned to head toward the southern tip of Ujae, as the only channel to the enter the lagoon is located along the western islets.

Figure 46 shows the satellite track ofthe outward voyage. The weather and sea conditions were not favorable for the duration of the voyage. After we departed in the late afternoon of September 2, 2006, strong 20 knot winds from the west drove 5-6 foot swell against us. Heavy rain accompanied the wind and the sky remained overcast the entire duration of the voyage. Celestial referents were not visible and the westerly wind­ driven swell masked the more subtle wave conditions. Captain Korent gauged our progress by several land sightings. At night we saw a light to starboard and at dawn we saw the tops of a few coconut palm trees to starboard, both of which Captain Korent

191 correctly identified as islets on Kuwajileen. Knowing that we were otT the dilep from our proximity to Kuwajileen, Captain Korent then intensively searched for the windward kok/a{ of Lae and Ujae. He thought he could perceive the southeastern kiiiij in rojep to starboard during the next evening. This would have indicated we had missed Lae and were to the southeast of Ujae. He was about to change direction to the northeast when we spotted trees on the horizon to port, only visible on the crest ofa swell. Upon sailing closer, Captain Korent correctly identified this as Lae, and then altered course toward

Ujae. We spotted land earl y in the morning of September 4, 2006, just as a school of dolphins (jeran kommaan) swam near us. In summary, Captain Korent completed the voyage by sailing 200 nautical miles in 48 hours without confidently identifying any salient swell or current patterns and without sighting any stars.

u' ,,,,' u'

~ k33j in rojcp ~ ') :! ~ kii i'ij in rojep f! ,,' " '-, ') • I . jur in okmc dilep

,,, ' 17Ii' " "

Figure 45 . Captain Korent's sail ing strategy from Kuwajileen to Ujae.

192 u ' ,,,' ,,,'

, ,. ro'

o, . land sighling jcran kommnn

"

Figure 46. GPS track of outward voyage from Kuwajileen to Ujae. September 2-4, 2006.

The impetus for Captain Korent to sail to Ujae was to meet Thomas Bokin. Once there, the two navigators discussed the voyage and Captain Korent questioned Thomas' conceptualizations of the swell and current patterns. In doing so, Captain Korent revised

part of his navigation model and return sailing strategy to Kuwajileen (Figure 47).

Specifically, Thomas introduced how wave shadow effects contribute to the formation of kOk/a(. He also confirmed that the dilep between Ujae and Kuwajileen is a path formed

by the crossing of the north and south swell. He also clarified an earlier conceptualization of the three zones of currents held by Captain Korent - jukae, rubukae andjeljeltae exist between any two pairs of atolls or islands. As a result, Captain Korent revised his concept ofjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae. He still maintained that kOk/a/ develop from the influence of reflected waves, but he integrated the general notion of 193 wave shadows into his repertoire of sea conditions that can indicate the presence of land.

For example, the swell driven by the prevailing westerly wind would create a wind shadow to the east ofUjae. A diminished north swell would similarly indicate that we were south ofKuwajileen, while the presence ofa strong easterly swell would indicate that we had sailed too far south. Similar to the first voyage, Captain Korent intended to sail slightly north ofLae and then resume the course toward Kuwajileen on the dilep.

,,,'

,,' ,,'

" "

Figure 47. Captain Korcnt's sailing strategy from Ujae to Kuwajileen.

Figure 48 shows the satellite track of the return voyage. As we departed Ujae on

September 6, 2006, the weather and sea conditions were favorable. For the duration of the return voyage, the sky remained mostly overcast with only a few visible stars, and the

194 westerly winds remained behind us for an enjoyable downwind sail. Captain Korent

immediately sensed the diminished energy of the west swell in the lee ofUjae. Later, he detected a weak west swell again, as well as the presence of north and south swell. A succession of choppy sea states signifiedjllkae and rllbllkae. While sleeping below deck,

Captain Korent felt a diminished south swell, which indicated to him that we were north of Lae. We confirmed this moments later at dawn by visually sighting land to starboard.

In the late morning, Captain Korent felt the south swell return, as well as a IWmelO from

Kuwajileen. At this point, he had not yet detected an east swell, which meant we had not ventured too far south. Near dusk, he felt another kamela from Kuwajileen and the southwestern we/a/a of Kuwaj ileen, a distinctive curved wave that formed from the

intersection of the south and west swell. Unfortunately, following the we/a/a toward

land risked jibing the sails, so we continued on our present course. We sighted the lights of Kuwajileen's southern channel in the early morning of September 7, 2006. In sum,

Captain Korent completed the voyage by sailing 160 nautical miles in 35 hours by detecting wave shadow effects, reflected swell, zones of currents and a IWk{a{.

195 ,,' lOS ' ,,,' ,,'

Idimcto kameto . I jeljeJtae

""-_.l!l"_~l1l _____-", j(J ,.. IIlInI''''l& , ' ,,,' " .. "

Figure 48. GPS track of return voyage from Ujae to Kuwajiieen. September 6-7, 2006.

There are several important differences between Captain Korent's sailing strategies and actual voyages. During the outward voyage, he could not detect any of the salient swell or current patterns. In fact, he altered course several times only upon sighting land. The return voyage more closely resembles Captain Korent' s sailing strategy. He initi all y gauged Mali 's progress by the wave shadows cast by the dominant west swell against Ujae and later by the south swell against Lac. Although unequal in their place ment,jukae, rubukae and j eljeltae also helped Captain Korent gauge relative distance. Two kiimelO indicated to him that Kuwajileen was off our port bow. The sli ght acceleration down the curved wave we/a/a confirmed that Ku wajileen remained off our

196 port bow. The absence of an east swell indicated that we remained in the wave shadow ofKuwajileen and had not yet passed the southern tip of the atoll.

A comparison between the satellite tracks for the outward and return voyage (see

Figure 44) shows that the return voyage was much more direct. This largely reflects the favorable weather and sea conditions and Captain Korent's ability to interpret the sea surface. His ability to detect the patterns during the outward voyage. however. was severely hampered due to the strong wind-driven swell from the west, which dominated the sea state and masked the more subtle patterns.

Captain Korent had particular difficulty in perceiving the dilep. the main concept of the navigation model. He intended to balance the rocking motion of the yacht in relation to the north and south swells in order to stay on the east-west dilep. Yet even during the favorable conditions during the return voyage. Captain Korent could not detect a north swell. He therefore maintained course by steering the yacht at an angle relative to the south and west swells - a method inconsistent with his conceptualization of dilep.

During the return voyage. I could see and feel the wind-driven west swell and a smaller south swell. Upon entering the lee of Ujae. the calmer motion of the yacht clearly indicated that we were in a wave shadow. I could not detect a similar wave shadow north ofLae. The three zones of currents also remained imperceptible to me. I was. however. able to detect one kiimelo and the we/ala. Near the western shores of the islets of Ujae. another crew member and I felt the reflected wave of the westerly wind­ driven swell. Sailing parallel to shore about a half mile from land, we felt a slight rocking motion to port (toward land). particularly when steering with the tiller. While I did not detect the kamelo reflected from Kuwajileen. I clearly felt its southwest welala.

197 The crossing of the west and south swell became more pronounced than earlier, creating a wave that heaped up slightly, from which Mali accelerated downward. The near­ surfing motion of we/ala was very similar to my sensory perceptions of a kiiiij in rojep during the wave buoy deployments.

Captain Korent's practical navigational experience suggests that perceiving the subtle wave patterns is critically important, but not completely necessary, in order to navigate. Captain Korent's ability to detect the wave patterns became manifest in the erratic course of the outward voyage, in which he could not positively identity any wave pattern. In contrast, he detected several wave patteros during the direct return voyage, which resulted in a more direct sailing course. This could suggest, contrary to the indigenous conceptualizations ofthe sea, that the disrupted wave and current patterns are not always present. Alternatively, it could mean that the wave and current patterns are present but difficult to perceive in practice. For instance, the storm-driven swell from the west could have altered the formation of the important swell and current patterns, or it could have masked the swell and current patterns, rendering them undetectable. In addition, the voyage suggests that a full understanding of the physical basis of the wave and current patteros is not essential to navigate. For example, despite the fact that

Captain Korent cannot fully explain the formation ofthe southeast we/a/a, he identified it and used it to ascertain the direction and distance toward Kuwajileen.

Diseussion

In genera~ there is strong continuity between historic and contemporary navigation. The historic observations and ethnographic studies of navigation point to one

198 main technique of navigation - detecting disruptions in the regular flow of swells and currents that show the way toward land. Navigator envision how an atoll disrupts the regular patterning of swell and currents to fonn distinctive wave patterns that surround an atoll. Winkler (1898) and the consultants both state that the navigator's highest art is to detect and follow a continuum of nodes of intersection between opposing waves.

Winkler's (I 898) description of okar resembles the consultants' concept of dilep (also called okar by Thomas Bokin). In addition, the consultants physically represent their concepts of the sea in abstract models (nifieaii kab rokeaii and wapepe) that are strikingly similar to the mattang reported in the ethnographic and historic literature (SchUck 1902;

Wmkler 1898). Similar to Erdland (1914:312), the consultants also maintain that location-specific kOk/aJ are ekjah, or spiritual beings, which can either benevolently show a lost navigator toward land (e.g., Litakpoki) or malevolently lead him astray toward his death (e.g., wiwijet).

There are also significant differences between historic and contemporary navigation. Some of these differences can be attributed to knowledge loss. Lewis

(1994:223-245) observed that knowledge could dramatically change within one generation. For example, the consultants acknowledge that they no longer remember or had never learned the hidden, metaphorical meanings (TflWilal) of the ikid (song-stories) and roro (chants) perfonned by their teachers. The relative importance of astronomical knowledge has also apparently declined. Navigators at the turn ofthe 20th century recalled for Erdland (1910, 1914) the names of 66 stars and their use as guides when sailing to specific atolls, but the consultants only remembered a few guiding stars.

199 Other differences between historic and contemporary navigation are conceptual.

Wave patterns surrounding atolls are central to previous explanations (e.g., Wmkler

1898; Davenport 1960; 1964; Lewis 1994). In addition, the consultants conceptua1ize the

dilep and other wave patterns as wave extensions between atolls. Conceptua1ly,

Winkler's (1898) ow radiates seaward from an atoll while the consultants' dilep extends

between atolls.

The conceptual differences between historic and contemporary navigation may reflect regional differences and a lack of scholarly research on Rongelap or in Kapinmeto.

One of the few accounts ofRongelapese navigation came from researcher Knight (1999),

who recorded bwebwenato from a navigator named Lapedpedin. Lapedpedin taught Isao

Eknilang, Lijohn Eknilang and Willie Mwekto in their youth at the training center on

Rongelap. Lapedpedin and his students, the Rongelapese consultants, share the same

conceptualization of the dilep and other concepts. Lapedpedin described to Knight the

balancing motion of opposing swell as the navigator follows the dilep toward land:

Now you look for boj. Do you know what boj is? That knot in rope - just one loop. And when you pull both end loop begin to get smaller and smaller. And one wave roll from left and one from right, just like that knot. So you keep sailing south but you make eye red again and look hard at ocean and watch to see which wave is getting strong and which one weak. If wave on right is strong then you lie to the northwest. If wave on left is strong then you lie northeast. Ifthey fall with equal strength then you lie directly north" (emphasis added) ... Like that knot you pull- one wave roll from left and one from right. And they push you down perfect path toward island ...and you set course to ride on those wave on and on and then like that now we pull each side of loop get smaller and smaller and wave push softer and softer until we come to jeljeltae and boat stumble for last time but you keep on your course. Jelje/ mean to untie. Jelje/tae is that current very close to island, and as you pass through it that buoj untie and you'll no longer feel those wave at right and left pushing at your stem. Ocean calm

200 now, and if it is daylight you tell men to climb up mast there it is - your island" (Knight 1999: 108-109).

In addition, Lapedpedin explained to Knight (1999:65) that atolls metaphorically

"eat" the swell by blocking it This is similar to Thomas Bokin' s metaphor of atolls

"covering" and ''blocking'' swell (penjak). Lapedpedin, like the consultants, adamantly asserted that the swell do not curve before they pass by an atoll:

Now I've heard some say wave bend around an island. Alright, I want to tell you right away that is not true. No swell of this world know how to bend. They just roll in one direction and keep going. Now secret is that when you're close to one island that balance of these four wave is broken 'cause that island eat up one of them ...no wave in this world tum it just keep on rolling" (Knight 1999:64-65).

The continuity of knowledge on Rongelap between generations (Lapedpedin and the Rongelapese consultants Captain Korent, lsao Eknilang, Lijohn Eknilang and Willie

Mwekto) attests to surviving indigenous knowledge. The relative isolation of the northwest atolls most likely worked to maintain the transmission of knowledge until the nuclear testing in the mid 20d! century, as well as restrict historical observations and scholarly research.

