BV TIM WOHLFORTH IN THE reClII1 pcdod we ban Mparatlsal. DOW 'left alaaJlar mcled ,_ .IM __ WIly. ... _ outbunt of • \'try ..!ratlos fa Briltaay. Eada putlcalar u ...... ",callar kind 01 ••tJouJlsm willi· FlaaJly. 10 SwlrurJud, wkiclI 11111'to. la .... I_ ....du fr_ 10 ...y of tbe advund capl­ has ubteod for «olurin .. • Itt latuaat&oul .I.nt ud at taliit CQuntfkt of til. world. multJ-Ilo,w bour,eoIl Itli. wltb tIN same tt .... Wall" ~ pUtlcululy tnoqull relaUoIli OD lite rip' of ..110.. to ..... Btlal". w bee. lora I ... r, amonl Its IllIa.I,lic lto"PI. lhe determJDltlOll la I...... II .a for .ver.1 "eI" DOW by • FROU ape_tla, popwatloa of Ibltnet ,d.. _tlc:: -IonIu" ud Itru"le betwHD Fl.DlI.h-..k­ tbe Jura ,eaJoli la II GerllUlD UNd ... UCUM to adar to IIIIe IIlI lad Fnnd.... peaklq peoples speaklD' C.afoa hal beea Ialllt­ partlcul.r _tJoea! trn • ",1.11 dem.Ddt for lederaUIm aad la, for .plrldlm. Iotparatl." belli' f.lsed. H.re w. 1Ia ...... tItodO&Oalc::aUy 111 Scotland and Wales, 100, The ,fowf" of black aatioul­ I c::omblutloa of ...... ttaa ,,"'ted with Eoll-nd u Grlllt Ina amool Amerlcua NepMI ud mempllyllcaJ formaUam wllkll Brital.. "paratlll ."ratlo. 'I mUif be SHn u part 01 thl' Inda i ...lubly to o,portuolpn If'Owl.q. In Irdlnd, co.-Iell be­ ..... lateNltloaal tread• of tH c::rudm IOrt. . tWHD Prola tul lod Catholic lritll l.III UI.ler, II feud which Aa uodentaad.Ul, of tile alUMS Wlt.at I Marxia. ..,..... to 10ft back to tile 111" c.llCury. for .od the Dlture of tllla ..w .IM _tJoul q1Mltloa reqa1rea I. .... luddeDly lod .-Jointly fona of utioullam IlIleraatioa· quit. the oppo&it.: to beala It erupted. .111' la lIKflapeuible to aa .adu­ .U tlmn from 0. polilt o( ."w ' taDdla, of black Dltioaallua III of tIM latlraltlooaJ of 1a Cauda, FreltC.lt C. ...diu tile UDlled Smtes. Itt..... sepantfam .... becolM II Cfttral tIM world... eI... utd It 1M political ,.... 1111 lbe eoWltry W1Iotrenr tllne treads ..... 111M tilDe to uadentud ralfty la Itt c::oac::nte:~ plIc::e t1arat.au.1 to t •• r apart tIM: yay elBHJed tile feYl"CMllatt of tile an SodIlIl. Workers' Parcy (SWP). tM pudc::.Jar aadoeaJJtt ..... Caudiu ..tloaaJ .bte. Ens de whlll_ lu proper IIlsCorical Gaulle, WH ..... oPpol1ualnJc:aIly It:e IMeraadooal c::o-tIllaken., tIM _.t e.-naed Freadl cu.adI•• Maolau ud tile StaJlelthi ...... voludoa. VERSUS

A STUDY of the writinas of Socialist Revolution and the; tbe oppreued Dationalities IS lenin on lbe national questioo Riaht of Nations to Self·Deter· well IS th.,.. whole formal wUI make clear thai it II with mination (TheICS)' and 'The Dis­ schematic denial of the ques· thi, latter method that Lenin. cussion . of Self·Determination tion of Klf-detenn.lnltlon ob­ buln, himself on Mux, .p. Summed Up', jectively boUler. the natioaalilm pr'OKhed tbe quution. This material, written between of In OpprU80t nation. We look to L.nln. therefore, to 1914 and 1916, represents a Lenin saw the demand of deepen our undentandlna of the mature development of his views, national aeIf·determination u a met:hodolOlical approach to this the result of a lonl strulJ,le since bouraeoi. democratic demand, 1& question Ind certainly not to 190], and is the basis for tbe part of the boW-leois revolution. find some simple schematic for­ policies of the Bolshevik hrty mula to define 'nations' or to durl.ni and after the October declare our attitude towards Revolution. National stat. ·n.tionalism' .. some IOn of ab­ These writlnp take the form The demand it to be aupported stncdon. of an lnte&ral!y related polemic, by the workinJ clall under COG· Even a very cursory Itudy of fil'lt qainat Otto Bauer's theory dltions where it will mean the Lenin will rC't'eai that Lenin was of 'cuItun1-national autonomy' dev~opment of a utionai ttate at no time and under no con· and tbe.n apinst Luxembu,.', within which the wO!tiD, clau ditlonl a 'partisan of nationalism' opposition co the rilhc of aeIf· can Idvance Itl Itruule qalut II the January II 'Militant' de. determination of oppnued na· capitalilm, removu national Kribe,bim. tiona and finally a aummary of blckerinJ and unites tile wort.· Particularly Important amona the centni lcuona of" both pole· ina dill of different natioaalitiel Lenin'. many writlnp on this mics in me form of tbuea. into • common stl"Upk QaU.t question are his article 'Critical lenin's views were developed ·taIiam, Remarb , on the National in I polemic qainst thOle like Uke .U boutJeois democ:ratic Question'} 'The RiJht of Natien. Bauer and the Bundista wbo demands, it it subordinate to the to' Sdf-Determlnatlon', 'The adapted to the nationalism of international llruule of the 1 workin, dna. but al the same lext 50 as to obscure exactly we are the siaunchest and most time is necessary to achieve this what Lenin was statIO,. con~i5tC' n l enemies of opprei6ion. international unity, He was not clliIJmlQl 10 , up· But insofar as the bourleoisie of Nationalism is therefore bour. pori nationalism as ·pro.... es· the oppressed nation stands for' &eois nationalism and cln be sive·. but rather the ',eneral ItS own bourgeois nationalism. we nolhin, else. bUI bourteols democratic content that IS direc· stand against. We fiaht apinsl nationalism. ted apinst oppression.' pnvile,"es and Violence of the Lenin nc\'c' claimed nation .. '­ opprebOr nation. and do nOI in iJ1il'1l to be anythi"1 else and :rtlis content; II Lenin stated. anr wsy condone stnvmgs lor Dever supported nationalism of can be summed up In one de· priv.leltts on the pan of the op· an oppressed or oppressor nation. mand 'Support to the rilht of pre.sse-d nation.' Thus the recen! attack! by self·determillo1tion' , lenin found no difficulty io He fou,bt any tendency to Ii,htlng absolutely and all tM Tony Thomas and Gus Horowuz support national move.menll In in the 'Militant' .~inst Pralres­ way for the riRbI 01 self-deter· sive Labour for daring to call any wa y or any asptct of nation· mination of oppresu, of 'ghenoism'. 'The slopn cuse. for Ivoldin& concreteness­ to petty-bou-:.eoisie IDOvemenll of national culture. is a bour. the concrete analysis of a par­ and fosten fascistic ItDdencies. leois (and often I black hundred ticular phenomenon within its FinallY. where such a demand and clerical) fraud', Lenin stated. pt.rticular historical circum­ is correct if roeanJ one thinl and 'Our sJOiln is: the international stanCH. one thin. only-the dec:lal'lltion culture of democracy and of the This demand il pan or tbe of the tiltbl of • Dltion to world worltinl'clus movement.' 11L---1___ ---'

THE ONLY WAY the question inlra-colonized nation.' a nation to secede or if an u, of me American Negro can be So it is the ~tion of the temll colony tbe ript to break understood is within the kind SWP and YSA today that the from imperialist domination. of lnt~ational framework di.· Negro constitutes an oppres.sed It bas no other content. It cussed in tbe first pan 01 this nation to whom the slopo of does not mean the riabt for Irticle and with a completely the riabt of self-detemunation national &rOUP' sprinkled scientific, objectively MarxiSl. correctly applies. throu&hout citia to have auto­ concretely historical analysis. Such a statement i. of con· nomy in 'cultural' matters, The writings of all the revi· siderable importance for the It certainly Mver meant su~ sionlsts on this question are wbole struggle for socialism in port for t.ourzeois Ilationalism completely prlgmatic, sociolOKi­ the United Statu and thus for in any way. So if the Nearo is cal, psychological-in fact Iny the wbnle international ItruaaJe. a nation to which this slopn and every method is used but It requiru a serious Maraist appUes this means it must have Mlrxism, analysis. a concrete historical a 'bomeland', a re~on where it Tbe positiOD of the Younl stlUb' JJ/ \be ~ific evolution of has developed Its independent Socialist Alliance and Socialist tbe Negro people within tile national culture and wbere a Workers' panr. on this question Uni~ States as it relatH to national boufScoWe has arisen. is absolutely c car. Tony Thomas' me economic development of It mana then that the United article i.n the recent 'Militant' the United States within world States never completed iii bour­ .peaks of 'support to se1f-deter­ capitalism. "eois democratic revotution and mlnalion 0{ the black nation'. This i5 not supplied by the like Ruuia is a multi-national GUI Horowitz is onJy a slip! YSA and SWP. For all their state with an opprused nation desree more cardu] witb 'his harping on the importance 01 within it. talk of 'a multi·c1ass nationu 'facts' their resolution is IS emp-. The Communist Party at_ minority', and that 'black people ty of concrete historical analy. tempted to make a call for the were natioDally oppressed'. Both si, as it Is full of all Ions of Negro as a nation by delineating writers bue themselvu on the psycbological and sociological the countia in the South wben: YSA reIOIution 'On the Revolu· rubbish stolen from the uniftr­ the Negro was in a majority IS tionary StruuJe of Black Ameri· sities about 'identity' and 'Afri­ • !black .'-dl;' ca for Self_Detemlination', can heritage' and 'spiritual arma­ ment'. This black belt was seen as dominated by the an:haic share­ This is the most remarkable cropper plantation economy, a document to be produ~d by 'Black Belt theory' real 'intra-coloni%ed nation'. self·styled Marxists in the his· While the CP could not fail tory of the movement, The approach of the Commun· to note the wide dispersion of It states that 'tbe job of black in Pany to this question must NelToes throughout tbe country revolutionary socialists is to Afro-­ also be considered because their as a wbole they clilmed that the Americanize Marxim!.' by com­ black. belt theory, while sche· majority still lived in this 'bome· bininl 'the traditions of Martin matic and absurd, represented land' and the others lOuaht to Delaney, Nat Turner, Marcus at least a serious attempt at someday retum to tbeir Black. Garvey, and Malcolm X with the makinl a case for the Negro Ukraine. traditions of Man:, lenin, Trot­ beinl a nation. If this position of tbe CP, _sky and Cannon . , .' 115 posi­ As we have noted, the ques· whicb they have consistently tion on the national question tion of the ri~t of self-deter­ sbdved recently u even the mo.f Is absolutely clur: Black. people mination has ooly one content, ardent black nationalilt is not ma.ke up what is known IS an only one meaninl-tbe rilht of the least bit interested" in re., 6 ruml" to his 'homeland'. is his· thel,t old ,enemy w., fev 01 the which atill Mel toO be dnDe by torical y correct, then the alopD ,new ~the danaer 01 a hand. New modem Kience has of alf-detel"llUnadon hu at leall k:oaabi.ned movemeut 01 Nearo aboUabed tbi.a talk .. well, .. some Mmblance of retiity to it. an4 w.bite small fume,.. with the _WIlfreda 01 theusands of Nepo indutrlal wnrken of the North familia 01 the 00141 South .-e be­ Am.-iean Civil W... which t66k an early fenn in ina fOl'«d out 01 their home.. the Populkr-illo'fement. reconstructien_ wu scuttled Crop restrictiens in both cot· This whole qu_tion wu in So ten and tobi.cco also have coo­ reality .ttled u • resuJt of the and the eld rulina claues con· tributed to thlI proceu, American CivU War. The de­ UnUed toO bold en Ie a semblance velopment of indtWrial capital· ef their old plantation a)'ltem Today there is little len: of Ism In the North made the con· throuah sbare-croppiDl which the old black bell and the plan. tinll.ltioo. of ..very more and tied the rural N etro toO the land tation eeooom)' upon wIdCh It more intoltrab&e. almoat AI securely .. mvery. rested. Even by 1950 doee toO Above all the Northern capt· It is frem this period that the a maJori~ at the Nea.ro- in Wiall couJd not submit to • race 1)'I[eID. as such can be dated, America h~ fn tb>! N 0I1h agd bruk.in& up the country throu&h d!eths!;!th. the.Jlm Crow Iawa at 1 majority 01 those who lived In • confederation and the possi­ the South lived in cities. bility of the ptenllon of ...very The nce prejudices were main. Industrial develepment has into the new StilU of the West. tained toO bold the Nesre down made the South. while net .. In­ u a aource of cheap labour, toO dustrialized IS the Maine to Vir· Rather they needed 10 extend keep the workina dIU diridtd CIIpitalism into the South as well &Inla Atlantic belt and the. Great and thui toO bnld the clul dnwn Ukes realnn, mere industrialized as the. Welt. The ' North-East aa a wbole- North and South. rqioo was too limited to .up­ than Appalachia, the Meuntain port the development of api· But -:rite the partioIJ aurvinl Stites and most ef tbe MJd· talism just as EDpand was • nf the 01 plantation culture in· West plains area. century earlier In re1adon to dustrial dewlOllment flouriabed The American Civil War SeotJand and Walel. in the But ~d Mid·Wen and marked the completion nf the Concern foe the pUsht of the. started in the South. American boufJeois democratic Ilaves was the the leut concern Tbe Nnrth's victOQ' In the re"elution and the emeraence of the Nortbun ClpitaJists, but Civil War and the. deatruetion ef a streDa nation state with a all the same. as Marx and Enlets nf the South'~ special rqinnal· powerful and intearated national pointed out, the .truule of the ism IaJd the basis fnr the fan· economy. North &&IitIst the SOuth was tutlc arowth 01 capital in the historically prollUSlve and period nf the Rnbber Barnna, Any possibility ef • Neare na· necessary if the work.itl, c:las& which made it poaslble f« the tien died with the destruction of was to develop in the United United States to emerae from reconstructien, the attritinn of States. Wnrld Wu 1 .. the dominant the plantation ecenemy and the Imperialiat natiOQ of tbe world. mi&r.ltien ef the Nearo and bis After the Vie:toriOUi conclusion at least partial intearation uHn of the war the malo question the American workln& cia.. sbikin, American politics wu Negro immigration econnmically, tbe future of the South. Some Thia is wby the Nearn is not considered traD.formini the This indl.lStrial develeprneat South Into an internal colony, wu accompanied by a tendency today in any sense whatsoever a perhaps a black-dominated ene ef Nqre im..mi&ntion from the natien or a national minerit,y. ~d epenly supported the blacle rural South toO the urbl.n Nnrth In ract this objective rulity reconstructien movement. and later the urban South. is renected in the ideelo&y of the But the dominant capitaliJt At the same time the planta· NlClro nationalists themselves. Interests had aomethiq else in tion ecenemy went intn decay. Outside ef its mote uotic frinses mind. They wanted peace with By the 19305 mechaniution was the black nationalists de not de· the 00141 rulina clau of tbe South introduced inte cottnn fannln& mand repatriatien toO Africa, er toO pave the way fnr fw:len with ledlna toO the almexl tetal de.. return to the South, or any clear this d... mucb AI the Enaliah Itructien ef the ahatewcroppu secessienist demand. did with the Scottilh boutleolaie system and increased Netro mi· Rather, the very ebjective con­ and toO epen capital deVelop­ aration out of tbt- 'blaclt belt'. ditions of the Neue people reo motnt 01. the reJ,ion. Many Nearoea. bewever. we-re strict their natienali,", e:.;ciu­ Of course:, u we ahalI _, allowed to remain in their cabins sively 10 'cultural nationaliat' they carried throuab this fusion rent free so that a ready and s)epna sucb u black centrol 01 in a vay reactionary way. One cheap labour IUpply weuld be the bl.cJt cemmunities er bladt reason foe this anlldarity with available fOt cotton wHdina centrol ef the schools. elc. OI-l __B_LAC_K _------'I WHEREIN then lies the ebjec· ternadonal context this becemes Protestant·Cathelic feudin& in tive causes for this recent eut· elltremely clear. lrel.nd, it is a reflection of the burst of black natlenalism in the Like Scottish nationalism, deepeninll crisis of world capl. United~ States? If seen in its in· French·Canadian nationalism and tallsm. 7 A brief look It the evolution It must be understood tbat strukJItt in Europe, attacu on of the Netro movement since tbe crisis which has ended an), the wortin, class.. whole with­ the. 19Si SUpftme Court Deci­ bope for a bouraeois reform io the United States, and the sion will make this patently clear. solution Qf th£; ' Nearo outstion conscious stru,g1es of Marxists From the Montlomer)' bus Is lnmnational in scope. apinst black oationalism will boycott tbrouth to the m.ln:hes As we bave noted. the vic­ mnsfonn the very surlaee into Cicuo the Nelro s~,. to~ 01 Ithe. Nonb i. the CivU oature of tlie current racin was primarily • reform Itru e. W. paved the way< for the polarization of American politics. Mass demonstrations were tid enieraence of the United ~tu Acceptance of black ' national­ in order [0 foIU concessions as the dominant worl,l: im~rial­ i5D1 irl1lus deeply connected with (rom the lovemmeot. i't power. But this bU oc;cllrred a pra,matic re.trelt OD' tbe part This was the policy of both within the general J blltorica! of the revisionists from an inter­ KinJ and Student Non-violent period of imperialist decay.· national outlook and an accep­ Co-ordinating CommIttee (SNCC) t .... ce. not of tbe crisis 01 inter_ But the result of all the demon­ national capital and the .truggle stratio, was, despite the passaiC of d ....ses. but the penna.oence of all kinds of laws, no real Period of crisis of capitalism and itl race divi· change in eithu the economic TbU means fint of a1l that sions. lot of the Nelro masses or racia! tbe rise of the United Statu baa Tbe black·natlonalist struuJe discrimination in the 'Country. meant the decline of Eumpe. by its "'I'ry ideoloJtlcaL c.ba.ra.cter (;jvlwlaJal5 Of.o.Ved 10M- .l!ani: Great Britain in partiltlUar. aCCepted the race divisions in rUlltcy orCaPiti'lism whieD, en­ Amerlc., the black gbettos. the terin, into. new period 01 crUls Secondl~ it baa meant · that United States hetemony. rw.ther povertY. and decline, was IncaPible of tban : being accompaltied bf ,. Its ,oal Is to .eek control oYer betterin, tbe lot of the Nearo period of relative peece and hi­ the &hellO rather tban its aboli­ masses or wipin, out race dif. tion, 10 preach acceptance of crimination. prejudice and rernltional stability.. is .. accw",­ ahetto exiJtenoe. panipi by a;period qf · c",i~ w_ racism and racial pride rw.ther and revplufi~n... tban the abolition of the race With reformism e..Ipo&ed there This ,neW _p&osi;e .tuadOf) system and class solidarity. was no 'other road open to the intetr)a.UonaUy, places ,the Negro Under black nalionaJism nOI Nqto muses than a revolution­ stnlule in an. entirely diRereM eyell reforms are any longer ary struule ~J1Jt capifJ.lism context. IOUght. A wbole Jtrugle is wqed itself, This requited the buildiDJ It bas internationaZiud j( iIO in New York City for community of a revolutionary wodlol-dasa tbat the .fate of the Negro people control of tt¥e: schools without a Jeadershil;' not only of the Nearo bas become deeply intertwined sinJle demand raised apin,t the masse" but of the c1us as a with the.. faIe of tbe world work­ bouraeois state for tbe better­ whole. ing clus. in particular. the de.. It was precisely at this point, ment of tbe school system, the when the need for revolutionary velopin, revolutionary ,ituation abolition of the slums, and the class stl,,",e was posed, that in Europe. lik~ black nationalism enter, the Precisely at this moment enters arack nationalism is petty scene. black nationalism ';'ith its re­ bou"eoIs not only. because Its ",isionist supporters sed:in, (0 ideoiOlY turns the Netro masses The impotUnce of black sepante out Ihe Negro not only away from clau confrontation nationalism lies preciHly in its from the rest of the wortiJtA and internationalism, from a fttht ruminA away of the Negro masaes class in the United States but at apinSI 'capitalism itSelf.. but be­ from a Slrut,le which posed tbe the same time from the interna­ calJle the petty-bourgeois strata end of capItalism itself to a tional class stru,we. of (he NeKtOes are the only ooes racialist battle fOf" one or another It will soon be sbown that to benefil in the sli,htest from (onn of cultural autonomy. the impact of the revolutionary bladl-n'tflonaHlt .... e.-:>nds.