Even within the relatively isolated region ofthe northwest atolls, however, there is variation in knowledge. The competing concepts of kOkJa/ surrounding atolls differs between the two primary consultants, Captain Korent and Thomas Bokin. These differences could reflect knowledge loss, as Captain Korent did not complete the training in his youth. However, the differences could also reflect the survival of knowledge and

201 regional variation. Captain Korent learned on Rongelap and Thomas Dokin learned in the region Kapinmeto. According to the consultants, these were traditionally two distinct regional training centers.

The continuity and change between historic and contemporary navigation and the variation among the consultants suggest that ancient Marshallese seafarers developed the common oceanic system of navigation into a specialized wave-based system and then elaborated it regionally. Rongelapese and Kapinmeto navigation may have been regional elaborations of a general system of Marshallese navigation. From this assessment, contemporary Marshallese navigation differs dramatically from other systems of navigation in Oceania.

Scholars have attributed the development of a wave-based system of navigation to the distinct island geography of the Marshallese atolls. The reliance upon swell transfonnations stems from the geographic configuration of the Marshallese atolls in relation to the dominant swell and island bathymetry. The twin chain of atolls is oriented along a southeast-northwest axis, such that the northeast trade wind swell hits most of the atolls directly and transfonns through refraction and diffraction along the steep underwater topography. Navigators voyaging north and south along each island chain used these swell transfonnations to detect land. As the northeast trade wind swell continues past the atolls, it reaches the nearby Carolinian atolls with diminished energy.

As most of these atolls are concentrated in a latitudionally narrow band across the equator, Carolinian navigators relied mainly on celestial referents rather than swell patterns.

202 While Carolinian navigators use star concepts to set and maintain course (star compass) and keep track of their position (etak), Marshallese cultural experts have elaborated the common oceanic method of remotely sensing land. The consultants conceptually divide the horizon into points based on the directional flow of swel~ currents and winds and the rising and setting points of stars and asterisms. According to the consultants, however, navigators do not use these very general absolute directions to direct the course of a canoe at sea. With no explicit methods for setting course and estimating position, navigators exclusively use contingent directional oppositions as they detect and follow a direct wave path between atolls (dilep), gauge the distance traveled on this path (jukae, rubukae andjeljeltae), and ascertain the direction and distance toward land ifthey do not hit it directly (kOk/af). The physical oceanographic basis of the wave transfonnations has yet to be fully resolved, but Captain Korent nevertheless used them to find land without the aide of additional mental constructs analogous to the star compass or etak.

Contemporary Marshallese navigation departs radically from Gladwin's (1970) commonly cited division of navigation into setting course, estimating position and making landfall. Instead, the elaborate detection of wave patterns can be referred to as pilotage. Ammarell (1999) described how Bugis navigators of Indonesia pilot their way out of sight ofland through observations oflocalized currents, tides, shoals, reefs and wave patterns. Similarly, Finney (1998) suggested that Marshallese navigators pilot their canoes with reference to wave patterns, what Ascher (1995; 2002) succinctly called wave piloting. The current understanding that contemporary navigators guide their canoes by

203 following a continuum of waves (dilep) and currents (jukoe, rubukae andjeljeltae) between atolls strongly supports the notion of wave piloting.

Contemporary navigation in the RMI provides a case study to contribute to theories of spatial orientation. Of particular interest is the role of cognition and perception in navigating and wayfinding. The consultants have encoded in their minds the insular geography, spatial relationships and the formation, location and motion of swel~ wave and current transformations. This multischematic cognitive model of navigation is used to follow a continuum of wave and current patterns between atolls.

The consultants make these cognitive representations ofthe environment explicit through explanations, representations and models, such as the "stick charts" and navigation training reef on Rongelap. The consultants do not, however, draw upon explicit spatial conceptualizations and cognitive processing ofthe environment analogous to the

Carolinian star compass and etak to set and maintain a course or estimate position. The consultants do not require such elaborate concepts, as they continually experience the flow of the waves toward the destination atoll through a process of wave piloting.

Wave piloting relies on perceiving the subtle undulations of the sea surface. This suggests that navigators develop vel}' elaborate sensol}' perceptions, particularly in detecting how the sea affects the movements of a canoe through the sensation of balance.

There is an increasing anthropological awareness that sensol}' perceptions ofthe environment are culturally shaped. Certain cultura1 groups may have complex elaborations of a particular sensol}' domain, which are reflected in language and folklore motifs, and performatively elaborated in rituals and cultura1 traditions (Classen 1997;

Geurts 2002; Howes 1991; 2003; 2006). Yet, only a few Marshalleseterms are used to

204 describe the balance sensations of canoe movements. The fact that these sensory perceptions are not culturally elaborated suggests that they reside within the lived experiences of individual navigators (Ingold 2000).

Navigators monitor the continual flow of perceptual information from the sea.

The consultants describe how a navigator detects and follows the dilep, noting how the movement of the canoe changes as the navigator strays from the wave path. Other transitions occur when the canoe moves through a series of current streams and wave patterns surrounding an atoll. For example, as the navigator journeys through the ocean, he suddenly feels the pitching motion of a kOk/a/. Although the kOk/a/ serves as a location-specific wave pattern that indicates the direction and distance toward land, it is perceived as a transitional pattern while moving through the water. The navigator recognizes such a pattern from previous voyages thmugh a distinctive motion in the canoe. By traveling thmugh this transitional wave pattern, the navigator has regenerated the flow of perspective - visually and through the sensation of balance - over time on a particular path oftravel.

Ingold (2000) refers to remembering and regenerating the flow of perspective over time thmugh paths of travel as a mapping process. The transitions, or temporal character of the journey, are more important than location-specific images or sensations of movement. The consultants' narratives and models assist in remembering the sequential order in which certain wave patterns are felt. Figuratively, navigators highlight these transitions between wave patterns by describing or gesturing how a particular wave affects the motion ofthe vessel. The indigenous models (niiieaii kob

205 r6keaii, wapepe and meto) retrace voyages by emphasizing distinct transitional wave patterns, which are represented in the lashed intersections of pandanus roots or coconut midribs.

Contemporary Marshallese navigation involves an interplay of cognltively representing space and experiencing the environment (GeD 1985; Widlok 1997), but wave piloting emphasizes the detection of subtle wave patterns between the home and destination islands primarily through the sensory perception of balance. Rather than invoke elaborate mental representations of the oceanic environment, navigators guide their canoes primarily by experiencing the flow of the ocean and perceiving subtle swell, wave and current transformations.

Summary

Contemporary Marshallese navigation is a system of wave piloting. The navigator'S initial orientation and course setting depend on prerequisite knowledge of the geographical configuration of the surrounding atolls and islands. In contrast to other voyaging traditions in Remote Oceania that employ star concepts, the Marshallese navigator initially directs the canoe according to the destination atoll's estimated location rather than aligning the canoe with a celestial body that has the same bearing as the atoll.

Directions to the helmsman are relative (kabbe "downwind" and bwiibwe "upwind'') rather than absolute. The navigator uses the positions of the sun, moon, stars and other celestial referents as auxiliary aids to orientation only. The navigator's main navigational technique is to detect disrupted swell and current patterns. Three interconnected schemas of the ocean are a continuum of wave patterns between atolls (dilep), a series of wave

206 patterns radiating outward from each atoll (kOkJal and kiimeto) and a succession of zones of currents either between atolls or surrounding each atoll (jukae, rubukae andjeljeltae).

Upon departure from the home atoll, the navigator's highest art is to detect and remain on the dilep toward the destination atoll. This is conceptualized as a wave path - a specific course between any two pairs of atolls or islands. The crossings of opposing swell form a continuum of nodes of intersection (booj) that rock the vessel from side to side with equal force. As the navigator guides the canoe along the dilep, he gauges distance traveled by moving through the transitions ofjukae, rubukae andjeljeltae. As the navigator approaches the destination atoll, he feels a pitching motion from a reflected wave, kiimeto, which can be felt 20-25 nautical miles away from land. The angle of the reflected wave indicates the direction toward land, while the strength ofthe wave indicates the distance.

If the navigator strays from the dilep and cannot detect a reflected wave, he expands the range at which he can detect land through various kOkJaJ that indicate the direction and distance toward land. Most atolls, islands and seas have at least one kOkJaJ that is ekjab, a spiritual entity that benevolently leads the lost navigator toward land. In addition, each atoll and island is also surrounded by an array of kOkJaJ that can be detected 20-25 nautical miles away from land. Most of these curved wave patterns are cross-hatch sea conditions and the combined effects of either reflected waves or wave shadow effects. The wave patterns induce the canoe into an accelerating surfmg motion toward land (likur). The navigator detects this motion and ascertains the direction and distance toward land. The comparative scientific framework of oceanography articulates strongly with only one indigenous concept (nit in kOt). The dominant northeast trade

207 wind swell curves through refraction and diffraction as it passes by an atol~ such that its northern and southern components cross each other in the western wave shadow.

Continuity and change between historic and contemporary navigation and variation among the consultants suggests that Marshallese seafarers developed the common oceanic system of navigation into a specialized wave-based system and then elaborated it regionally. While there has certainly been some irrevocable knowledge loss, the knowledge of Rongelapese and Kopinmeto navigation has most likely survived intact, as shown by Captain Korent's successful voyage.

Captain Korent's practical application of the indigenous oceanic concepts supports the notion of wave piloting and contributes to cognitive and perceptual theories of spatial orientation. Navigation involves an interplay of cognitively representing space and experiencing the environment (GellI985; Widlok 1997), but wave piloting emphasizes the detection of subtle wave patterns between the home and destination islands primarily through the sensory perception of balance. Rather than invoke elaborate mental representations ofthe oceanic environment, navigators guide their canoes primarily by experiencing the flow of the ocean and regenerating the temporal flow of the voyage by perceiving subtle swell, wave and current transitions, and wave transformations.

208 CHAPTERS CONCLUSION

Summary

The dissertation is my attempt to provide the first ethnography ofMarshallese navigation and voyaging. I have presented my interpretation of an indigenous epistemology of specialized knowledge. I explained how cultura1 experts create, reformulate and theorize conceptual and embodied knowledge of the ocean. I have also examined the cultural revitalization of this powerful knowledge. I described and reflected on the development of, and my participation in, the collaborative project Kopeel in Meto. Ethnographic and oceanographic research centered on one individual re- learning navigation from elder consultants. Overall, this collaborative project illuminated how Marshallese construct, use and value their indigenous knowledge of the ocean.

The dissertation advances the ethnographic study of navigation. I drew from multiple theoretical approaches to develop an array of methods and forms of analyses to produce a powerful cognitive model of navigation. Based on Gladwin's (1970) pioneering ethnography and the advancement of cultural models (Quinn 2005a), I learned through explicit instruction, demonstration, personal observations and experience, and through an analysis of recorded, transcribed and translated interviews, natura1ly- occurring discourse and a suite of metacommunicative routines, including lTwelTwenato

(stories, legends, life stories, conversation), chants, songs and song-stories. I innovatively drew from the comparative framework of oceanography to explain the physical basis of navigation and to corroborate the cognitive model. From this research

209 design, I examined indigenous conceptualizations, explanations and models of the ocean, embodied knowledge and sensory perceptions of motion, and navigation in practice. The dissertation follows a general shift in anthropology and psychology that has viewed cognition not merely as internalized mental knowledge, but also as embodied knowledge

(Aporta2003; Hutchins 1995; Ingold 2000; Lave 1988).

The cultural revival of navigation and voyaging has been complex. Navigational knowledge has retained its power and prestige, which complicated both the research and revival. Despite the challenges, Kopeel in Meto enabled one cultural expert, Captain

Korent Joel, to re-learn navigation and successfully conduct his belated navigation test to become a titled navigator (ri-meto). A dialogical process ofre-learning navigation reveals variation, ambiguity and uncertainty in navigational knowledge among the navigation consultants, but several important ethnographic and oceanographic insights emerged.

Variation among the consultants and continuity and change between historic and contemporary navigation suggest that Marshallese seafarers developed the common landfinding technique of detecting disrupted swell patterns into a specialized wave-based system and then elaborated it regionally. While there has certainly been some irrevocable knowledge loss, the knowledge ofRongelapese and Kopinmeto navigation has most likely survived intact. Captain Korent completed a voyage using only indigenous navigation and there is continuity between the consultants and one of their teachers. In contrast to other navigation traditions in Oceania, contemporary Marshallese navigation centers on the detection ofa continuum of wave patterns between atolls (dilep). The physical oceanographic basis of these and other wave patterns remains unclear; only one

210 concept can be explained in tenns of wave refraction and diffraction (nit in mt).

However, the ethnographic findings support the notion that Marshallese navigation is a system of wave piloting (Ascher 1995; 2002; Finney 1998). Cognitive processing and mental representations of the oceanic environment play an important role in Marshallese navigation, as evidenced by the indigenous oceanic concepts and their representations in abstract models. In practice, however, the emphasis of wave piloting is experiencing a continual flow of perceptual information from the sea, mostly through the sensory perception of balance.

The dissertation reveals new insights into how apprentices traditionally learned navigation. Apprentices in the northwest atolls congregated at a training reef on

Rongelap. In addition to this practical experience, they also listened to bwebwenato

(stories. legends, life stories, conversation), roro (chants) and ikid (song-stories), and learned the oceanic concepts through abstract models. Successfully completing a navigation test (ruprup 19M) to become a navigator involves metaphorically "breaking out of the turtle shell" to gain full navigational knowledge.

The writing of the dissertation benefits the local Marshallese community.

Remaining sensitive to traditional knowledge protocols, I have summarized and synthesized the information that Captain Korent re-learned. The dissertation also includes a lexicon of specialized maritime tenninology. This information can be used to develop curricula for a future navigation school. The dissertation also provides a template to nominate cultural experts as living human treasures within existing RMI historic preservation legislation. Overall, the dissertation honors the last custodians of navigational knowledge, some of whom have already passed, and is a testament to

211 Captain Korent's vision, motivation and tenacity to become a navigator and spark the revitalization of Marshallese voyaging.

Limitations and Fntnre Research

The findings of the dissertation are constrained by limitations of the ethnographic and oceanographic data collection methods and analyses, and the long process of cultural revival. These limitations point to directions for future research.

The ethnographic data collection methods were limited by the small number of consultants with navigational experience (Captain Korent and Thomas Bokin) and the cultural politics of knowledge. I initially intended to systematically examine the extent of cultural variation in navigational knowledge to determine whether there is a single underlying cultural cognitive model of navigation (Romney, et aI. 1986; Weller and

Romney 1988). Systematic testing for cultural consensus was not possible, however, as the consultants' levels of expertise varied considerably. Further, Captain Korent continuously re-learned and revised his cognitive model of navigation.

The cultural politics of knowledge prevented Kelen and I from working with all the surviving navigation experts and completely documenting weather forecasting knowledge. With the appropriate chiefly permission, a future study could attempt to include additional navigation and weather forecasting experts from Rongelap, Kapinmeto and other regions in the RMI.

The ethnographic data collection methods were further limited by my minimal amount of personal experience at sea and the lack of a voyaging canoe. Personal experience is essential to learning the embodied knowledge of the Marshallese wave-

212 based system of navigation. However, I did not have the opportunity to learn traditionally by experiencing the motion of the waves at the training reef on Rongelap. A future study could center on the training reef on Rongelap and explore how to detect the reef while blindfolded on a canoe. In addition, only one traditionally navigated voyage informed the research. More personal experience on traditionally navigated voyages would significantly enhance future research.

The yacht was adequate for Captain Korent to navigate, but the lack of a voyaging canoe meant that the practice of voyaging was separated from the traditional sociology of sailing. The community did not build and maintain the vessel or prepare food, and the sailing crew was not Marshallese. WAM is currently repairing their 35 foot voyaging canoe in order to navigate a voyaging canoe. In particular, Captain Korent and Kelen aspire to re-trace Lainjin's epic voyage throughout the Marshallese atolls by chanting and following the ikid eli an Loinjin. A future study could investigate navigation, the sociology of voyaging and the transmission of knowledge on a voyaging canoe.

The ethnographic data analysis was limited by my language skills. I gained enough fluency to conduct interviews without translation assistance, but I had difficulty understanding metaphors and hidden meanings. This significantly limited my ability to conduct cultural models analysis. My language abilities will develop over time with better training and more immersion in the Marshallese culture.

The oceanographic data collection methods were limited in scope by budget constraints. A future study could refme the swell climatology model based on a permanently moored wave buoy. Further studies could also refine the wave simulation by expanding the SWAN wave model to include atolls and islands other than Mejit and

213 by developing a wave model to incorporate wave diffiaction, wave reflection and the effects of currents. Additional data from the RMI could be obtained by conducting a more comprehensive series of wave buoy deployments around atolls, analyzing additional satellite imagery, and measuring current streams.

The dissertation research can only describe the initiation of the cultural revival.

Like the Hawaiian voyaging renaissance, the Marshallese revival may take many years to become sustainable. A long-term study could ethnographically chronicle the cultural revival, including Captain Korent's new role as navigator, Kelen's role as apprentice, the development ofWAM's future navigation school and the ttansmission of knowledge to the younger generation.

Finally, the writing ofthe dissertation is not designed for a Marshallese audience.

Although I collaborated with my counterpart, Kelen, and the main navigation consultant,

Captain Korent, throughout the research process, I wrote the dissertation in an academic style. Drawing upon the newly emerging ethnographic practices of collaboration (Field and Fox 2007; Lassiter 2005), I aspire in a future pUblication to produce a co-written text that is locally relevant and accessible, and written in the Marshallese language. This would be a step toward fulfilling my professional and personal obligations to respect the consultants' knowledge and their willingness to share it with me and the Marshallese community.

214 APPENDIX A MARSHALLESE ORTHOGRAPHY

Throughout the writing of the dissertation, I have attempted to follow the orthography introduced by Abo, et aI. (1976). I have drawn from LaBriola's (2006:xiii) succinct adaptation of Abo, et aI. (I 976), Carucci (1997) and Rudiak-Gould (2004) to illustrate this orthography and the sounds ofthe Marshallese language.

Letter Esamole Enellsh Meantol! Sound Approximation a ok rnll8tebird like the '0' in cot ii line land like the 'e' io oet b bwebwenato story, legend like 'p' at the end of words and 'b' evetyWbere else d dJk small like a Spanish untrilled (rolled) r e ek fish like both 'e' in oet and 'e' in oit i In of like 'ea.' in beat or 'it in bit or Ie' in yet j )mpbo take a walk Ilkes 'sh,' or 'ch' at the beginning of words, and like 'g' in garege everywhere else k ldld sleep like 'c' in cot at the beginning of words, like the 'g' in oot when between vowels I Ilk oceanside like first 'I' in lull 1 01 sun like 'II' in lull m mii breadfruit like 'm' in imprecise 111 mOna eat like 'm' in mature n nl coconut tree like 'n' in knit ii iii tooth like 'og' sound in Sin2 n l/Q wave like In' in nova 0 ok fishing net like the '0' in tone ii won turtle like the 'u' in buck or the '00' in book Q Ipiet ocean like 'au' in caught p pepe decide like 'p' at the end ofword and 'b' evetyWbere else r /or Iagooo like a Spanish trilled (rolled) r t t/piiiil outrigger sailing canoe like 'd' when between two vowels, otherwise like 't' u I1IIU wet like 'u' in tune but with lips rounded ii wiil flower like '00' in book w wo boat like 'w'

215 APPENDIXB PROTECTION OF HUMAN SUBJECTS FORM

E"ti in bOk kU1JfIIl1Jl 110: JerbaJ in katak kake kopen in "'a}el

Riikaki Ben Finney ej bok eddoin k01f/I1IlUll!. Atorej eo an [ ].

19kwe. Ij leajjitok e/tWie kwo tpO¢j¢j injipaiijerbaJ in ikijjien ekkatak kake ejjerakrok im kapen in lrfaje/. Ij iton katak kake wiiween kapen in lrfaje/ 1m kilen ejjerakrOk kOn waan aelon falin ilo metwan lrfaje/, kilen an kapenin lrfaje/ katakin likao ro bwe renja maron ejjerakrokwot kOn waan lrfaje/ ak ren bariiinwot moronjekjekwa, ainwot an Waan Aelon in lrfaje/ (WAM) jerbaJ rainin. Tokjiin jerba/ in jenaaj ko1f/I1IlUll! Joe Genz enaaj kOjerba/e nan an kOtoprak PhD eo an. Enaaj bariiDinwot k01fITI/T1ID1I bwe falmro Joe Genz, im ro jet renaaj bOk km)aer ilo jerba/ in, falmin moron kOm/e/e ilo jeje kilen im wiiween ejjerakrOkin aelon falin. Kem naaj bariiinwot ko11I1PD1I pija teep im jeje bok bwe ren moron katakfn kapen in lrfaje/ ilo jikuu/ ko. Ruo iio aetokan ad naaj ko1f/I1IlUll! ekkatak in. Jenaaj katak kake an kapen in lrfaje/ ro ejjerarok im kOjerbal kapeel eo ippiier. Je1/QQj bariiinwot kOnono im kajjitok ippiin kapen ro, ippiin riikkatak ro aer, ro uwaan WAM im barainwot ro jet rej kOjerba/ kapen in lrfaje/. Tamn 30 armet naaj kqjitikin er, ijofal eban aitok/9kjiinjuon awa in kajjitok ilo juon iien, botab emaron aitok/9k e/tWie erprrum ippiin ro jej kqjilikfn er. Jenaaj jei aolepiin me/e/e falinjej biiki, im aolepiin leajjitok im uwaak ko jej biiki renaaj piid ilo teep ak pilio im aolepiin kobban teep im pilio ko renaaj wa/9k ilo jeje. Jenaaj barainwot likUt i/o teep ainikien ro rej bok km)aer ilo jerbal in im je1/QQj pijaik er ilo pitio i/o iien ko rej jerba/ im kOm/e/e. Je1/QQj kOjpiiroki peba ko, pija ko, im pito ko ikijjienjerba/ in i/o juonjikin eo ekofl im tiljek. Arp wot pepe e/tWie kwo kOfIQIlTIjipaii ilojerba/ in. Komoron bOjrakjabdewot lien. Komoronja uwaalal jabdewot leajjitok eo kwoj jab kOfIQIlTI uwaalal. Komaron bOk kuT)aarp ilo jabdewot iaan bumon ko ilo jerba/ in. Eban wa/9k etarp i/o jeje e/tWie kwoj jab kOfIQIlTI bwe en wa/9k. Jabdewot me/e/e kwOj kwa/9/c, kwonaaj loe ilo jeje bwe kwon je/a kake rpokJajiin an wa/9k nan ro jet. Ewor arp moronin kqjilpwe akj%kjabdewot me/e/e eo ej wa/9k kOn kwe. Barainwot, eloiiiie kwoj jab kOfIQIlTI bwe jabdwot me/e/e kwoj kwaJ9k en wa/9k ilo jeje inniim eban wal9k. E/tWie ewor arp kajjitok inniim komoron kiir/9k Ben Finney ilo Honolulu, Hawai'ijabdewot iien, ilo [ ] ak email;jane ilo [ ]jabdewot iien. E/tWie kwo kOfIQIlTI kOnono ippiin ilo iien efl epiid i Mqjro, ak ippiin likao eo ej jipaiie, Joe Genz, eo enaaj bariiinwot piid Majro,jouj im ta/boone e"o ilo [ ]. E/tWie ej jab ju biiruOrp kOnjabdewot uwaak ak me/eJe ikijjien kajjitOk ko arp, ak ej jab toprakjabdewot arp ab¢j¢j kOn aer ko11I1PD1I nan eok ilo jerba/in ekkatak in, kwon kab falpaakCommittee eo an Human Studies, University ofHawai'i, 2540 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI 96822. Phone: (808) 956-5007. Email: uhirb@hawaiLedu. Ij kajjitok bwe eJtWie komaron jOl4f im bok kuT)aarp ilo jerba/ in, jOl4f im letok

216 me/e/e im karok ko jan ipPat'fl ilo iien in ke jej pojakin likl9kwe jerbal in eaorok nan YO rej bOk kutIoer im elaptata nanjukjukin piid ko 110 },1qje/. Jerbal in ej k01J71IU11I e/aptata nan kOjparokjeJii im kapeel ko an ri},1aje/ ikkijien kapen im kilen ejjerakrOk. Jej tomak bwe enaqjjipafj qjiri in },1qje/ bwe renje/ii riipe/tan im aorokin mour im 1pIJ1Itin },1qjeJ. Jerbal in enaqj maron bariiinwot k01fI1]IQ1I bwe qjiri ro renje/ii kapenin },1qje/.

Menln KflI/IOo[

Ij kat'f/ool bwe iaw [jiiOrijeje kein im ta kein rej kOnono koki. law uwaaki kajjitok ko kOnjerbalin ekkatak in im wiiween kojet rejelote. lme/e/e bwe emaron in bojrakjan jerbal in imjab won",aan/9kwot ilo an ejje/9kjO"aGn enaqj wa/9k nan iiD. lnniim ij kiio kwa/9k aO e"ii in bok lao;wii i/o jerbal in ilo aO me/e/e bwe maron im ji",we eo ippa ejiimin jako, im bariiinwot bwe armej in ej bok eddoin k01fII]IQ1Ie jerbal in, ekoba University ofHawai'i imjabdewot rijerbal ak riloloorjake ro ie, rejiimin ro/9k jan an naaj war ruweer e/afjiie bOd ~e ilo aer k01fII]IQ1Ie jerbal in ekkatak in.