NOW WE come to the QuestJon reedy altack the hypocrisy of racism can be used to excuse a of black anti·Semitism. The Ihe campai," of New York City racisl and anti-Semitic reOiction 'Militant' has recently run a officials apinS! racism among among Ne,roes. suies of articles by Eliz.abeth NeKroes both of the anti-Semitic And excuse is enctly what the Barnu in defence of black anti. and anti·white kind when they swp Ihen proceeds to do. Semitism. or ,hall we Sly ·U· in fact defend a wbite racist plainin,' It. system in the country as a whole. 'It IS wrOnl to confuse lews IS a ~ople with Ihe real per­ In addition Georle Novack 'To equate anti-white feelinp petrators of racism in this has wrinen a long discussion re­ of black people witb the nlcism countrr'. Barnes correctly stales. view of Deutscher's book 'The of their oppressors is tbe worst 'But', ,ah. that three leller word Non·Jewisb Jew'. the hun of kind of hypocrisy'. So true. which is 10 often used 10 deny which i, a ,imUar 'explanation' BUI the queslion is not whether everythinA thai precedes It) 'the of black anti·Semitism. we equate one with the other but ewlsb people-wbo have e\'ery Both Barne. and Novack cor- whetber the existence of white /eJitimate nlht 10 be concerned 8 about leJluine anti-Semitism or pef'Kcution-must think out tbe Expo,. as fraud co.nsequences of the present litu­ We would proPOIe to Barnes atlon. that an effective WI)' to counter 'Consider thil sinde flct', anti·Semitism is to fipt it tooth Bames Jloes on, 'a majority of the and nail, aive it no qUlrter pupils in New York's public whatsoever whe-rever it rean its 5(:hools are black or Puerto bead and expose it merclleSJIy Rican. 15 the fraud it is and IS an open­ 'But the majority of the teach· inR we

12 ment. d.at Nqroes make up some JL tlonal to tbe number of Nqroes More impor1anl. even, is Pro­ pet cent of ill auto workers, 2S in the work fon:e. Iress!ve Labour's assenion that per cent of steelworkers, and Nothina more can be pined since the Negro people are over. similarl y large percentalts of from these statistical averaaa. wbelmin~l)' working class in otber basic Industry--out of But PL utilizes these statisdcl composition 'the essence of proportion to its 1I per cent to come to very different con· black liberallon is working.c1ass of the population. cluslons. liberation' and the related thesis Super.exploitation, that is pay­ It concludes IMt tbe Nearoe. of the supcr-explolted special In, some workers less than the face a 'special' oppreuion in an oppression of the Negro people. ~eneral average wage, does exist economic sense that white work· While it is true that the C$­ In the United States and its ex· ers do not face. Thus it il cort«1: sence of black liberation is istence is at least partly lusti­ for Nearo workers to orpnize workinl-class Iiber.llion this is fied throulh ra.cism. sepanttely from white ..orten not simply because Negroes are Ne"roes 15 well as other in order to push for thue specl.1 pnmuily workers. minonty sr01.Lps share dispro­ demands. There are Negroes of aU portionatel), in this cateaory. Thll leads it to support black classes Ind they all lace dis­ Further, the existence of race caucuses in the uniohl. AA tar crimination and racism in some divisions within the worling as tbe black·nationalist move· form or other. This fact cannot class has helped keep wales down ment it coocemed it acceptl the be simply dismissed by pointin, for white workers as well, par_ need for a separate Nqro Iibera· to the preponderance of workers ticularly in tbe South. tlon movement to push for tbeae among the Nelro people. However it does not follow separate demands to counter tbe FUr1her, to do so stigbts tbe (rom this that the Nelro IS a special oppres5ion, very important role the Nearo whole represents a super-ex· Thus it objects not to the middle class plays in the black ploited arouping or caste In form of the black stnagle-its nltionalist movement. American society. sepanteneu-but to ils content This is particularly true un While a case could be made -its black·nationallst pro­ the university campus for while for this a century 130 when .tlmme. Thus we 1ft In another black students may come lar&eiy Nearoes were still tied to the way the confusion it creates with (rom workin, - diU and cotton and tobacco plantation itl slopn 'nationalist' In form lower-middle-elau bomes their economies it does not hold water and workin, dau in content'. objective in ,Oinl to coJlele is loday. In actuality it seeks to accept to enter middle-class occupations In every category of low pay tbe real form and reject the ruI and this obJKtive has had a and poverty at least two·thirds content of this DlOvement. And I~at deal to do with tbe kind of tbe workers in tbis cateloty Ih.is it cannot do for form and of demands raised by thew are white. content are a unity in the black black-nationalist students. in addition. as PL:s .own.ltJ-tiik struule. PrOiressive Labour holds that rfcs 're'f'tat' ptrlllpS a ntmion So its support for the Indepen_ Neltoes represent a strata of the or more Nesro workers are in dent form of the black struule populuion paid less than....1hc unionized basic industry and leads It to adapt to its nation.ibt t;eneral averale for the workinl thus are not super-exploited but content. class 15 11 whole. exploited as are all otber workers. Throulh the mechanism of The importance of ralling this racism ihe rulinl class is thus pelnt Is that it makes clear that Reactionary able to abstract super-profits proaramm.atically the worken' Th.is leads it to adopt what is from these lower paid bbck movement cannot raise separate in reality a very reactionary de· workers. ThiS lays tbe economic economic dlmands for Nearo mand-the demand, not for foundation for the Nelroes' worker. only. eQuality, but for preferential 'special oppression'. treatment of Negroes. PL backs up this theory with This takes two forms in hs three palts of 51afistical charh. Majority Immediate programme--the de­ What the charts show is that mand for preferential hiring of Negroes are on the average paid We cannot, for instance. de­ Nearoes and preferential advance­ less Ihan white workers. make mand a lOO-doliar weekly wage ment of Nearoes in Industry and up a la~er proportion of workers for Nelro workers only i,nor­ the demand for preferential ad­ in low "aid industries. live in ina the (act that the majority mlsslons of Nelroes to univer· poorer housin,., ,.0 to worse of workers eamin. under 100 sities. schools, die sooner. make up a dollars a week are white. Tbe concept behind these de· lar,.et ~e

( demands tor the removal of racial wronl in the unions and why cuts and unemployment we rutrictiOlll no m.aUer bow subtly ClIucuses like DRUM in Detroit answer with the ti&htinl demand put forward. This meara, of have bad I tendency to tue up of 'No Job Cuts' in any Industry course. a head-on collision in bouraeois.nationalist slogaru, to and a shorter work week 10 that the unions with the labour express deep hostility toward td· the workinl class benefits from bureaucracy which Cilters to low white workert, and throulh automation. white chauvinism. the black nationalists come c10Rf' To the bosses' programme to A t the same time thit po5e$ 10 the bourgeoisie. rob our wages thlOUlh InIl.tlOft the 'orm throUlh which Ihis Separate black UOiMS, the next we demand escalator dautes so content must be expressed, step in tbe black·nationalist pro- that walu rise u prices rile, Precisely because this essen- lramme. we can be assured, are We fight eaclI and every law cial democratic demand, a de- even more reactionary. We. will aimed at restrictlnl the ria,bu mand which affects all cluscs sive such croups no quarter of the labour movement and 01 Nell'Oft. can oo.ly be realized whatsoever. t\&ht at every point not OI1ly to tbroush the struu)e for 5Ocial- Is this then the totality of our defend the unions but to make ism, the deman.d must find ex- progamme for the Nevo worbr7 tbem effective Instruments of pression as an usential p&rt of Certainly DoL class SU'uuJe on behall 01 all the ceneral transitional sodaUst fhe struJ,&le for equality is workers by dumpln, the bureau. p~rammc, the pcosrammatic, demand which el'1lltic 'lOOSes of the bouH th:n The fi&ht foc this prolramme aflects the Nearo workers as dominate the unions, requires the orpnlz.ation of tht N«poq but it is their dass PQSi' workers on a clus. not a racial tion which is most crlticsl. Nationalization huis, But at this point our pro- This ~anl the revolutionary ,rammt beco~ a prOlramme If the bosses aNlwer that our part)' must be the party of all for all workers reprdless of race, demands wiU endanler the dollar workers. reprdiess of race, and It is a fi&htins proga.m.me of or bankrupt particular com· caucuses and otbu orpnizattonal transitional demands which abo pantel aDd illdustriel, we reply forms thrown up to struwe soIutely refuses to accept the u· that we wID run ,lbe industries around the proaratnme of -the istence of capitalism as 'liven'/ in the interests of the workin, party must likewise orpnlze as a 'limit' upon the needs 0 people and under the control of wolken as workers not as a the workin, people of this coun. the workina people, race. try and of aU countries. There can no iQnle:r be aJI.)' This is why black caucuses are To the bosses' plans of job substantial proJ11!:S5 in jobs, !Iv. The revolutionary party must be the most militant uncompromising fighter against all forms of racism-fighting against the labour bureaucracy and their white chauvinism and any attempt to set up separate 'black un ions',

15 in&- condjdons. bousinl, scboob Sucb_ I pa.ty must unite not they have no understandlnt of for the Nearo worker or the ooly III -worten In the united Lise international crisis 01 calM­ white worker. States reprdlus of colour into wiwD, of Marxilt tlM!ory and We do not bei for rcfonns OM miahty c1us ImI,)' but be­ method, and esaenti,ally accept from tbe bosses and the boGea' come Pl-rt of a world ellIS mow.­ the qpitali5c reality II aiveo, lovemment but propose instead ment to eradicate capitalism and not .. aomethinl whiclr ea.o be that the ;;orkiiil - people take imperialist domination from tbe overthroWfl throUlh proletarian over tbe Aovernment and ad­ face of this eIIrth. struule. minister industry in their own The SWP with Its theory of 'Bourgeois nationaliJlll aDd ioterests. the N earo as a nltion hu openly proletarian IntemaUoolllllCal­ IOId out everythl.nl to black these are the two irrecJ)ncllably To accomplish this we Asht nationalism and tbl'Ouah black hostile s1op.na that corrupond for a labour party u the 6m natiollalilm to the bouraeoisie. to the two lreat dus cam.,. lreat step toward. worters' POWft". Prolreuive Labour throuab ill lhrou&hout the capitalist world, Such a put)' mUit fiaht alllU­ 'special oppression' formula baa and upre.. the two pollcler", sively, uncompromisinaJy, 11»0- endN up doinl tbe aame thinl the two world outlooks) in tbe lutely a~t any and all forms but with more of a 'radical' nationl l Question. , , . There are of diKTimlnldon in the United cover. tw'! nltion,1 in every modern States coupled with a IOdalitt nation.. .. procsamme whicb reftects the in­ Both ...:cups tbow throuab This was lenin's policy. Thb terests of aU workers. their P051tion on .. tbia question is our policy. mllRDTSKY NA

BLACK nstionalism not only tratlnl on the short section w1ucll the resped}ve nationalities.' divides the workins d ..s but at crlddzu TrOlsky's position on This was Lenin's position. It tbe lime. time limits the working the Negro question fonnulated ltands in absolute oppos.ition to class to a reform stNo'e tyiD,e it duri", a d,iscuuion with SWP the position and politiel of the to the boacs. It hu been members in 19]9. SodaIist Workers' Pany. throuah sd.aptation to these It Is sipi6cant that no one in Hansen chooies to skip ovet nationalist trends internationally the SWP in · the wbole past this section of St. John's .rtk:I~ that the revisionists lite the period has rderred ' to Lenin', Socialist Workers' Party and Pro­ In order to concentrate on tbe strull~ qainlt tbe Jewish BUDd criticisms of Trotsky. lrusive Labour find a road to and Ono !lauer (or diltortin. collaboration with tbelr own the national quadon thro~ The questioria posed by tbe bouraeotlle and to reformilm- It SUPPG" to 'autonomy' of national Trotsky discussions in 19]9 (See: is this upect of tbe reladon of aroupinJl, includinJ IUcb de­ 'Leon Trotsky OIl' Black National­ black nationaUlm and revisionism mands u control of tbe school ism and Self- ~termination' which we wtU 'discull In tbis l)'Stem and cultural activities. Merit Publishers, 1967) are part of tbe series. It is II if this whole strugle whetbu Trouky's position is We will beain wltb )oeepb had never taken place, as if consistent with the position Hansell'sartlde 'The Healyites Lenin', position wu simply that evolved by Lenin and Trotsky in Selin to Unravel Their ''Trotsky­ nationalism is at-tractly and the past on this Question, how ism'" which appeared in tbe under ,11 conditions 'PJOIressive'. it fiu in with other work by February 24, 1969 issue of Inter­ In the course of this struule Trotsky In the same period, par. continental Press, international lenin made bis position abso­ ticularly tbe Transitional Pro­ oraan of the Socialist Workers' lutely clear, 10 clear that the: ltamme and the labour pany Part)' and its allies. only way the SWP and Hansen question, and to what extent it The article wu written in can deal with it i. to Ipore it reflects a concrete analysis of answer to an article .by Lucy completely. the American N~ro within the St. John, 'The Nelro, Nation and context of the dev.IOJ)ment of Mar.xist Theory' which appeared 'All advocacy of the sqrela­ American and world capitalism. in the December 16, 1968 don of tbe workers of one nation But first this discussion must Bulletin. St. JOM's aniele dealt rrom tboie of another, all Ittacu be placed within Its historical extensively with Lenin', .truule upon Marxist "assimilation" or context 01 the Iivin& process 10- apinst the theory 01 'cultural­ attempts where the prolewiat Is Inion in that period between national autonomy'. esplainlnl concerned to contrapose one Trouky and the SWP. how black natiooallsm i. essen­ nadonal culture il bou~eois tially such a 'cultural·nadonalist' nationalism, apinst which 11 is The discussion occurred In the trend. essential to wale a rutbleu midst of Trotsky's stna~e for struu1e. . . . Marxilt. em­ !he Founh International: With phatically condemn to-eIlled cul­ bls arrival in Mexico In 19)1 tural·natlonal autonomy, I.e. the Trotsky was able to develop a IGNORE idea that educatlooal all'&irs very dose political relationship Hansen chooses to lanore this should be taken out of the bands witb the SWP and tbis relation· aspect 01 the article, CODcaa- of the state and transrerred to ship was central to all tbe pre- 16 parltory work for the Fo ... ndin~ The relder b thus to conclude ume point. Conference of the Fourth Inter­ thll while there were some prob· Hansen himself was a parllci· national in 1938 and Trout)", lems within tbe SWP in the pant in that discussion. In fact work up to his death to prepare 19)05 these problems centred it was Hansen who asked TroUk} the Fourth International 10 carry solely on this ptny·boul'leois the followlnJ question: on without him. opposition and that once the This work took the form o( present leadership of the SWP increased correspondence wilh took care of this opposition III ADAPTATION the SWP leaders .Jnd many memo WIS sweetness, Ibtht, health. bers, a series of discussions witb In other words. Hlnsen brines 'YuterdlY Comrade Trotsky deiqatioOJ of SWP leaders and up this point pl'Kiuly to reo made some remarka about our his political intervention In the. assure the SWP youth tbat the adaptation to the so-called pro­ fundamental dispute whicb broke­ present leadership of the SWP Ircssives in the trade unions, be out within the SWP in 1940 was never criticized by Trouky mentioned the line of the north· between the Burnham-Abcm­ but in Ictuality is tbe chosen west orpniur and Ilia our Scbachtman , r 0 u p and the heir of Trotsky and furtber tbat attitude in connection wilh the Cannon INIjonty. anyone wbo criticizes this leader. elections. alte! the Stalinists. I Of the discuuions held in ship must of necessity be just wish to point out that this is not Mexico, three have since been like 5chilchtman .tnd Burnham. somethin, completely new on published: tbe labour party dis­ Comrlde Trotsky's part. More cuss1o.n ('Leon Trotsky on the than two years aco durinl the LlboiIr Party'. Bulletin Publica~ CRITICAL discussion over the Transitional tiOnl. 1968). lhe NeltQ discus­ Procramme he discussed euctly sion. and lite discussion on However, I look at the Ictual these same points and had eXlctly Stalinism (included in 'The Necro discussion reve'lll that the lime position. with due re· Slruule for Marxism in lhe prd for the difference in time Ind Trotsky WIS critical not julC of tbat then it ...,.,...... United Slites' by Tim Wohl­ tbe pctly·boul'lcois section of the forth. Bulletin Publications, 1968. but tb:t' Tarmer·ta&Our· patty thai party, but the trade union sec· was to fore. Comrade Trotsky or 'Stalinism and Trotskyism ilt tlon as weU, the section of the the: the USA', New Park. 1967). has also written $Orne leuers re· pany upon which Cannon. Dobbs lardinl the Stalinisls Ind the Ind Hansen based themselves. need for a more positive line 'The characteristic thing about toward them. In the past faction CONTEXT the American workers' parties, fi,ht too, Comrade Trotsky men· It i. therefore necessary to trade union orpnizations, and 10 tioned in bis polemic "From I underslllnd the Necro discussion on, was their lristocratic chuac· Scratch to the Danger of Gan. within the context of these other ter,' Trotsky states. ·It is tbe Crtne" the 10UoWlna point. wbich discussions, the Trlnsitionll Pro­ basis for opportunism. The he underlined: "Mort than once gramme Ind the Scbachtman­ skilled workers who feel set in the party will bave to remind Its Cannon fi&ht (See: 'In Dcfen~ the capitalist society help the own trade unionists that a pH.... of MlI'xilm" New Park), ~u~~ c~ to h~d the 10JkaI IUplatJ.,. 