Jain an eo ej bOk /cufIaan ilo jerbal in: Raan:

217 Agreement to Participate in: Marshall Islands Navigation Project

Principle Investigator Ben Finney

Iakwe. I am asking you to participate in a research project studying Marshall Islands navigation. I am interested in the methods Marshallese navigators use to sail from island to island, how they teach their knowledge and skills to younger apprentices, and the current revival of canoe building, sailing and navigation started by Waan Aelo;; in Majel (WAM). This research will serve as the basis for my student, Joe Genz, to write his PhD dissertation, and for Joe Genz and I and other participants to write reports on Marshallese navigation, as well as prepare videos and curriculum methods for use in Marshallese schools. The research in the Marshall Islands will last two years and will involve observations of and interview with Marshallese navigators, their apprentices, members of WAM and other participants. Approximately 30 people will be interviewed between 1-4 times each for no more than one hour per sitting, unless otherwise desired by the participants. Notes will be taken, and when the interviews will be audio or video recorded the words on these tapes will be written down. In addition, participants may be audio or video taped when they are working on the project or talking about it. The notes, audio and video tapes and transcriptions will be saved for possible use in the future. Participants will be given copies of all notes, transcriptions, taped interviews and video recordings in which they are involved, if they so desire. All notes, audio and video tapes, and transcriptions will be kept in a locked room to keep them secure. Participation is completely voluntary and you will be allowed to withdraw from the project at any time, or to decline to participate in any particular interview or activity. Your name will be kept confidential in all notes, recordings and publications, unless you want us to list your name. Anything written about you, whether or not you are named, will first be shown to you before being made public. You will have the right to edit or remove any written information about you, and to have destroyed any notes, recorded interviews or transcripts about you. In addition, should you feel that any information you have provided should not be made public, we will not do so. I believe that there are no foreseeable risks to you by participating in this research project. If you have any questions about the study you can contact the Principle Investigator, Ben Finney, at Honolulu, by telephoning him anytime at [ ] or emailing him at [ ]. If you want to contact Ben Finney when he is in Majuro, or his research assistant Joe Genz who will be living in Majuro, please telephone them at [ ]. If you cannot obtain satisfactory answers to your questions or have comments or complaints about your treatment I this study, contact: Committee on Human Studies, University ofHawai'i, 2540 Maile Way, Honolulu, HI 96822. Phone: (808) 956-5007. Email: [email protected]. I want you to be an active collaborator in this work, and I encourage you to give me feedback, advice, and direction on all stages of this research. This information is meant to benefit all participants and the Marshallese community in general by preserving knowledge about traditional navigation and by helping younger people learn about this vital part oftheir ancient culture, including becoming navigators themselves.

218 Certification

I certify that I have read and that I understand the foregoing, that I have been given satisfactory answers to my questions concerning project procedures and other matters, and that I have been advised that I am free to withdraw my consent and to discontinue participation in the project or activity thereof at any time without prejudice. I herewith give my consent to participate in this project with the understanding that such consent does not waive any of my legal rights, nor does it release the principle investigator or the University of Hawai'i or any employee or agent thereof from liability or negligence.

Signature of Participant: Date:

219 APPENDIXC BIOGRAPHIES OF CONSULTANTS

Kilon Takiah

Kilon Takiah was one of the last master canoe builders. Born on July 27, 1927, he learned from his father, Takiah Limejui Jani. (1900-1988) learned canoe building from his father, Limejui Jani, and navigation from his uncle, Mekoba, but he chose to pass on only his knowledge of canoe building to Kilon, his youngest of two sons. On Ailuk, Kilon trained his eldest son and other relatives in canoe building, who have since built up their reputation as the best canoe builders and sailors. At 79 years old, Kilon passed away on March 5, 2007.

Captain Korent Joel

Captain Korent was born in 1950 on Rongelap. Between the ages of 11-15,

Korent Joel learned some of the principles of MarshaIlese navigation from his mother's father, Henri Lewia. The Rongelap chief did not sanction Henri's teachings, so neither he nor young Korent could share with anyone that the knowledge was being passed on.

As a result, most of the instruction took place informally while the two sailed their kOrkOr

(small sailing canoe) in the lagoon of Rongelap to fish. Rongelap is a large circular atoll that is characterized by a ring of islets on the eastern haIf of the atoll and deep ocean passes on the western haIf. As a result, when Henri and his grandson Korent sailed across the lagoon they often sailed out of sight of land and felt the motion of the westerly ocean swells. In addition to feeling how these swells affected the sailing canoe, Henri

220 initiated Korent's training at the navigation training reef (dekii). Due to the radioactive fallout from the U.S. nuclear weapons testing program, Captain Korent suspended his apprenticeship and moved to Majuro to complete high school and then to Hawaii to learn modern celestial navigation. Without chiefly permission, however, he could not share his knowledge or resume his apprenticeship. Captain Korent worked for 30 years as a ship captain for the RMI Ministry of Transportation and Communication, during which time he observing the swell and current patterns in his personal endeavor to better understand the indigenous concepts.

Isao EknUang

Born in 1941, lsao Eknilang, Captain Korent's grandfather's sister's son, learned about navigation informally as a youth when he was about 7 years old from elder navigators on Rongelap, including Eknilang (biological father), Reban Okjanlan,

Bedbedin Lokobol, Antak, Jebelik, Joob, Kebenle, Hemmerik Lewia (Captain Korent's grandfather) and Kalal Anjain. He also learned thmugh formal instruction with his adopted father and navigator Monaean Jokanirik for 6 years starting at the age of 14 after he returned to Rongelap Atoll from Pohnpei, where he went to high school. The navigation students had one chance to learn new information; if they asked a question, the elders reportedly slapped them. At the end of his training, he took his navigational test between Rongelap and Rondik in order to become a qualified and recognized navigator. Although only separated by I S nautical miles, he failed his test by not returning precisely to the departure point. As a result, the chief banned him from continuing to learn or to share his knowledge. His memory, however, remains

221 impeccably sharp. His confidence has grown over the years to the point where he has deemed it okay to share his knowledge, particularly that which is embedded in teaching models - a critical aspect of navigation that Captain Korent missed in his youth. As alap

(landowner) of most ofRongelap and neighboring Rondik and Ailinginae, lsao was able to persuade many of the other consultants to join Kopeel in Meto.

Alton A1bions

Alton Albions learned navigation and weather forecasting from his father John, who sailed among Jaluit, Ailinglaplap, Namu and Kuwajileen as a captain on a .

Alton also sailed as a young boy once with his grandfather Albious, who taught John. At

17 years of age, Alton began to study a model made of a latticework of pandanus roots, accompanied his father on motorboat trips at sea and observed how exposed rocks (dekii) on the ocean-side reef naturally model swell patterns. [roy Lejalang Kabua gave pennission for Alton to take his navigation test, which he successfully accomplished on a short 30 nautical mile passage between Namu and Kuwajileen. Alton continued to guide the local government's motorboat on this short north-south passage for three years. He began to teach his oldest son navigation, but he is no longer physically able to sail on the ocean. He completed the training of younger son in weather forecasting. Alton's nephew and traditional landowner, Christian Lehman, directed a visit to Namu for AIson and I.

Alton passed away in April 2007.

222 AnnoAlsaia

Born in 195 I, Anno Aisaia learned weather forecasting from his father London

Aisaia and uncle Elesia Jolai on Ailinglaplap when he was in his early 30s. His uncle, well-versed in both navigation and weather forecasting, only had the opportunity to teach

Anno weather knowledge before he passed away.

WIllIe Mwekto

Willie Mwekto, born in 1948 on Rongelap, studied navigation and weather forecasting with his grandfather Mwekto Leaju and other Rongelap elders, including lsao's adopted father, Monaean Jokanirik. His teachings centered on knowledge and archaic terminology of the ocean, sky and land on and around the atolls of Kopinmeto, or the northern atolls of the western Ralik chain. Interested in preserving MarshaIlese culture, Willie Mwekto currently teaches courses on culture, language and grammar at the College of the Marshall Islands.

Francis Livai

Francis Livai, born on Kuwajileen, grew up well-versed in local legends and stories, some of which related to voyaging and navigation.

Thomas Bokin

Thomas Bokin, born in 1930, learned navigation in his youth from two elders on

Ujae. Having completed his navigation sailing test, he regularly guided vessels 120 nautical miles between Ujae and Kuwajileen, but gained notoriety in 1996 when he

223 navigated a newly constructed 42 foot sailing canoe from Ujae to Majuro via Kuwajileen, an overall distance of300 nautical miles. WAM documented the building of this sailing canoe, but they did not have permission from the chiefs to learn about navigation. As

Kopee/ in Meto progressed, we gained permission to work with Thomas. We met with

Thomas on Ujae during Captain Korent's traditionally navigated sailing trip. We unfortunately did not have the opportunity to sail with Thomas, but he explained to

Captain Korent the methods of navigation and the principles of swell and current pattern disruptions through the use of a model made by weaving the midribs of coconut fronds into a sleeping mat.

MejonRiver

Born on Ailuk in 1936. Mejon River sailed as a crew member in 2005 on a yacht with his cousin Karapen Lapaju from Ailuk 200 nautical miles to Majuro. His cousin offered to sail this yacht to Majuro using only his navigational knowledge, as it had a broken compass. During this trip he explained to Mejon various swell and current patterns that he used to find his way.

Lijohn Eknilang

Born on Rongelap in 1946, Lijohn Eknilang learned navigational knowledge informally as child by listening to elders' stories and sailing with them on fishing trips.

Growing up listening to the story of a woman named Litarmelu, the first Marshallese navigator, Lijohn never felt that her being female hindered her learning, although she was the only girl that learned alongside many boys. She found it very easy to memorize the 224 stories, legends and chants, but she never had the opportunity to take her navigation test.

In 1954 her father died and her homeland received fallout from the nuclear testing program, which resulted in a forced displacement from Rongelap. Two years after the fallout, military personnel burned everything on the atoll, including a book on navigation written by her father. Her memory of the navigational knowledge she learned in her youth rema!m sharp. She hopes, if given the opportunity within the current attempt to revive voyaging and navigation, to finally take her navigation test to become a titled navigator.

225 APPENDIXD DIRECI10N, NAVIGATION AND WEATHER FORECASTING TERMS5

Consultants

Home atoll Ai ~ AI Alton Alblous Namo Francis Livai IE lsao KJ r.AntRin Knrent 1",,1 LE jon eionR Ive Ailuk ~Bo;ln Ujae M Ito'

A1ele Museum Audio Reeordiogs Irr

Direetion Terms

MarsbaIIese term I EneUsb meauinl! I Sou.... DIreetIouaI enclitics to· westward common tok· eastward common rokeaii- southward common niflsaii· northward common Dlreetiooal OIlS tok· I bither, (coming) toward speaker I common /(lk· I thither. {aoioaawavl from SDe8ker I common DIreetIoIIS eon- oorth common rear- east common rlf/k· west common rok· south common tueaii tureor northeast IE tueaii turlf/k northwest IE turok turear southeast IE turok turlf/k southwest IE

, Terms with an asterisk (.) are found in the Marshallese-English Dictionary (Abo, et aI. 1976). 226 Navigation Terms (Juzpen)

MarsbaDese term I Enl!llsb meaninl! I Source General uavlaatlnn ae' cwrent common aejet' surliace of ocean common aet' current common aii' wind common biikii' tide common /ropen to navil!8te (ftom Enl!llsb 'CI\D1IIin') common kiik/a[* navll\8tion 'sim' seamark common Irokiil/e navigation 'sign,' seamark common kiito' wind common Ie wind common lolet' ocean. sea common lometo ocean. sea common melO· ocean, sea. to naviJlate. name of model common (10' wave common flOl' swell common Currents (lUll, ae) ae/f)keaii current flowing nortbward TB O£lokJriik current f1owin!! soutltward TB aenliieaiilok* current flowing nortitward common aeriikeaiilok* current f1owinl! soutltward common aetok' current f1owinl! eastward common aeto· current flowing westward common jeIJehae' tblrd zone of currents common juktJe' first zone of currents common kkaii tIlmiin flOl rou2I1 current TB kkiib tIlmiin flO calm current TB kiitae' tecbnlQUe to estimate currents TB rubukae' second zone of currents common Models Uemlin /le) rkkii coral rock, refers to Klmlnmeto navilllllion trainim! reef common meto 'ocean, to navil!8te' TB nliieaii kob riikeaii 'nortbward and soutltward' IE waoepe litloatina canoe' IE Salllnl! UerokrOk) bwiibwe* heading Into the wind to sail unwind or windward common ebar eo bakii 'omotv iUl!.' the 1'Ul111JIJ lokur Is successfullv comoleted AAI etoklnwa '112111 (knowledge) rises,' the 1'Ul111JIJ 10M Is successfWlv comoleted AAI ItikJ rael nortb-soutlt salling course TB iabdlk' sbiiboard tack common jab/ap' port tack common juel landfinding technique. standing on the canoe when lost in order to feel TB refleeted swells kobbe' failing off the wind to sail dowowind common kmikad Ion hOke 'throw onto the cape,' stral2ht course IE kankan' sail downwind. off the wind common kJpeddlkdlk* sail unwind, close to the wind common metwa ti/tok east-west salling course TB ruprup jf)M 'break!nR open the turtle shell ' 1l8SSing navilllllion test common 227 wiwtJet· I I!Il!tlna lost at sea lose the direction of IE Seas (1oIei) Lole/OP/OP I sea between the Ralik and Ratak chains I TB metwan Joalaii I sea between and I TB

ankelre curve common booj· 'knot,' node of wave intersection common boof In iine node of intersection comlnl! from reflected swell common dilep 'backbone' nodes of intersection between OllDOsinll swells common fur In okme 'POst of the breadfruit picker' east of atoll common kiiii/in rQjep 'fish hook for flying Ilsh,' northeast and southeast of atoll common kiimeto 'fly toward the ocean,' reflected swell common kortel9k 'plunge in the sea' (same as re/t)k) TB lutok/t)kkan 'falling off the edge of the eI!rth' IE nit In kiit 'Pit for bird flRhtinl! with kiitkiil or ruddy tumstone,' west ofatoll common nit In kiit ean nit In kiit to the northwest of atoll TB nit In kiit rok nit In kiit to the southeast of atoll TB relok 'plunge into the sea' (same as kortelok) IE we/ala 'falling to one's side,' northwest and southwest of atoll KJ Seamarks (klJkIaI): ble loI!ieal aebiij ell limen £tao 'Etao's fresh water,' undeJwater source offresh water MIle IE ae In hoe current of foam. Enewetak IE ok friRate bird, Enewetak and Ebon IE aiilnwolla Iaiimaad I!1IIBXY. sea between Kile and Kuwaiileen IE iiJwllmoru bird, Rondik IE /run In manit In ok flock offrigate birds, WotIO IE /ekdii bird, Jalult IE jeran kiimaan school of dolphins, in between Lae and QjJ!e TB jure school ofbarracuda, Ujae TB Jutokwa name ofRiant eel Ebon IE kono ruddy tumstoe RonaeiaD IE koui octopus, Rongelap IE kowok ruG ko two wbimbrels, Mile IE kii/Ia eo kob -- foam and garbage dump, Bikini IE kiitkiit bird, ruddy tumstone, R IE Libujen name of friRate bird who Is lookiD!! for Jutakwa (Irlant eel). Ebon IE IJtpaakak eo nejln Inedel's kite, Ebon IE lnetkl lJl]Illrp foam. Enewetak IE Lltalwoki name of kalo (brown booby) that creates LikaPliwewe (whirlpool). Maluro IE Liikiitoiioriior name of hollow drlftinlilOll. Bikini IE rnaailin Madmad pandanus from the Islet Namdik IE pejlnedwan discarded pandanus ftult, Kuwajlleen IE rio flvinll fish. Alluk MR ruo emman leoa 1m two birds, Bikini IE lemlok Seamarks aleelee wave that encircles Rondik IE elQIJ I/O bi!! wave west of Ail IE kapen Wojii big wave west of Ail IE IlJIbl/l current between Ailininae and Lae IE LllIIlfialolo submerged reefwest of Amo IE 228 229 WM

Weather Foreeasting Terms (katu, laIe Iaif)

MarsbaUese term I En.dlsh meanin.. I SbmHicanee I Soun:e General weather for ae1iHi atoll common an" wind common //0. rainbow common /1,,· star. olane! common 230 Jgrom" liRhtnine common jOU11D'* thunder common koJu" to forecast common koJulo to forecast common kBlnlklum plant common kOdJ)" cloud common /diklal weather 'sign' common kOIo" wind common Iale foij to forecast common foij" skY common Ie wind IE melalolo" air, atmosphere, climate common menninmOW'· animal common iinat* storm common wot· rain common AnlmaIs (mennbunourl t/ak" duck opens and closes mouth like thirsty LR signals rain karuk" white sand crab shallow holes signal rain, sighting of LR crabs on beach at low tide signals rain during rising tide kJdid* bird, wandering tattler bathing on ocean side or lagoon side LR (Heleroseelus Incanum) si2tllllS rain kOIkOI" bird, ruddy turnstone landing on beach to dig and cry signals LR (Arenar/Q InterpresJ time to forecast clouds lewoleJ" bird, golden plover one call in middle of sky (kuIliofi) LR (Pluv/oJ/s domtnJca) signals rising tide and rain twelve hours later in the eveninl! Clouds (kIJdo) ad/nPii signals I!OOd weather m aoltlTJ signals rain and wind LR arere slgna\s increasing wind bii nl 'fishing rod and flower' signals good weather for sailing in July AAi

dJIepiin foij 'backbone ofthe clouds angled to the western horizon m horizon' signal rain and wind in the evening; clouds angled to the southern horizon signal rain and wind in the afternoon; clouds angled on the eastern bcrlzon signal rain and wind ten hours later, clouds angled to the northern horizon moving to the west signifY rain after three days and clouds moving to the east slmillv rain after six cIavS .Iemeel black cloud WM jii signals rain 1-2 days ifmoves easterly AAI aRainst wind liimur signals rain and wind in Julv lebar signals wind AAI jeranjabuk 'those people scooping signals rain and wind AAI,LR fish' }uronwiwl signals rain if JlllP in cloud cov"," over m kii4J In Ilok irear signals east wind ltok rear Ifhook m 231 TB

that

on ,akand

1m fell

and wind during calm

232 lelOOI· sixlh Dhase 'swell' common limelo fourth pbase WM Ilmlilk second phase WM Ilpepe third phase, time of neap signals time ofbad weather, apjOiWice WM tide (ldJk) of clouds that signal storms Wid typhoons lut moonsets WM marokdJk nintbpbase WM maroUeD· tentbpbase WM maroktak eight phase, time of neap signals time ofbad weather, appearance WM tide (ldJk) ofclouds that signal stonns Wid I tvDhoons paIIl/n aelOii iia koplloii 'battle of the moon to the rain Wid wind before fuU moon AAi west' paIIlln aelOii iia rear 'battle ofth. moon to the rain Wid wind before new moon AAi east' 10k moonrises common taktokInae· first pbase WM IUlUlnae seventh pbase WM Ocean (1gJe/, meJo) b;;"an meJiiI choppy waves choppy waves with calm seas Wid no m wind signals wind RaIn (wlJl) wiitameloii rain coming straight WM down wotdJkdJ" a little rain WM 'NottnalllllQ1l rain that makes noise WM wiitmii}e(fel lots ofrain WM wol9 rain that bounces off WM calm ocean wotrakruk a little rain WM Plants (keJnlkkan) "0" wii/oo} I messed up grass I signals rain tLR RaInbow (1Ia) ale U1'U1' 'mother of wind' sbmals onset of wind Ifarch Is vertical m IQIJI'W' si2i18ls clear daY AAi Ita In lid" no en signals rain Wid wind AAi Lemaro 'Mr. thiIsty' signals no rain AAi Lokortoii si2i18ls no rain If it . AAi Sky (/aif) arob loii skv IlIlItlnI! darker WM edtJo place for weather LR fOiecasting based on stars elutok Iaii lotsofrain WM e"llal epOloii cbWiging to good WM weather kaplloii· western sky Gen kapln loii· horizon Gen kelJl/loii eoii northern sky WM kemllaii lrear eastern skv WM kemllaii /rlJ1" western sky WM kelJl/loii rok southern sky WM 233 LR fonocasting based on sun

signals storm, common

storm common

June common

Mlijlep' wann common common

234 WM

common

no more palQan palQan WM

season common

235 APPENDIXE BWEBWENATO

Run LikIlo Rej JerakriJk KOen Kapen

Narrated by Arento Lobo to the Alele Museum, 1986.

Program eo an Alele nan an mejaJoto, kOmro ro;Uake. Jen koba Ippiin doon 1m Iale juan jabon kOnnaan eo Itok ruo likoo rej jerakrok kab IjIlDltin ejerakrOk. Llkoo rein raar jerakjiin Namdlk 1m aikuj il9k nan Ebon i/o meto rej ba meto in Aloij. Llkoo rein pad 10 title fie rej bOo Tf/rpaan In Liojidl kOnke re ae emaron ippiin doon waween leilen ejerakrOk ko aer Ippiin doon. Ne meram 1fIrpaan In Llzgidl ekwe joon wot aer doon emaronjerak kOnke emiij etal 1m wa In kapoj nan an Liujidl kOnke jelii wa ro jiin doon rej alkzg ae emaron ippiin doon 110 lien jerakrOk In aero. Ke rej jerakrok 1m koba Ion wa in wae"o leo joon ej kOjerbai raan ak leo juan ej kOjerbai bon. 1£0 Indein ae"o jerak emiij 19meto ro rej lelok. Roan 1U19k ai/eo juan ejame/ele waween an wa eo ejerakrOk ak leo joon elukuun me/e/e. 1m leo joon ej jebwebwe ak leo joon ej pad Ion e/ eo. 1m Ice rejjlnoejerakekwejlnoe roro Injukwe eo an, ej ba"KepadippanLainjln 1m rij Itaan emejelcel 1m bwij." Ej kwa/9k Ice aelon eo e pad I/o booj rpaan va eo ltureeaar In wa eo wae"o. Emiij Indeeo anjebwebwe 110 raan eo /9k. Etal, etal, etal 1m /9k bon ekwe elukuun ejje/9kan maron In me/e/e. Akejerbal leo Ion e/ eo lcejete iju kOnjelii kajjien iju In aelon en. Kilo ej ruj, iju iloanjerak, ej ba "Llkotuju eo nlnnin wa In bonnin bwatok ijo bokqjaj lonjo aj." Ej kwa/9k Ice Irpaan wa eo lukuunjo aj eo ITf/aan emenjlb l/oan iju eo kallkore iloan me/e/e kalre. Ijo Ice Ijuun Rak koban lcememej ebwe okpii lmej jet pen wot mal enemej loan tak ie. Ak /9k injet awa ej Tf/1fIa/a1tkiil ItO/9k im koko pad lto/9k. 1m fie kwonaaj /oor iju e ekwe inniim kwonaaj tumej In aelon eo. Ak kwoj loor iju en in koran rpaan an 1/9k iju e 1m koran moan an bwabweljiin iju e. Bwe in maronjejjet. Emiij waween rein an /OTflllTO kOnor aelon eo rej kOnore. Rej ae emaron Ippiin doon 1m booj ippiin doon kOnjonanjelii waerro ippiin doon kOnke ejab juan jelii me, er991 emen ae rejjelii. Ak i/o ae"o koba ippiin doon 1m ae emaron. Naan In ae ippiin doon ekwe e wal9kjoon me/e/e eo enaaj maron in 1fI1fIatI Iktaerro ilo ae"o jlpjip doon kOnke ro rej ae emaron ippiin doon. Ion wa en /oTflllTeln ro rej pad Ion. 1m ilo bon kab i/o raan ro rej kojoair jerbal ippiin doon. KIlO wa en ej jlnoe jerak ejerakrok i/o jibbon. Ej bwil en wa 1Ik/lk. 1m ej jerbal leo i/o raan. Ke jerbal leo 110 raan ej kOjerbai va lcein. lio lceln emiin. Bolab ilo aer bwll19k ekwe kOn aelon ej ruji. 1m ludede in bon /0 aer IU ion men in. Ak eiel in va lcein Injab kOnke aelon ej ruj Injej bOo elon mattan va lceln. Kilo Ice ejerak, ejjerak,jerak, jerak,jerak im 19k pad Ilok ijo iloan 19meio e bon. Ke e bon ejet ilen an leo Ion e jerbal. Ijo Ice kOjerbai bon im Iale iju. Iju ko rej kO/cIal an aelon. 1m ilo bon iju ej kwa/9k juan aelon. Ak 110 raan va ko rej kwa/9k. 1m 110 aer toprii iloan 19meto ekwe alikor Ice kankan in va lcein wol joon kqjoor di eo wotjoon. Kqjoordi eo wotjoon aer jerbal kOnke repad iolap. 1m iinetak kilO ejjerbal

236 ~ ke buiimeto /cab kOlerweir /cab kOlIiileki. Inniim fie kw9j pad ilo ale kwoj jela wot, kwoj jela wot ke epaak fine. Konke rej tok fJIOlUI wa e im kOlliile inniim kOllfiki. Melele in jejjet ion boke. !fo ke rej ba kwoj ijet ion hOke. Ae lae ro rej rilik ekwe rej jotale boran wa eo Wll1Jl injotoklokan. Me/e/e in rej bwebwe in fine en. E kqjoor ~ in rilik kOnke ko rilik in aelon. E jotale boran wa eo Wll1Jl. !fo eo ejotale bOran wa eo Wll1Jl. 1m kqjejjet tok aelon eo ijo ilo booj eo. Koban itok fJIOlUI koban /cabbwe im re/9k lio ~ jet enaaj /cajabwabwe ijo. 1m fie finetale ekwe kiimeto rej ba, ~ in iilikin bar, etan metotale kOn wa eo Wll1Jl. Inniim mo eo ekan ej kOlliile fine/9k. Ej ba won finelok. 1m ~ ko reeaar im rilik kqjoor di eo wot juon, rej kOlliileki wa eo Wll1Jl. 1m wiiween dein wapepe. 1m kOnke kOk/a/ an fine iloan epaak fine epok ~ efl im koban me/e/e bwe epok ~ efl. Ak kOnke iinbwinjerbaJ ilo bon ale mejll1JljerbaJ ilo raan. 1m ke marai ro rejetjiin ilDon ro rej lukuun kar pel9k injuon ae"o. Botah ebwe ae~ ejerale kOn iju /cab kOn~. Ak lilo raan ejaje kOjerbaJ wapepe im bon. Ejah jew iinbwin ejah jaJa elliilia. Ak elaiiiie iinbwin in ear jela pad iloan wa. Ekwe Tflool ke TfIT{Ian in wapepe.