10 tIM JIIore Nelroes and the unskilled wor­ bKkward. layers of tbe prohtariet St. John in ber article seeks to kers down to a very low scale. mUlt 1M)( b«omc transformed do this. atati", that: Our party Is not safe from de· Into a poliUcal Idlpudo_ to tIM 'Trotsky 11: the time was con· leneratioo if it remains a pllce ('oa.rvldve burtalKn('Y of tIM cerned primarily with tumin,: the for intellcctuals, semi·intellec· trade WllolIJ". 1 1m wonderlnl SWP around and forcinl It to tuals, skilled workers Ind Jewish if Comrade Troeslt.)' considers take up tbe Itruule for the worken who build a very dose that our party is displayinc a Nelro people which they had milieu wJUch is almost Isolated conservative tendency in the literally ilnored.· (rom the ,enuine masses: Under sense that we arc Idlpdnc our· Thlt I., she points out thlt these conditions o ur parly can· selves politically to the trade the discussion WIS part of I not develop-it will decenerale.' unions' bureaucracy.' whole protess in which Trotsky And apin: 'The old orlanlu· Trotsky answen: 'To I ccrtlin IOUaht to force the SWP to lions, beainnin, with the 'AFL, decree I believe so.' I"Pple with it. theoretical weak· are the orpnizatiONl of the Wby is it that Hlnsen mak~s nesses. workers' lristocracy. Our -party • special point of distort!nl this Hanlen lJ; utremely scmitive il part of ·the lime milieu. not of whole aspect of the relation be· to this point. He rwoo in to the basic exploited rnassc, of tween Trotsky and the SWP in assure bis SWP rc.ade~ that wbom the Necrocs are the most tbis pe;.riod and in fact ,rllUi. while Trotsky was maltiDJ critic· exploited.' tOUIIy Ittacks our owo history of Isms 01. the SWP, tbe.se criticisms So it is clear Trotsky bad in tbis period as 'pmcy'1 ('The were really aimed at the 'pctty· mind not oruy tbat scction 01. Stru",e for MarxiAn in the boul'1eola youth who bad re· the SWP which was to form the United States' by Tim Wahl· cendr been won aWIY from the Scbachtman petty.~ur,eois op­ forth.) socia democracy' .... nd wbo position in I year, but also the It can only be that I crowinl fonned the socill base of the worker section of the party I. number of SWP members are 5chacbtman tendency. He then well. belinninc to ask questlonl about seeks to Identify this opposition But If this il not sufficiently the history of tbe SWP and that with the Workers' Lcllue sln~ clear, all we have to do I, tum such questions would endanler both the Schachtman Iroup Ind to the 1910 discussion which the present leadership of tbe tbe Worken' Leque seck to look placc after the 5chacbtman Party whieb. surrounds itself with 'correct' 'trotUy. split where Trotsit.)' retums to the • cult of historical orthodoxy. 17 •

LEON TROTSKY, after his arrival in Mexico in 1937, involved himself to the full in the struggle for Marxism in the United States. Hansen attempts to show that this struggle was solely directed against the petty·bourgeois opposition of Schachtman and Bumham while in reality Trotsky was also critical of the trade union section on wh ich Cannon, Dobbs and Hansen based themselves.

Such an invUllJ,&lion would determination. He did not hold Our central difterence with reveal that while Trotsky WI! that the Negroes were a nation, TrolSk)' is that the Question of seekinl through the Nelro dis­ but he beld open the possibility whether or not the Ne&fO can cussions and otber forms of inter. that they may become a nation, ~me a nation which could vention to prevent the opportun­ particularly under conditions of then secede to fann a state can ist deceneration of the SWP as flJlcism in America. only be determined Ihroud! I a whole, includina that section And if they were [0 become I serious concrete Inalysis of the upon which the pruent leader­ nation the revolutionary party actual development of the Neira ahip relted, the current SWP mUSt uphold their rilhl to 'black people within Americiln capital· leadership is tumin, to thll dis· control of black communities' or ism. cUllion to excuse PlruuJy the 'cultural autonomy'1 No, not at end product of thil dexencration all. We must uphold only their - the current opportunist poll· right to 'set up a state'. EMPIRICISM cies of the SWP. On tbis TrouJr.y .tood on the What preciaell' was the positiOD same afounds II Lenin. To him Thil, rather than beln, 'vulpf whlcb Trotsky held in the 19)9 the risht to telf determination emplrldlm' (oh how Hanlen diJcussion - 'Black Control of had only one concrete meaninl­ loves to Iccuae hll opponentl of Black. Communities', uncritical the rlaht to secede and e,tabli," the very method he llvn by. il support to petty·bour~oi. black a 'black .tate which could enter the Marxll! method. nationalilt trend,1 Not It all. inlo·. federation'. Muxism il most fundamentally While there i, mu!b confu,ion an billorlca! method whlcb _ils SELF· and c:oneradictory ltatement In to pllce questions within I ~on .... this discuulon, there II nothina crete context of historical de· DETERMINATION in them to jultify the pruent ve lopment. It hu nothln, in What he proposcd was that SWP policy of adaptauon to common with a metapbyslcal the SWP make clear tluIt the black-nationalist cultural de· method of abatrlct nOlions which Netroa halle the ript to scll- mands. are imposed be~ and the:f~ and 18 evtT)'Wbere arbitrarily without l:;xlsted for nationhood fori sibility of Ihe Nelro bKominl a consideTation of time, place, con· Neveu, nation. crele developme.nt. Today this is reflected even In This error was rooted in t~ It is precisely the worshippen the. ideoloay of the black nation· lack of a concrete. analysis of the of the 'concrete', like Hansen, alisu who do not raLse this de· position of the Nearo in Ihe who transform their theories InlO mand of statehood. Thus we are development of American capital­ empty formulae to justify their 'aced with a contradictory situ· ism. crass capitulation to immediate adon under which precise.ly It a opportUnities. time when the objective basis for The. further development of the nationaJism is completely eroded, Nelro since 1919, rather than What little such concrete cOlifirmin& his prediction, bas analysis that took ptace durinl we witness a fantastic lrowlh of subiective rtationalist sentiment, done Quite the opPOSite so that Ibis discuuion was incorrect and tbe ,rowth of black·nationallst deeply influenced by the Com· ideolOlY todays has Ius objective munisl Party Black !5elt "cooos. SEPARATENESS roots in the real position of tbe For instance the one partici­ TbJs is nOI the first time such Nelro than it would have in Ihe pant wbo IOU iMO this question, a demopmenl bas Qt(:urred. So 1910s. • certain 'Carlos'. states: il was \vim ·the Jew who res· Finally, if the Nelro had be· ponded to the decay· Cll,lsed by 'It sums to me th.at the so­ come or could become a nalion Ihe capital,isl revolution\ of aJ\y it would in no way mean the called "black belt" is I luper­ exploited section of the American objective basis for hi, &eparate. kind of adaptation to black ness with ~ growlh of Zionism. nationalism the S'VP presently economy. It has all tM character­ peddles. illie. of II IUbjUpted section of Manists saw this developmenj In empire', He then notes the u a sip of the Ifowinl Inlema This is the full utenl of our tendency of misration out of the contradictions of capiwiam and: lack of 'orthodoxy'. We never black belt, but asseru tba, this the solution to tbe Je.sh que.­ claimed to be 'orthodox' Trotsky­ tendency 'can no lonler operate', tion nOI in Zionism alta separa. ists anyway, for orthodoxy in all tism bUI Ihroulh tbe sqcialist forms is anti·thetica1 _ 10 the As we ave discussed in an revolution. ,And this is precisely Mandst method which is based earlier anicle. the so-called b4ack the way we approach the Nelro on the development of theory, belt has continued to diYp~r question. not on mere repetition of pUt' under the impact of the qncu).; positions. All we claim to be is tural revolution, removina with: Jt is our POSition that Trotsky Trotskyist and thai the SWP is it whatever obiective basis even WIS wronl In proposlnR tile po... nOI. m1.-1 ___ ----l H'ANSEN proceeds in hU own tbls 'method' of his in more psycholoaical leyel of the masses', way to sedt to place Trotsky's detail : tben you search your collection Nelro dlscuuion within the con­ of prOlrammatic de man d s, 'Trotskr's approach on the taco properly brokea up into 'transi_ text of the discussions and poli· tical leve is precisely to deter· tical positions evolved ill the mine the current subj«rive and lional steps', for particular de­ same period-in particular tbe mands which 'lear into' this psyaholoaicaJ level of tbe. I1'UlS5eI; Transitional Proaramme aDd the and Iry 10 meet thai level by present level of consciousness of labour puty demand. raisinR slopns that ob!ecd,..ly the class. What. ba .- ""'lally does is to (because they correspond to the : If one were to read even the describe the method be uses on obJective needs of lhe massu} tille ol the Transitional Pro· lbe Nearo question and for that lead them toward sociaUsm, the lramme 'The Death Alony of matter all questions, and then only syatem thai can actually Capitalism and the Tasks of the satisfy their needs. The pany Founb Intemational', one would attributes this method to Trot­ immediately see thai Trotsky sky. findin! it Vl:prUied in the avoids opportunism by advandnl Transition.l Programme and in slo,ans thai correspond with its proceeded in an exactly opposite the labour party demand: proarammes - they Cln be real· way. Iud only under socialism. II 'What is this method. the Trotsky thu~ bellini objecth'ely method that has made the Tra.n­ avoids sectarianiPl. by bruJdn, with an asseument of the Iiale them inlo. transitiona.l steps thai sitionaJ Proaramme of such llear into lhe current subjective throu&.D which capitalwn is pro­ extraordinary importa.llce in the ceedi"" then works out a pro­ world Trotskyist movement7 It and psycholoJtic::a1 level of lhe masSt's.' ~mme of demands 10 overcome is to continually try to find the contl1ldiction belween Ihe bridle. between the proaraTtlme While this may superficially maturity of the objective reyo· or revolutionsry socialism and sound like a description of the lutionary conditions and the 1m· whatever the current level of method of the Transitional Pro· maturity of tbe proletariat and political understandinl of the ,ramme it Is in actuality quite its vanluard'. oppressed and exploited masse. the opposite. Hansen beains JUbfeellvely may be.' AI Hansen sees It, one starts wilh the current surface mood And further OD, he explains with the 'current subjective and aDd movement in tbe C1.II1S and 19

• seeb to work out various pro­ labour pany with Schachtman. tbe other from subservience to ,rammatic 'steps' which adapt to Cannon and Dunne complete the capitalist puties and to pro­ thil current mood and move­ confusioo broke out as to exactly mote their mobiliz.ation for ment. what were the subjective senti­ strullie In their own interests.' meor. of the massct.. Was there Hansen tben ,ocs on to ex­ a sizeable labour party sentiment ptain how such a black political OBJECTIVE or not? party would 'shatter' the exildng With T rot sky prolfamme Trotsky intervened at this tw~party l)'Stem much. we tJI· always Ilows from an objective point: peet, the way the formation of analysis of capitalism, and con­ a Pilisleyite party and a civil siderations of subjective moods. • 'I cannot judge whether senti· rights pIItty in Ulster has shat­ Important lboulh It ii, is sub­ ment for a labour pa.t1y tJlisu or tered the two-party system and ordinate to this_ not becauae I have no personal one pany rule there. This ~Int can be further observations or impressioru. but c1arifi.ed if we also look at what I do not find it decisive as to Hansen AYI about the labour what dearee the leaden of trade INDEPENDENT ".,." ...... uoionl or the rank and file an 7bel"e was coru.lderable em­ ready or incUned to build a -poli­ II a slolln Is to be justified by pirical j~tioo for that tical party. It is very difftcult to widespread seotiment for it, slopn,' HaMen telll UI, 'owin, establish objective information. then. of course, present SWP to the widesprud sentiment in We have no machine to take a polley would make sense-today those years amon, the militants referendum. We can meuure the pusb an Independent black party in tbe American labour move­ mood onl y by action if the slogan and perhaps . tomorrow iI labour ment who favoured breaking with is put on the a~end •. But what pilrt)'. tbe Democratic machine and we can say is that the objective But if political demands flow of1an1z.ina its own pany.' situation is absolutely decisive. from objective class consldention This consistently flows from • .. Tb. problem is not tbe mood and nOl subjective mood, ona Hansell'l . method of (eCiol of the muses, but the objective proctcds in a quite different 'where the actiOll fj' 'and ~ tWn situation, ilnd our job Is to con· manner. If there u in reality a 'lelring in' some 'steps'. front the backward material of criais in world capitalism which the masses with the tutl which is compelling the capitalists to It so happens that Trotaky are determined by objective facts pro«eded in quite a different carry on a deepened eI .... and not by psycbolOlY . . .. We struwe .... illlt the American way on thlt very question. claim to have Marxism or scien­ Duriaa hia discussions of tbe workers as well u workers all tific socialism. What docs "scien· over tbe world, then the objec· tific socialism" sllOify In reality? ;tive C(IIIditions are beina estah­ It slpilies that the party which lisiwd for the development of a represents this social science. revolutionary struule of the departs, as every science. not American workers lor power. from subjective wishes, tenden­ cies or moods. but from obJective However. the American work­ facts, from the material situation ing class, even more thin wor­ of the dif'1'erent clUJes and their kers in other countries, Is ex­ relationships.' tremely 'immature' in its con­ sciousnesl ilnd oflaniz.ation. So much for Hansen's attempt Above all. it maintains an open to transform Trotsky into, if not political bloc witb the capitalists' a God, tben perhaps tbe world'S in tbe form of the Democraric: finest empiriClst I Party. Hansen tben proceeds to give What is- required above al1 is UI a concrete example of this to drive a wedge between the method of his in practice: ruliol class and the working 'Indeed. Trotsky's proposal for c1au politically. Thilt wed"e is a labour party bl\sed 01'1 tbe the labol,lr party 4emand ,Wi it unions in the United Sutes, is only the revolutionary party which il endorsed by Healy's wbich will do the driving. followers. is symmetrical with the Thus the objective Situation te­ idea put forward by tbe Socialist quira a strUJIle today for the Workers' Party for an independ­ labour ~rty demand, even ent black political patt)" which though Ihis demilnd has not the)' condemn. The ,rounds for arisen lpontaneously amonl wide botb political proposals ilre simi­ sections of the clu5, lar. They would provide a vehicle to detach the worken in one But how about tbe demand for cue and the Afro-Americans in the 'indeoendent black political

JOSEPH HANSEN, leading member of the SOCialist Workers' Party, attempts to elevate the reactionary d&­ mand for a black political party to that of a transitional .demand. 20 partY'l What kind of wed,e will the formation of the lauer. Menshevik fashion. it requires Ihis drive through diU relations To accept the current Ic\'cl of inste.d the linking together of • in the United Statts? consciousness of the class as • system of tr.nsitional demands It will drive pr«iseiy I ra« 'Iilten' and then work out $Orne which. ruher than c.pitul atinl wedge AS luch a party will organ. way to rel'le to it is crass em­ )0 tocily's conditions .nd lasks, ize all blacks rcprdlcss of class pLricism and opportunism of the must be seen as stemminl 'from against all whites regardless of wout sort. Revolutionists have today's conditions .nd from 10- class. It will thUJ tie the black got to be able to figbt bourgeois d.y's consc:ioumey of wide workers to the black peUy bour· methods of thou&bt within the layers of the: worlung class and geoisie and through this strati workina class - racism, black unalterably le.dinl to one final nationalism, .nti-comunism, re­ conclusion: the conquest of 10 capitalism itself. lilion, reformism, syndicalism, power', Thus the objective impact of etc.- preciuly in order to bridle Hansen breaks the: linb and the creation of such a party will the sap between the objective thus IranslorRUI transitional de­ nOI be symmetrical but oppoii· conditions the class faces, which mands into • reformist adapt­ lional to the creation of I dau requires a socialist solution, and .tion to bourgeois consciousness party of all workers. the low level of consciousness of within the workin, class, This means that even though this .. ,1ask within the working Thus we see how the SWP's there is more sentiment loday for support of bl.ck nationalism ill an independent black party tban ..... intimately linked to an OPDOr­ lor an independent class party, This cannot be done throUlb a tunist espousal of ~formism, to we lfluSI struggle against the for­ series of separated ',teps' 1$ Han­ a commitment to the bourgeoisie mation of tbe former and for sen proposes In true evolutlon.ry and not socialist revolution.