Translation: Two Young Men Who Sail with Navigation

Let's listen to this radio program from the Alele museum. Let's look together at one story about two young men who sail according to the culture of sailing. These young men sailed from Namdik and needed to go toward Ebon, on the sea they call the sea of Aloij. These young men have a title, they say man ofLiojidi because they work together regarding how to sail. If there is light, one of the men ofLiojidi may sail because the canoe has already sailed. Because they know the canoe they work together when they are sailing. When they sail together on their canoe one man works during the day and the other man works during the night. The men sail and look out toward the ocean. At sunset one man doesn't know how to sail the canoe but the other man really knows. And the one man steers and the other stays on the deck. And when they begin to sail, well, they begin to chant, it says, "Ke pad ippan Lainjin im rij itaan emejekel im bwij." It says if the island remains at the front ofthe swell to the east of their canoe, a navigation sign. The day's steering is finished. Sail, sail, sail and at night the one man doesn't understand. But the man on the deck knows how many stars regarding stars of islands. Now he awakes and says for the stars of sailing, "Likatuju eo ninnin wa in bonnin bwatok ijo bokqjaj ionjo aj." It says ifthe star is in front ofthe canoe then the understanding is clear. There is !iuun Rak ["Southern Star," Achernar, a Eridani], it remains in the place where it rises. But after some hours it moves toward the west and stays in the west. And if you will follow that star then you will see the island. But if you follow that star it will be correct. The way they are steering toward the island is finished. They work together to find the navigation sign or "knot" just like they work together to sail their canoe. Because one does not know but through their work together they know. The phrase ae ippiin doon makes one meaning, men work together. These men stay on the canoe. And during the night and day they work together. Now the canoe is beginning to sail in the morning. It launches to the ocean. And one man sails during the day. He uses these waves, four ofthese waves. But at the

237 canoe's launch the island wakes up. But there are few of these waves because the island wakes up and they say, there are many parts of these waves. Now they sail, sail, sail, sail and remain in the ocean at night. At night the one man works by looking at stars. Stars that are navigation signs of islands. And at night a stars signals an island. But in the day waves give the signal. And when they are in the ocean then it is clear the pull of these waves and only one is a strong bone. The strong bone is the only one they use because they are in the middle of the ocean. And coming eastward from the island is a swell going back to the ocean, which causes rolling back and forth. And if you are there you know the island is close. Because they come to the front of the canoe and roll it back and forth. It means the course is correct. The wave tells that your course is correct. But they are to the west of the island then the waves throw the bow of the canoe to one side and throw the stem of the canoe to the other side. It means that got lost from the island. The wave to the west is strong because you are west of the island. It throws the front of your canoe. The wave throws the front of your canoe. And to correctly come to the island is the navigation sign. You will not come forward and not turn upwind and look toward the wave that will make you lost. And if the swell comes eastward from the island then they say flying back to the ocean, the wave after the reef is the name of the wave that hits your canoe. And it rolls back and forth from the island. He says goes away from the island. And the waves to the east an west that are strong like a bone, they roll your canoe back and forth. And this is the way of the floating canoe. And because the navigation sign is close to the island there is confusing waves and you will never understand because the waves are confusing. And so they use their bodies at night and their eyes during the day. And if its dry they spin together and become very lost. But they sail with stars and with waves. But in the day they don't know how to use the way of the floating canoe at night. Don't know how to use their bodies or feel the rolling back and forth. But ifthis body knew to stay in the canoe, then the men of the way of the floating canoe are true.

Juon bwebwenato kDnjuon flIIllIIIIII ettm in Takioh LlmejulJanJ

Written by Kilon Takiah at his home on Aiuk in August, 2005.

Taldah ear /otale i/o Vi/ga ilojuon One edik ilo aeloii in Ailuk. 1m etanjikin eo ear fotale ie ilo Vi/ga ej Monkeotale wmo. 1m Ire ej riitto/fJk elap an kOfIDlUIje/gek wa im ej jerakrok i 101JlO/o eo an Ailuk bwe 1JIO/o eo an Ailuk elap an e'fl1]/Qn ilo ejerakrok kOnke niiieaii/fJk riilreaii/fJk wot ejab lap vo ak edik vo im e'fl1]lQn nan ejerakrok ej make/fJk wot e'fl1]/Qn 1JIO/o eo im armej ej kOfIDlUI wot ejerakrok. Jekdt;fJn bOn ale roan rej kOfIDlUI wot ejerakrok. /..een Taldah emiij an bOkje/ii/fJ/giecr fro ippiinjemiin Limejui Jani. Je/ii/fJ/giecr lrein rej ejaak injuon wa im ejaakjuon em men in kO'fl1]IQn maaii fro an armej in ae/oii lrein. Kilen kO'fl1]IQn 'fliiiiii fro rej wa/fJkjiin bwidij fro rej wa/fJkjiin IfJjet im mejatoto, elaptata kOn wa fro rej eUor ilo /fJjet. Eloii kainje/gek fro ilo wa lrein. fie wa /alemje/gek fro juon iiolok en anjekad, tOjeik, malmel, taburbur, mwijitbok. Erlrein men fro ear ekatale kO'fl1]IQn ekkwa/ lowe en wa!fJk to fro injuon wa. Tiliejm, maaii,jomur, 238 iiep. KDplllk to en kabbe, to ron, to oklii, mejanij wameloeaii wamelorok ejelii lale woj!re ka elflTflOYl nan kiilflTflOYl wa. Rej kana, lukwej, kiden, kanad. Rej kii1flTflO7l abol in wa kolre. Elap an pen elukuun penjektJJ}lIn ~ ka relap juon e1flTflO7l eo ear kijejelo ilo iine kalak men !rein ippiinjemiin Limejui Jani. Jani ejelii lartok im balre, kalllk im balre, ebwilok im piiiitlllk. Takiah ear anji/u an oelon eloe", Ai/uk, Likiep im Mejil. Ewor emen nejin armej. Jinear ri-Ailuk kab ri-Utrok etan armej eriitlolata in Talreme, Nimaiah, Enty, Kilon. Emen wOl nejin riltto rein. Takiah ear 10lak ilo iiO ve 1900 im mej i/o 1983. KDra ippiin ear mej ilo 1989. Moktatata in an Takiah kii1flTflO7l6juon wa etan Jaiii'!iaja (35 fie), numba roo Aniklak (30 fie), Iaronron (25 fie), kab juon wa elan Reio ej elanalre ro jibbiin kiirii im 1fI1fIODn.

Translation: A Story of a Man Named Takiah Limejui Jani

Takiah was born on Uilga, a small islet within Ailuk. The name of the place where he was born on Uilga is Monkeotak. And when he grew older he really wanted to build a canoe and sail it in the lagoon of Ailuk because the lagoon is very good for sailing due to sailing northward and southward only. The waves are not big, but small and its good for sailing in the lagoon and people only want to sail. Never mind if it is the night or day, they want to only sail. That man Takiah already got his knowledge with his father Limejui Jani. This knowledge was how to build a canoe and how to build a house for making pandanus leaves for the people of this atoll. The way to make food, they come from the soil, they come from the ocean and sky, the most with a on the ocean. There are many ways to build canoes. Five canoes arejekad, tojei/c, malmel, laburbur, mwijitbok. He learned these things and how to make sennit ropes for the canoe. Reefing lines, mainsail halyard, fore and aft stays, mainsail sheet. Let go ofthe sheet to fall off the wind, to sail northward and southward. He knows the trees to make a strong canoe, they are kana, /ukwej, kiden, kanad. They make the secondary outrigger booms, much strength, very strong, never mind large waves, one man learned on the island these things with his father Limejui Jani. Jani knows how to sail upwind and downwind, the rising and falling oftides. Takiah had land on three atolls - Ailuk, Likiep and Mejit. He had four children. Their mother was ri-Ailuk and ri-Utrok. The name of the oldest is Takeme, Nimalah, Enty and Kilon. Only four children from these elders. Takiah was born in the year 1900 and died in 1983. His wife died in 1989. Tahiah first build a canoe called Jaiiinjaja (35 feet), the second one Aniklan (30 feet), Iaronron (25 feet) and one canoe called Reio that was named after his grandchildren.

239 Juon bwebwelUlto kOn Juon IfI1lIIlIIII etan In Taklah LInu!Jui Janl

This is a longer version narrated by Kilon Takiah at my home on Majuro in September, 2006.

Joon bwebwenato injoon la/lap elan in Takiah ear riitto/t}k ilo aelon in Likiep. Mojen an riitto/t}k ej ilok nan Ailuk bar aelon anjoon Ailuk bar riilto/t}k ie im /ak likao ej hOke joon leOflllIlT/ leOra. Ear hOk joon leOra, leOra eo leOra in Anejabrok im Kopen. 1m km pad ie riittoJok, oh men nejjiera qjlri. Ajiri riittotata ej Takeme Takiah, kein kmuo Nimaiah Takiah, kein kqjilu Emty Takiah, aJiktata iiD ij leOnana ilo awa in. Emen nejin riilto rein, ruo eTfiTflaan /cab ruo leOra. Mojen aer riitto/t}kjep/aak riitto/t}k nan Likiep im bQQTflle eo an, oolep rej elal nan Likiep. fie iumwinjilu emen iio rej bar ilak nan Ailuk im leOTflTfIQRe jerbal ko aer ilo Ailuk. l-allap eleOflllIlT/ leOTfITfIQRe joon kain project in leOTfITfIDn wa. Ear katak ippiinjimmen elanjimmen in Limejui. Ear riitto/t}k lallap in ilo Uilga joon line edikdik i/o Ailuk. l-al/ap in elap an jela leOTfITfIDn wa. Ak ke ej pad ilo Ui/gajoon line elan in Uilga ewor ruo bwij In armej ro Ie. len ej bwij in Loakein ak ret ej bwij in Nelakwa. In fie ej ilok armej rein e ilok joon eTflTflaanJiin Ailuk ilo Jekad in pad imaan rein ruo. JlIOn •.. e pad line ippiin lio emelak diktata elan in Nelakwa. Emt}t}1 neJin nan ie. 1m bar elok im pad ilo wiito elan in Ankon, etak leOra eo ie ej Loakein. 1m fie emiij an, fie dede/t}k an pad ippiin liTparein ewor nejiero ajiri /iTflaFeln. Eriilto joon nejin leOra eo in Loakein menin Netakwa etan Limejui. Ro jojo riik eaii ekwe Loakein im etan leo eriittotata Libokean. Erein maan an leOra rein elan leo jimmaer in Jani. Jani ear pad irok imjilu nejin qjiri. Roo eTflTflaan /cab joon leOra. Ippiin Loakein ej Libokean /cab e/On armej, Libokean, Neoboke, ekwe tok nan leOra, Lubukmej, Luma, annej rein ej bar nejier akjenaoj leOnana tokiilik. Inniim annej ro iriik bwij eo riittotata ilo Uilga im annej rein rejjimjeinjimjatin leOra rein Loakein /cab Nanbun. 1m fie miij riittolok nan /iTflaFo nejier lal/ap eo ijojo Limejui leOTfITfIQRe joon pepe nan oolep Uilga im ba, eTflTflDn ke leOTfiTfiane joon wa,jllOn wa elan wa eo in Jeminjata. l-allap eo ijo Limejui ewor jiip in wa eo ak armej nejin Loakein rej eltor wot men ko ej leOTfITfIQRe, ej ba nan aer in leOTflTfIQRe. Ej itokjoon wojke ilo merak [light?], ej hOk fU1. JjJ tokjoon /iojqjin rej bokwojke rej koko fU1. 1m Jak ke elap an Ion rej ilonpepe in leOTfITfIQRe joon WOo etan wa eo in JemiYlfata. Kiio ke rej pojak leOTfITfIQRe ebar kwel/t}k bwij ko ruo 1m ba jej leOTfiTfIDn ke wa. Bwij eo jojo kajjilokjej leOTfiTfIDn wa emaron ke tiiprak wa in? Emiij lal/ap eo ej bajej kajjioii,jej kqjjion leOTfITfIQRe joon wa eo wa bwe jej aikuj. Moktajiin aer leOTfiTfIDn wa eo rej kappok joon 00, 00 eo ainwot joon iien jonkan, ilo aiiOneaii im bar rak. 1m iien rej leOTflTfIQRe wa in ej ilo aiiOneaii eo. Elon makmOk elon mokwtllJl elon hOb elon mii ekwe Ion ni ak kiio rej pojak in leOTfITfIQRe wa kilo. Rej leOTfITfIDn miina lak miij eba ekwe kilO leOTflTflane wa in kiio. Ma imjabdewot kain ak /al/ap eo ekm leOTfITfIQRejet keinjekjek wa. ljo rejab jeje ak rej tile wojke ko im leOTfITfIDn anjojo 1m rii 1m aiilep men ko in wa. Ejjelt}k mii rejab leOjerbal mii ak tile wojke enjulaii bar iiinwot leOTfITfIDn abot In WOo im wa ekm dede/t}lc. MOjen an dede/t}k rej bwile kememe. kememe ej iiinwot emOj anjerbal in, emiij, rej bwil ion It}jet im lale eTflTflDn an jerakrok. Ebwe an jerakrok, etta! leOnke ejabwe eTflTflan leOTfITfIDn in, eTflTflDn wa eo bwe ejjelt}k mii ejjelt}kjabdewot. 240 Ne bOk aijlepin bwebwenato leo anjabdewot armej ako bOk me/e/e jiin armej iar jab. lar bok bwebwenato leo ippiin /aJ/ap in. 1m iie emiij dedelok aolepin men leo iar ro;yake ippiin /aJlap in iiliktata ej letok juon koJimur im ba, ba leo kwOj kOrii ilo mour fie Cl1fI iie ilojatin mej. IkDfIOIUI1aIajerbal leo me reton tiljek anjuon armej. Emiij ke an /aJ/ap in e juon e1flTfItJaTI e tiljek i/o jerbal leo an ke jar baj mour ippiin i/o iien leo mokta. Kiio iie ij bOk bwebwenato ippiin /a/Jap in, elap,juon tl}ujin ••. Ak iia jar /otak i/o juon tl},gin ratimjuonbuki rofiouljiljilimjuon iiD. Na diktata an bQCl1flle ak riittotata leo, riitto jan fill ibar jelii kajien iio leo aero KOrii eo riitto ear /otak ilo juon tl}Ujin ratimjuonbuki rofiouljuon, kein koruo juon tl}ujin ratimjuonbuki ron ouljilu, kein leojilujuon tl}ujin ratimjuonbuki rofioul/alem, kein koememjuon tl}ujin ratimjuonbuki rofiouljiljilimjuon. Ekwe elon kain bwebwenato ejab kijjien riitto rein mokta ijo ke oktak /ak nan lollap eo me ippiin /aJlap in. Korii eo kOrii in bar Likiep ak ej bar kilin Ailuk im ijotoke jowi elap an maron /oJlap eo in aelon in Ailuk ilo Ane Jabrok kab . 1m armej rein jimur Maanje riittotata ionjuon bwij, kOrii eo eriitto an bwij eo an /aJlap eo ebar riitto an bwij eo an. Ekwe jowi leo aer ro juonjowi RDul, Takiah ej RDul ak Likaju ej Jedikdik. Qela bwebwenato leo aer, rej mej aolep. Ak armej ro riitto emiij aer ilon nanjabdewot jikinjikuu/ leo jikin pata leo im raar jab 10 an armej rein bwebwenato, ak fill iilikintata iar pad im ro;yake elon bwebwenato leo kijjien bwij, kijjien kOtan armej iiindein k01fI1IUD'I bwebwenato in bwe rej kab jelii kijjien ta in menmenbwij. menmenbwij aijrok ippiin ri­ Majel im bar iiinwot ri-ptille, menmenbwij aiiroktata. Ne kwOjaje kajien bwij eo Cl1fI ebar jaje kajienjowi eo Cl1fI iiindein inaaj bOjrak im lewoj aij kmprpoolol.