MORE CLAR I TY tan be 'Is It Wrona For Revolutionaries 1969. 'Militant', achieved or tbis point if we now To Fia,ht For Reforms?' which appeared in the February 28, The most remarkable tbln, tum to Georae Breitman's article about this article is that 8reit­ man ma~es 10 fill two pqes of the 'MLlitant' discussin" the relation of reform and revolu tion without once discuHinl the Tran5ilional Proaramme. Wblle Hansen ta.kes the Tran­ sitional PrOlflmme and trans­ forms it into a refonnist pro­ ,ranuml B~itman, more bonestly, dispenses with it altogetber. 'The es,ence of Marxist stratelY, or any ~vol u tionary sU'1iltelY in our time: B~itman Informs us, 'i, to combine the strowe for reforms with tbe struule for ~volution: TillS i, to be done by fiAhtinl for reforms 'in a ~vol uti o nary way - by militant mass action rather than polite testimony, and as part of a stratelY consciou.sly The slogan for aimed at mobill:r.inl the muse, the right of to cbanse the system'. This militant ~formism li all self-determination revolutionaries can do today be­ can In no way be cause: 'The United States is nol now confused with the in a revolutionary situation.' reactionary True, there is a lot of 'social Ideology of unrest" but this social unrest, It 'ghettolsm' , seems, has no obiective cau•. Trotsky proceeded on this 'cultural autonomy' question very differently and or 'community thus came up with quite tbe opposite position tban Brellman', control', militant reformism. 21 He bepn, as we bave noted, will continue to forceful!) upset Ijnited Statu is not now in a with an assessment of capitalism tM political eQuilibrium in the revolutionary sltuallon' , con­ as • world historical ,)"Stem not. United States. cludes that almost any demand IS does Breitman. with II super­ So the Transition3l Prolramme today IS co-oprable, but we ficial assenment of the situltion is not only relevant but bas bum­ should fi.ht for tbese demands in tbe United Stales. Tbe situ­ inl importance to the struules anyway, militantly, 'in a revolu­ ation in tbe United StIles and of American workers now. tionlTy way.' the straitlY to be followed then!, But If one proceeds from a real nowed, (or Trotsky, out of this understandlna of the capitalist world perspective. REVOLUTIONARY crisis. then a whole series of de­ Trotsky saw this world system To assert that we are in a re­ mands, whicb may appear on the in ils 'Death AloRY' Ind on the volutionary period internationally surfaces to be minimal and co­ basis of tbl.s assessment he de­ and that because of this the Tran­ o ptable, are in actuality transi­ veloped a rCllo lulioury. not mili· sitional Programme bas the &reat­ tif'nal- th:1I is, to -implement tant reformist, proaramme for the est relellance to the struules of them requires an overthrow of world "orkinl clus. not just the American workers docs not mean workers in • sin,le country. cap:itallst society. Illat a rellolution is about to Thtou~out the 19505 the The relevance of this pro­ occur momentarily in the Uniled trade union movement struuled ,tamme. which Hansen sees IS Stales. As Trotsky wrote in the "sentially to acbleve ihree havina 'extraordinary Import· 'Third International After Lenin'; bread-and-butter loals-PN' In­ ance'. stands or r.lls on this 'The revolutionary character of creases for the memberahip to objective assessment of world the epoch docs nOI lie in tbat keep uv with rislnl prices and capitalism. it penniu of eM accomplishment productivity, dec e n t workln, If capitalism is capable of con­ of the rellolution, that is, the conditions and job tecurity. tinuinl to seriously develop then sc.i'ture of power ilt ellery liven We now have entered into a demandt such as the 30-hour moment. Its revtMutionary char­ week or for wales to rUe as period where the Itru&ale around acter consists in profound and the~ three questions poses the priceJ rise, etc., can definitely be sharp 8utcuations . . .' which destruction of capitalillD itself 'co-opted' and other demands for 'raise !.be question of power.' workers' ddence luuds, soviets, and thus what are required are etc., are unneceuary. Under these objective circum­ transitional alopns relited to This is wbere Mandel's theory stances, what then is the relation each IIftd of, class, linked with> of 'neo-capitaJism' fits in. This of 'minimum' or reform demands the political stru&ale for power. Bellian theoretician for the SWP to the revolutionary prOiramme1 Thus, while in the 1950$ some claims that capitalism has super­ Does it mean we discard these sort of escalator clause was seded the period of imperialist demandl1 This is wbat the Tran­ aranted In bulc industry and decay upon which the whole sitional Programme has to uy on Wiles tended to rise, today in the Transitional Provamme rests. this .auestioD: lut _niements in auto and steel We, however, do not subscribe 'The Fourth International does escalator clauses were dropped to thiI notion. We bold tb.t not discard the proJtamme of the and wases fell below the risinl old "minimum" demands to the cost of Iivina not to mention world capitalism was only able productivity increases. to postpone its crisis dUri", tbe delree to which these have pre­ boom period of the 19501 and served at least part of their vitaJ hat now entered a period of forcefulness. Inddatipbly, it de­ PROFITABILITY stalnatiem and crisis in which the fends tbe democratic ri&hts and capitallsu must seek to upset the social conquests of the workers. political equilibrium between But it carries on this day-to-dl,Y 1'he battle for anythina beyond classes established In the 19S05 fi.&ht within the framework of the this threatens tbe profitlbility of in order to re-establish economic correct actual, that is, revolution­ theSe firms and thus tbreatens equilibrium. ary perspective. Insofar as the capitalism Itself. T hil Is why the II is this fundamental fact old, partial, "minimal" demands trade union bureaucntts sold out which lies behind the revolution­ of the masses clash with the de­ in these contracts. ary eJl:pl05ion lISt MI,Y-June in structive and delradin! tenden­ The same holds for worml France. cies of decadent capita ism-and conditions which have been American development cannot this occurs at each step - the eroded fantastically w:Ith the be abstracted out of tbis inter­ Fourth International advances a speed-up in basic Industry. ~ nationa] revolutionary situation. system of transitional demands, far .. job security loes wbole Tbe 'social unrest'. which Breit­ the essence of which is contained industries like mlnlnl, loophote, man notes, is but a mild reRec_ in the fact that ever more openly railroads are beina laradv t:~~ tion of tbe convulsions to de­ and decisively they will be dated while bUle CUll are "elop in this country as the Areat directed against the IIery ba5cs plscc and more are in store in of the bourgeois reJtime. The old auto and steel. imperialist powers of EUrope: and "minimal prOlramme" is super_ Wblle this precus bas been America struule with each otber seded by the transitional pro­ aoinl on for some time, now it and their own workinl class to &rarnme, tbe task of which lies in takea plaCe wltbin a contut of resolve their economic crisis. systematic moblliz.ation of the plans to slow Industrial arowtI:t While it is true that the revo­ ma516 for the proletarian rello­ to tackle Inftadon wbk::b will lead lutionary situation is more ad­ lution.' to bot.. structuraJ and conjWlc­ .... nccd in Europe, it is equall)' This makes clear what this tural unemployment_ So the de_ true that because of the present whole point about tbe 'co-opta­ mand for lOb security takes em In terdependence of American and hility' of PIIrticutar demands is aU a non-co-optabJe transitional European capital, revolutionary about. Breitman, proceed in. from character. developmentl in Europe are and bis superficial stuernent that 'the Tbil il what makel the de- 22 mands of the Tnnlldona! Pro­ or poUtely such demandt do not There are, of course, many «rlmme for I 'Slidlna Scale of move the workin. clw towards demands - democratic ones, Wqu' (esealator clause), '10 for the struaJe for power but rather minor trade union issues-which 40' and 'Worlters' Control of tie the workers 'ever closer to Mandstl actively support. Production' 50 pertinent and re­ their ~~preuors. Tbae demands But what differentiatet tbe volutionary In this period. This essentIally come under the bead­ Mantistl from the reformilu is II why these demuadJ mat be inl of 'structural refonnt'. not simpl)' the 'militancy' with linked with the political It~ They propos.e cbanaes In the which we filht for this or that for powe~t IS, we mual way capltahsm and Its admiftis­ partial demand, but rather that not only for tbne demand. t tratlon is ~red without such demands Ire inreJl1Ited inlO for I conscioulDUIL ia tbe wort­ rai,inl any demands which Inter­ a revolutionary strateIY, the Inl class that tbese demands can fere with the capitali.ts' battle centre of which is the political only be realized If tbe worlters to re-establish economic equilib­ snuule for transitional demands, come 10 power. rium at the expense of the work­ Georse Sre.ltman's open es­ This is why the Workers' Inl cl.a.u. pousal of reformism has a his­ Lealue flahlS in indUitry for Such a demand 1.1 the SWP-a tory to it for Breitman has played lhue transitional demandl tinted pet .Iopn 'Blaclt Control of the a Vtry important role In the It all tima: to the struule for Black Community'. Hathln, is politlCIII deJeneration of tbe In American labour party. posed in the way of demands for SWP.. A central demand of such • tbe. destruction of slum housln, This bistory Will help us see labour party will be nationali.u.