Translation: A Story of a Man Named Takiah Limejui Jani

This is a story of one elder named Takiah who grew up on the atoll ofLikiep. After he grew older he came to one islet on Ailuk and continued to grow up there, and after he was a young man he wanted to take a wife. He took a wife, a woman from Anejabrok and Kaben. And he stayed there and grew older, oh with children. The oldest child was Takeme Takiah, the second Nimaiah Takiah, the third Emty Takiah, last was myself, who is speaking this hour. The elders had four children, two men and two women. After they grew up, they returned and grew older on Likiep with their family, everyone goes to Likiep. After about three or four years they come back to Ailuk and make work on Ailuk. The old man wants to make one kind of project to build a canoe. He learned with his father whose name is Limejui. The old man grew up on Uilga. one small islet of Ailuk called Uilga, where the people there have two lineages. One lineage is Loakein and the other lineage is Netakwa. And when these people came one man from Jekad islet on Ailuk came and stayed with these two. One •.• named Netakwa he stayed on the smallest islet with a woman. The children left from there. And came again to stay on the land tract called Ankon. A woman Loakein came there. And after his, after he stayed a while with these woman they had children. The child of the woman Loakein, the wife ofNetakwa, grew up, who was named Limejui. There to south, north, well, Loakein and the oldest man (a son) named Libokean. The name ofthese women's father is Jani. Jani stayed to the south and had three children, two men and two

241 women. With Loakein were (the children) Libokean and many people, Libokean, Neoboke, well come to women, Lubukmej, Luma, these people have children but we will talk about this later. And the people to the south, the oldest lineage on Uilga and people there are brothers and sisters to the women Loakein and Nanbun. And after these women's children grew up, the old man there Limajui made a decision for all of Uilga and said, "is it good to build a canoe, A canoe that is called Jeminjata?" The old man Limejui was cheap with the canoe but the children ofLoakein they ran to do what he told them to do. They brought a tree that he took in the light. One woman comes, they take the tree there. And after it became really high, they decided to build a canoe, a canoe named Jemiqjata. Now as they prepare to make it the two lineages meet and say to build a canoe. The "flying fish" lineage asks, if we build a canoe will the canoe be completed?" The old man said, ''we'll try, we'll try to build a canoe because we need it." Before they build the canoe they search for one 00, 00 is similar to the time ofjonlam during the dry, windy season and also the calm, wet season. And the time they make this canoe is during the dry, windy season. There is much arrowroot, preserved pandanus, pandanus, breadfruit, coconuts, but now they prepare to make the canoe. They make food and after he says to build the canoe now. Breadfruit and any kind offood. The old man made thing to carve the canoe. There they don't cut but they burn trees to make the outrigger spar and planks and everything for the canoe. If there is no breadfruit they don't use breadfruit, but burn other trees, the same as making the secondary outrigger booms, and the canoe improved. After the canoe develops they launch kememe, kememe is similar to fmishing this work, finished, they launch onto the ocean and see if it is good for sailing. Okay sailing, it leaks because there wasn't enough good work, no breadfruit or anything. There are many kinds of sennit they on the canoe because the canoe has many reefing lines, mainsail halyard and for and aft stays, all the things they prepare to tie with sennit in order to complete the canoe. The canoe is completed, the old man made some things to stay on the canoe, make the outrigger lift and other things. But the most important thing is during the time the elders fish for flying fish, fish for flying fish to the north. Now the canoe is starting, everyone catches the fish during the time they go fishing for flying fish, fish during the time the flying fish appear. After the canoe is completed, all the elders and all the people of Ailuk they come and look at the canoe and also make similar canoes to that canoe. Many canoes were completed on the atoll during those times. If you take all the stories frum any person and receive understanding from the people - I did not. I learned the stories with this old man. And after these things developed I listened to the old man and he gave a promise, and said, ''tell the woman in your life if you die." I really want the knowledge that they hide with one person. This old man already hid the knowledge with one man when I was just born during that time before. Now ifI take the stories from the old man ...many, one thousand ... But I was born in 1927. I am the youngest of the family, but the oldest, older than me, I also know their birth dates. The oldest woman was born in 1921, the second 1923, the third 1925, the fourth 1927. Well there are many kinds of stories that these elders don't know from before, that are different from the old woman who is the wife of the old man. The woman, the

242 woman is also from Likiep but her skin is Ailuk and therefore her clan is very powerful in the atoll of Ailuk, on Ane Jabrok and Kaben. And these people, Maanje, the oldest of one lineage, the woman is the elder of her lineage and the old man is also the elder of his lineage. Well, their clans are one clan Roul, Takiah is Roul and Likaju is Jedikdik. I know their stories, they all died. But the old people already went the places for schoo~ the places of the battle and they didn't see any of these people's stories, but I am the last, I stayed and listened to many stories regarding lineages, regarding between people as they make stories because they also know genealogies, genealogies are special to Marshallese and also to foreigners, genealogies are the most important If you don't know your lineage, you don't know your clan. I will stop and give my thanks.

243 APPENDIXF WAVE BUOY DEPLOYMENT INFORMATION

. ~ . 'i' []IS; E17lo ,. 1.7l EI71°01~ ~ If ~ ~ 'S i4'iii' 1" ~ 7\0 1< M.g' R N6° E 171° no data iO E 171°5. L802'7' no data r- no data no data 1.(l691 no data i ~ no data 14 ~ N7" : 171°40.611' 15 0971572006 N7" E 171° M 0971572006 ,. E 171° 1572006 r- [0

I 10" 47

244 APPENDIXG COMMUNITY UPDATES

17 Joel works with WAM on traditional Marshallese navigation TGdiI:km:td 1III'fiplIaa MIll iI. jPsl.!ltilGfJI_pII5l.~ Injud {RIImuur IIbIoIy bolQb - bid IlQItt w:r~ III WaaoAdoo ill l&joI (WAM) bIrro 1III)1IIb:IJ Experts study our \(1,,)"11. AjclMW.u.t_~d HAaB pmjtd.1I'tIIdIJrIITdI b:IO bJ:I Jnr. is ~ 1IUl aaIJ 10

IlIl'\'I;g:IlbI It!lIt tid lID nrvluI secret 'sea signs' Ifag ..-U . --­.bI: 0:=.11 J'bD IUIdE2II ilia. ~ d tt.nlL lID ~ ~ dmd)' willi 1M WAM pq.u Dad I5kItb1 tnrdII!oIIaI ...... Ipmr Kor:m Sod to Wttw dIb""~adlllDlk:t • (JQa.m..:6 iloILo: ""~ '- __ Ipeodtq ~ l1l5I __ of ---­hIoll:lllllUlllaDAIluk~ IIbm.llrcri!ll~<:-. """"" ..... bdloCaD.1IntIIII ~1:qIIII ...... 011 ¢w 'Ktpd III Mclo'~...... - .dU.JCPJ~~ b (1IQobt tad cuppwtcd b)' d» NIdkaaI~~tbe ..... UH Sea !3nIa Catktt f'tt:pm. ...- ,-- dID \\bJzIa"..(IflIO FoaadIlIoII f.Qr ...... "'" • ' ; : J ' RcscIaIdI. t...... tadaLol!lllb IJ. BruId _ a... ""'...... - IdlIPAlIoIl1oQl~ -.. .. -lit mIIZrI:5llO ttbc:r PIdlk is­ bIIdm ., ~ t, IIRIIs c=sed by. _J ill ~.. _Cld'ltilld~~Mar· ~wlIUIltl\:llll:na._ __ - tilt _ IpGC 1Ir~ ~1ta'IlJ1I~~1tIId - ~1I7JItaI.-1IIldG«az. Jed WID utala adllld. by lib ~-lgWabr-l' ~ Hc

245 9 Korent Joel 'feels his way' from Kwaj to Ujae

Tta:ii!bo;aI~ __.. plQt' ICoRm bI .aDo!odaIlbc Crew ~WD<:i~ID"i­ __erd~hIt_1lalntI &Ina:Ir'~_dlfwllrlkr tries to ..wID_-ucrtbh!l:lP W'WIIUlllilSl8mo:!em.-'ft;Itldad captain .Iad.. ~ 1«"- l'dIaIIotr7 -of ~ &IICI CamrDo­ ~~"' ~ btIo tqq. b)' pi!! "prUJ.r' 10 ~.-ltbr m_· olJuldf ~ 1flIf Maftballcta Ana _ pntlindDal'f 1taw:att>')'~skID. ~ ~ ""q• ..tIIcb~_ o11bo -... G=z aid tbIa CD ~ tbII MaIl, .. .K.'WIIjDIdu a.. h. maad:tbIo 'O&IIIW. WIll blII ~tIr PIleD b ilf~a.~1IIId -maalErit~III:IIaI .. tout IJItbo~ODs-d:I)' ~Zw:;ltr~lkkr. _1U:IJb_WIllIo~ !he ~'. Cmh." 1IIdGca:r. taalldirD:!lr~b:ad -'cbI't hDllhakttoaooutlO_ Imdcxl~"-- Nt_ead 'l1l'.UftAblmkdol "li_dlfIIcuhWI;tIII)CDIIiIItI!D ..... (lfD&i!t.~d:ll(d'lOlto~ Tbt_kIflllJ-o'OIIlMonr£­ ItDd o.m (G bod 1l'iI& Iud. tbo _Q._~_1S'I#1IIiq; bcttI used. 011 IlIe ppb Om! ba1dIDs~lIGtIsatlllelVl} u!DJW-!IIII'. ~ __ IIfIIIlmccl. lIII:IZIuJiaOtll Sal flIWa*l aLSIb. Ibe ani' datlClIII) f4 ¢IIbCr ioImxL l.a6.Jl) for a.r 1bII~~_1O • ~d qms&:ioDf 1m bL ACrCd MnU ia:II;I tho ~ =- tIqt-~1IIY "fed.IbeIr.-y'II!lUc¢1htocem. "1lIo;ft II • "-" IIJ b7 1I1#acd." tile cb:In. &Il 0Jfd ~ pkf: tlR ~._I:!IdUJm1l_ ~GcmIhoIlldfIbrGf5 Bu:ftutuot. 8OItltokioll (Mnb lIPtkd. "Bulle:lnlc!du kII fIaAI I't:IDIII: trip I':tmII tt)o.lkrv_ .atIc:J=ma. ~wmtilllool 10 pI.:Jt UIdr Io.:IdDa nuy baIIr. IWfJb.IoI/::Ipak(

246 APPENDIXH RI-KAPEEL NOMINATION

I submitted the following ri-kapeel nomination to the RMI Historic Preservation Office:

Under Part VI, Section 27 ofthe 1991 Republic of the Marshall Islands Historic Preservation Legislation (pp.29-31), it states that the title of ri-kapeel is created as the official recognition of persons possessing traditional knowledge and skills. In this letter I provide background information to make a ri-kapeel nomination to the Historic Preservation Office. From September 2005 to October 2006 I conducted research on traditional navigation for my doctoral thesis in anthropology. Collaborating with WQQ1I Ae/iin in Majel (WAM) and the Fisheries and Nautical Training Center (FNTC), I worked intensively with Captain Korent Joel and other elders to document their traditional knowledge. During the 13 month project, Captain Korent and I met over 70 times at FNTC. We spent over 240 hours discussing and recording traditional navigational knowledge. In addition, I spent a week with Captain Korent on Rongelap observing a traditional training reef. I also accompanied Captain Korent for 4 days at sea on a traditionally navigated voyage between Kuwajileen and Ujae. Finally, I worked with Captain Korent for 8 days at sea deploying a wave buoy around Majuro, Arno, Aur and Maloelap to collect data on various swell and current patterns.

Section 27.1.a states that the title shall be bestowed upon Marshallese men and women who are widely acclaimed to be the unsurpassed masters in their fields.

Captain Korent is widely regarded as the best traditional navigator today, most notably by his fellow navigators - both traditional and modem.

Section 27.2.d states that the election ofcandidates shall take into account: i. their knowledge in the skills to be honored

In September 2006 Captain Korent successfully navigated a yacht without the use of any navigational instruments over 120 nautical miles each way between Kuwajileen and Ujae. This attests to his knowledge and skill in traditional navigation.

ii. the applicability ofsuch skills in modem society

Captain Korent wants to integrate his knowledge into curricula at WAM and FNTC. This would help WAM to expand on their canoe building and sailing program for at risk youth. It would also enable the students of FNTC to learn traditional navigation as a professional skill.

247 iii. their willingness to train young apprentices in such skills to the best oftheir obility

During the course of my research, Captain Korent worked with four Marshallese students at the FNTC classroom and at sea during the wave buoy study. He also began to teach the sailing crew during his traditionally navigated voyage. These efforts attest to Captain Korent's willingness to train others. Based on my infonned knowledge of who are the remaining navigators in the Marshall Islands, my professional experience working with Captain Korent for 13 months, the general acclaim of Captain Korent as the best navigator, and Captain Korent's knowledge, desire to apply his skills in modem society and willingness to teach others, I highly recommend Captain Korent for the title of ri-kapeel in navigation.

248 GLOSSARY

MarshaIIese term meaulne: ad cloud fonnation or s1ar Ad s1ar, son ofLiJktaiiiir Arctures in Bootes adinpii cloud oe current oeM} e!l/imen Etao navigation sign; 'Etao's ftesh water: underwater source offtesh water, MIle oear current flowing into lagoon aedunmeJ current forming whirlpool in channel oelnbar wave resulting from breakiIIg_sweU on reef oelnbae navil!ll!ion slim: current offoam. Enewetak oe Inbartak wave breaks on coral rooks near shore oe In bar/akJuae marofiroii reflected wave oelnkOJ swell !bat Is a reef oe InwOd swell !bat breaks on reef oeJet surIiICe of ocean oelik current flowing out from Jagoon ael;;;; atoll oelokeaii current flowinl! northward oelo!driik current flowinl! southward oel1/1llfl1l tide not Iloinll in nor out l11IlIlwe ebb tide oenliieaiilok current flowing northward aeriikeaiil",k current flowing southward ae current aet current aetak current flowinl! eastward oeto current flowinll westward alre waterSPOut ak navigation sign; mgate bird, Enewetak and Ebon a/eelee navil!ll!ion sign; wave !bat encircles Rondik ale U11D' rainbow, 'mother of wind' ankeke curve aii wind aiidilulik caJmseason - - I breeze I aiiJenJen steadv Iillht breeze aiitnBdlk wind blocked by atoll aiiOl/ak west wind, 'wind blowinl! eastward' aiiOlto east wind, 'wind blowing wostward' aiiOneaii windY season aolap cloud aOInwiilla laiimaad navil!ll!ion sillll: aaJaxy, sea between Klle and Kuwaiileen arere cloud arab laii sky getting darker iilwllmaru navigation sign; bird, Rondik baut dloud. 'flshIna rod and flower' bedbe4lao blgh tide 249 tide 'Oran mediit chOJlDY waves '0<>, '!mot.' 'oo} In iiruJ node 0: tfrom I swell BUblnEhon star2:::Ebon's black' buntok ...... , , 'swell eest swell, 'swell south swell, 'swell i bltber from tile south' north swelL 'swell comine hither from the north' , into . I to sail UDWind or dole duck dekii coral rock. refers to ,reef , nodes t swells lean Ian cloud, , of tile 'Pan north ebar eo bakii 'eJII1IIY iW<.' the ruDl'UD lokur~ , I edda place t based on stars le/elaii onset 0 F!load . r durinll SDrinIl tide I eletak omdoFOOd !~~~ ______~

I e/eanl

lemlal~ ,to Rood breeze feeling, wln~~a1I, etak In wa 'Ullht I I rises.' 'Iokur j. /a11ID /auruI" Ibwll high tide idik l/a !/U star. Dlanet Iman i 1m al 'house of moon and "",,_' haze

~~mak west~,si~ ~tIIe)·~~~~==~ ,sky'

Itokrear i bltber finm ."" eest' labdik I tack labllID ablru Qrom , smaIl • Dicks UP water from oceen ...... i ..~down , 10DIl and very briOt ii I cloud }iimur I cloud Jiiue I star. son, I bowl,' a.1J,T 250 /ebal' ~ ~~_,

'S1O~

standing on me __ , lost in onJer '" ."'"

~ :ot

~ ~ ~- ~ l'!!!lI!t !..!!8!!i. ~ I to sail , DOIUJ -mrow~ :: ~ I souno-,,! I~ • -swell :!J, ~ roll ~lOrm In .. • wind

Ito

110 III un I CIOW

__ _ ~ao1!!!.~~~~~w --- I ;;;;n:- L_ - --. ~ --

251 kiimelO 'fly toward the ocean.' teflected swell kelnJkIum plant keklok name of wind for making weather prediction kemllaii eaii northemsky kemllaii /rear eastemskv kemllaii /rI1lk westemskv kemllaii rok southemskv kidld bird. wandering tattler (Heleroscelus Incamun) ldpeddikdik sail close to the wind kIIu{Jf}n wind that bourn:es offtrees kkaii diqWn iiiil rough cwrent kkOb dimon iiii calmcwrent kortelok navigation sien'ulunllC in the sea' (same as re/pk) kono navill8lion sien: ruddy RongelaD kouI navill8lion sign; octopus, RongelaD kowokruoko Navill8lion slen: two wbinthrels, Mile kiid9 cloud kiid9 bwlne roan 'clouds that greet the day' kiid9Jlmen cloud kiido koiiiil cloud kiido In lOIITIII' 'cloud of thunder' kiido iln Araii 'cloud of iack fish' kiid9 kiiiii 'cloud offish hooks' kiid9ldmeJ 'coconut paJm leaf cloud' kiid9nlmen rl-Nam 'cloud for Nam people to drink' kiio '0 Dein ok 'cloud offrl_ blrd's winl!S' kiio '0 Deden po 'cloud offinl!erS' kiiI< oj navigation 'sien.' seamark kiilekii surfing toward an island kiillo eo kob miirmiir navil'lation sien: foam and lI8I'baRe dump, Bikini kiitae technique to estimate curreots kOIkii/ bird ruddy tumstone (Arenor/o Inlerpres); navigation slen. RonllClaD kOIo wind kpto eaii In 01 north northeast trade wind. 'northeast trade wind north of the sun' koto rok In 01 east northeast trade wind, 'northeast trade wind south of the SUD' kwolel bird. golden plover (Pluv/QJ/s domln/co) kiitak southwest wind kiitakJep south wind IDe calm sea LoIaJDlele wind from all directions, SQUall same as aiiln utor l'oIe Jmi to forecast weather Jmi skv Jankobwebwe place for weather forecastin Jmimekak place for wenther forecasting based on sun and moon Ie wind lekii rolling bIlCk and forth Lemaro rainbow, 'Mr. thirsty' lenJneon south wind, 'wind blowinl! northward' lerokeaii north wind 'wind blowinl! southward' Ie/ok east wind, 'wind blowing westward' le/o west wind. 'wind blowing eastward' Llbujen navigation sign; name offrll!llle bird who is looking for Jutakwo (giant 252 eeO.Ebon I/lih/ll navilllltion sign; current between Allininae and Lae Llkabwiro name of storm from June-JulY 11ka/1I/wewe whirl1lOO1 lJkkiir very larRe wave, 'mixed up' lJmtdaljjljj navigation sil!l1: submerged reef west of Amo 1_ Polaris LImororo:/iiJ/ap 1m /eJ/ap cloud, 'old woman and old man' limelo fourtb moon pbase lim/ale seeund moon Dbase II chOOPY seas asterism. 'kite" cloud Ii eo nejln lnedel navigation sillll' Inedel's kite, Ebon Lbpjeed very IarRe t typhoon wave 'scattered' 11Ip/11P navigation sign; foam, Enewe1ak LIiiOr star (north of JehrQl Lloenldlk a star IlDeoe third moon Dbase. time of neao tide (Jdlk) LIIalcpoki navigation sign; name of ka/o that creates Llkop/jwewe (whirlpool), MIlium lliik rollingbnck and fmtit LiiblailwUiooi typhoon wave that Dicks up sesweed. 'mass' LiikIaiiiir star mother who introduced !he sail, a Auri_ in CepeDa LOoomeme reflected typhoon wave 'fonm' liirale dive down. forward motion LOtbar typhoon wave that hits land, 'rock' LiittfJf}r typhoon wave that demolishes land, 'flow' /"k thither. (wine awnv) from soeaker /f)jel ocean. sea Lokartaii name of rainbow Lolelaolao sea between the Ralik and Ratak chains lomelo ocean, sea IUT calm wind 1111 moonsets IlIIok/"kkan navilllltion silllL 'fiI11ine off the edI!e of the earth' Luwal star (south ofJebro) LOkiiloiioriior navilllltion sil!l1: name ofhoUow drlfting 10f!. Bikini mao! cloud, 'print" cumulus clouds Moalal evening sial Venus I1IIJIUI hjjkii middle of tide I1U:ltlii In Madmod navilllltion sia:n: oandanus from the islet Nnmdik Malkwon cornI rock on RODaelno. for v to and from Kuwaiileen marokdlk ninth moon pbase marok/eo tenth moon pbase maroktak eil!bt moon Dbase. time of neno tide (Idlk) Malkwiin cornI rock on southern ocenn-side of It islet. Ronl!elno AtoU MiiI/eD star son of LOktuiiiir:. B.D •., AItalr in Aaullne memmbon wind at nil!bt meialolo air, atmosphere, cUmate mejen ii/lIIlRQ cloud, 'eye of the hnd coconut' mennlnmour animnI melo ocean. sea. to navil!ate. name of model 253 wave,' wave

turnstone,

254 tiltiIlrlleaii northwest wind 10 westward 10k hither toward speaker larJuel navigation sillll: wave paUem near Likieo /ueaii turear northeast /ueaii turillk northwest Tiimur star eldest son of LOktaiiiir Antares in Scomius tiir In lebwe cloud turok turear southeast turok I1Irlllk southwest IUlulnae Seventh moon phase ubiin kidid cloud Utakkon . 'coconut shoots' wapepe 'floating canoe' Waan Aeloii In Malel Canoes oftile MarsbaII Islands welala navigation sil!ll. 'lidlina to one's side,' northwest and southwest ofatoll wlwller aettina lost at sea, lose the direction of wat IIIin worameloii IIIin cominll straIRItt down wotdi/uJJk a liUIe IIIin wotmanman IIIin that makes noise wormojeUel lots of IIIin woro IIIin that bounces olf calm ocean wiJtrukruk a little IIIin

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