­ in the &hettOl, or rotten sehool­ how closely linked the position tion of indullry under worken' inl, or jobs for bUck workers. of the SWP on the bJa(:k ques­ conlrol.. This demand will make The slopn only proposes that tion il to the Jenera! evolution clear dw: only by workers u • the blacks separate themselves of not only the SWP, but Its ellS. politically slruulinl 10 take from the whites and admlniste( international co-thinkers towards over indpstry tbemselve5 can their own oppression. open reformism. their worltilll and livinl condi­ Such. 'reform' chan&el nothin, Breitman is the author of the tion. be protected. essentw to capitaJis[ survival and Its1 SWP resolution .on the Other demands from the Trln­ in fact contributes to that sur­ Nelro question 1'he Clu.s .ilioD.lI Proaramme. such u de­ vival by IselaMI the black wor­ Struule Road to Hearo EQual­ fence luards to protect workers kers from the rest of the workinJ ity'. }low the SWP' evolved Irom from attacks by the stlte Ind cia" and brln&in, them closer this resolution to the YSA ruo­ fucist (bup. and ftnally workers' to the bourgeoi.sie. lution pUled this fall 'On the councils, can and must be raised Such a demand Is in the Revol utionary Strowe of Blaclt In a livinl way as the slnule America for Self-Determination', natural prOlfUlUl'e of an 'in­ of Intensities. dependent black party' and such is an eumple their method in We see concretely how the action. a part)' is the appropriate politi­ The 1951 resolution was writ_ Transitional Pr~ 'super­ cal form for advancinl such a sedes' the ' old minimum pro­ ten in the wake of the Mont­ Irllllme and combines the ."""'~.The Transitional Pre&ramrDe Is lemery bus boycott wben the sttuule for the defence of the likewise tbe natural and neces· Ne,ro struule centred on a civil worklnl class with the offensive sary PfOltamme lor tbe labour rilhtl battle in the South. struule for power, party and the labour party Is the IU5t u the. SWP today adapU Thfs Is why the approach of appropriate political form for ad­ 10 the black nationalists, 10 then the Transitional Prolramme bas vandn, this pro,ramme. under they adapted to Martin Luther nathlnl In common with Breit­ present conditions. Kin,'s movement. man's lOCial-dvnocratic preach­ The demand 'Black Control of The Montaomery bus boycott Inl of 'revolution' later and Black Communities' and all sI.m.i­ wu ducribed as 'skilfully mob!· reforms militantly fou&ht (or lar demands are refotml which Iiud by able leaders with clear now. are not only anti-tbeticaf to aims .' and with a 'broadlY the Transitional PrOJtlmmf:, but representative leadin. cadre', for that very reason keep tbe. Even KI.n"I Southern leader­ THREATENED workinJ class on a reform, that ship Conference was hailed be­ We do not, however exclude is boul'Jcois, leve\. cauSe it purr.:rtedly 'opens new There are, howeve r, leJitimate possibilities or the development a concession here and there even democratic demands of tbe Ne,ro on these demands. If tbe: capital­ of mall struule methods on a people that can and must be broader basis'. ists feel wir very rule is threat­ lined with the Transitional Pro­ While the resolution held open ened then they may be wiUinl Jtlmme of the workin, class. to Jive today IOmethlnl to tem· the 'theoretical' possibillty of a porarily re-establish politiCiI nationalist future development of equilibrium only in order to be DISCRIMINATION the Nelro struule under which Ible to take it back on the mor­ conditions the -SWP would PIlt row. This is the Ireat leSIOn o( These are demands to wipe OUt forward the slopn of self-detltr­ the French events. This Is why a every and all forms of discrimin­ ·minatlon, it empbasi:ted that revolutionary leadership which ation on all levels of American 'even under these circumstlonces fights II all times (or political society and 10 actively combat socialists would continue to ad­ power is so essential. racism. Such democratic de· "ocate intelration rather than There are of course some de­ mands, as we have noted earlier, separation a. the best solution to mands which are completely co­ cannot be achie\'ed under con­ t~ race Questions for Nelro and optable by capitalism dupile its ditions of capitalist decay. Thus white .... orkers alike-. crIsis. only throu&h the slruule for It wu precisely in this period Whether (ouJht for mllitantly socialism can they be realIzed. that Breitman ori&inally formu- 23 lated thls position of fiJhtin& for black nationali.t movement rep. Hypnotized by wbat tbey called reforms in a 'militant wIY'. resented a desertion of the the 'new world reality' they pr0- But the lesson of 1M entire Kin& .truJlle for the revolutionary posed that the Fourth Inter­ and SNCC .tlle or the Ne&ro party, national liquidate itaelf into the .truule was that despite the Just IS the only WI)' I revolu _ Stalinist movetDellt which -.ouId pulest militancy thn movement tiOllary perspective for the United be 'compelled' by this reaUiy to wu unable to chanae in any n.1 Stites can be developed is lf.)' a 'revolutionary role', And Wf.)' tither the clau OppressiOll throuah an understandinJ of In­ eIter the ytry same method wu of the Nearo workers or tM ternational perspectivea, 10 too used In relation to Cutro, Ben racism they flce. the desertion of the .truWe for Bella and now the bllck naJ:lon­ The leaon Wit precisely the tbe revolutionary p&rty by tbe allst •. failure of mllitaDCf alone as lonl SWP has its rootJ in III desertion of In international petlpective Bednnln, In 1961 the Sociali" as .uch militancy 1$ entrapped in Labour LNlut, the OtpAisatiOll a reformist prOiramme rather and its international bruk witb the Trotsltvist DU'Ov'!ment. Communiste Intematiooaliste in than revolutionary .trafeD based France Ind our tendency coun­ on the Traaaitional Pro&raQlftle. Here, too, Breltman played a terpoled 10 thiJ revisionism a ,pedal role. In 1952-1953 the wbole analysis of the developinJ SWp. was embroUed in an ill­ international C'!'Ws of capitalism FEDERAL T ROOPS ternal factional bahle with a. ten­ dency led by Cocbl1ln. , which made the tipt for the Bert independent revoluti~ party F10Wlnl from this reformUt This tendency received suppoi1 In every country on the · bula of perspective Breitman's next con­ intarnltionally fro m Michel the Transitional PrOlramme the tribution 10 the development of Pablo at that time head of the very centre of an our work.. the SWP'I political prOiramme Fo~ International. In re.ctiOll was the advocacy of sendini to till, Cannon CIIrried tIifouRh fbe May-June eveDta in 1968 Federal troops to the South to an empirical . plh internationally did not catch our movement by enforce scbool desqreption. with Pablo, formlnl the IntU­ ,uwr' We foresaw them as nilional Commit~ of the Fourth ear II 1961. It was only ihortJy after the tntemational tOiether with whit T t we sbould end a discus­ SWP adOllled this position that are now the British and Frencb sio~ ol the Nearo question and Fede... t troops were used - in co-thinketl of the Workers' nationalism with a discUllion 01 Detroit to shoot down bllck League. international perspectives of re­ rebels In the uprisinl there. This At this time Cannon Issued an form or revolution, 01 the: ,plit Is truly an example of a 'co­ 'Open Letter' which ,tated: witb the revislonistJ, is correct optable demand' I 'To swn up: The lines of cJeav· and natural. BUI thi$ ~tion, which the SWP hal qwetly shelved for the qe between Pablo's revisionism It it throup tendencies lib moment, shows the Ictual lOIic and orthodox Trotskyism are 50 black nationalism tbat the re­ of refonniJm-to tum the maues deep that no compromiJe is pas­ vislonistJ find their wf.)' to re­ 10wards reliance on tbe very aible either politically or orpn­ formilm, to an alliance with their capitalist Itlte which Oppresael IzatiOllally.' own rulinl cWs. them. Some in the -SWP did not see It is tbrou&h the Internluional Rather than ralsinl transitionll it quite that Wf.)', At the very clUJ sttu",e that the Nearo demands, such II defence luards same time as Cannon was issuinR people, UDder the leaderahip of for tbe Nesro people, the SWP thiJ letter, Breitman was in cor­ the revolutionary party, will find ur,ed the Nelro people to look respondence witb Ernut Ger­ their way to a socia11s1 lOC:iety to the capitalist stile for 'protec­ main - Mandel of the Pablo which abolishes the exploitation rion'. .roup. of man bY I'IWl and throws the That the SWP In 1957 advo­ 'My dear ErnUl,' wrote Breit­ Mrbaric doqrine of racism Into cated inttlration and In 1968 man, despite the cJeavqe. the dustbin of biatory aJons with ad't'OCItes .paratiam, while in· Cannon called him to order everythlnl el5e whicb perpetuates consisent on the ,urfaa of it, and the tone of the letten; man', Inhumanity to man, has a class lodc to It. stiffened, But Breitman, as well In botb casu lhe SWP was as Geofle Novack, who was proceedlDI pl1lamaticaJly-tbat is equ.aUy upset with the break, just It WII usessin. the 'current sub­ pulled in their horns and waited iective Ind psycholOlical level of for a more propitious moment. SEND FOI the museJ', Ind cboosinl lOme 'tranaitional .Ieps' lbal 'lear' into They did not bave to walt this level. lona. In 1961 It was Cannon who FlEE CATALOGI Or, in simpler terms, it was find· was writing -My dear J!.rnest' ina out wbere the action is and lettetl and by 1964 it WIS the diQina up a demand or two tendency which became the Wor­ which aUowed It to Idlpt to tbat kers' Leque which was expelled action, for fi,hting for the position tbat At no poinl WI' tbe SWP PablOllm W.lS revisionism_ ".f upable of putrin. forward the At the very heart of tbe break IMdenIlJp of the. revolutionary with Pablo was the development 200 It ••1 party hued on a revolutionary of a revisionist tendency inter­ Sirateer and an intellated tra.n­ nationa.lly whlcb no lonler saw aitional pro&ramme. Tbus It Iny place for the struule for the BULLETIN PUBLICATIONS heart both Its adaptation to the partY around the Tr.nsitional 143 E. lQ ... 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