Electoral Procedures
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En En Draft Report
European Parliament 2019-2024 Committee on Constitutional Affairs 2020/2220(INL) 1.7.2021 DRAFT REPORT on the reform of the electoral law of the European Union (2020/2220(INL)) Committee on Constitutional Affairs Rapporteur: Domènec Ruiz Devesa PR\1235563EN.docx PE693.622v03-00 EN United in diversityEN PR_INL CONTENTS Page MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION.............................................3 ANNEX TO THE MOTION FOR A RESOLUTION..............................................................11 PE693.622v03-00 2/31 PR\1235563EN.docx EN MOTION FOR A EUROPEAN PARLIAMENT RESOLUTION on the reform of the electoral law of the European Union (2020/2220(INL)) The European Parliament, – having regard to the Declaration of 9 May 1950 that proposed the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) as a first step in the federation of Europe, – having regard to the Act concerning the election of the members of the European Parliament by direct universal suffrage ("the Electoral Act") annexed to the Council decision of 20 September 1976, as amended by Council Decision 2002/772/EC, Euratom, of 25 June and 23 September 2002, and by Council Decision (EU, Euratom) 2018/994 of 13 July 2018, – having regard to the Treaties and in particular to Articles 9, 10, 14 and 17(7) of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and to Articles 20, 22, 223(1) and 225 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU), and to Article 2 of Protocol No 1 on the role of national parliaments in the European Union, – having regard to Protocol -
European Parliament: 7Th February 2017 Redistribution of Political Balance
POLICY PAPER European issues n°420 European Parliament: 7th February 2017 redistribution of political balance Charles de Marcilly François Frigot At the mid-term of the 8th legislature, the European Parliament, in office since the elections of May 2014, is implementing a traditional “distribution” of posts of responsibility. Article 19 of the internal regulation stipulates that the Chairs of the parliamentary committees, the Deputy-Chairs, as well as the questeurs, hold their mandates for a renewable 2 and a-half year period. Moreover, internal elections within the political groups have supported their Chairs, whilst we note that there has been some slight rebalancing in terms of the coordinators’ posts. Although Italian citizens draw specific attention with the two main candidates in the battle for the top post, we should note other appointments if we are to understand the careful balance between nationalities, political groups and individual experience of the European members of Parliament. A TUMULTUOUS PRESIDENTIAL provide collective impetus to potential hesitations on the part of the Member States. In spite of the victory of the European People’s Party (EPP) in the European elections, it supported Martin As a result the election of the new President of Schulz in July 2104 who stood for a second mandate as Parliament was a lively[1] affair: the EPP candidate – President of the Parliament. In all, with the support of the Antonio Tajani – and S&D Gianni Pittella were running Liberals (ADLE), Martin Schulz won 409 votes following neck and neck in the fourth round of the relative an agreement concluded by the “grand coalition” after majority of the votes cast[2]. -
External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck
LAPS_Spring2018_LAPS_Fall13_copy.qxp 12/12/2017 10:59 AM Page 1 External Appeal, Internal Dominance: How Party Leaders Contribute to Successful Party Building Brandon Van Dyck ABSTRACT Many successful political parties depend for their initial popularity and cohesion, and even for their long-term brand strength, on a leader. Nevertheless, literature on successful party building downplays the role of leaders. Thus, the question, what type of leader is good for party building?, remains undertheorized. This arti - cle presents and provides initial evidence for a leadership-centered theory of suc - cessful party building. It argues that externally appealing, internally dominant lead - ers facilitate party building by lifting new parties to electoral prominence and helping to prevent debilitating schisms. The article provides evidence for this argu - ment through a most similar cases comparison of three new left parties in Latin America: two that took root (Brazil’s Workers’ Party, Mexico’s Party of the Dem - ocratic Revolution), and one that collapsed (Peru’s United Left). Keywords : Political parties, leadership, theory construction, Latin America ver the last century in Latin America, hundreds of parties have formed, but O only a tiny fraction have succeeded, or become institutionalized as major national contenders. Of this tiny fraction, many depended for their early electoral success and cohesion on a leader. In extreme cases, leaders provided the basis for enduring brands (e.g., Peronism, Chavismo ), but even in more institutionalized par - ties (Peru’s APRA and AP; Costa Rica’s PLN; Venezuela’s AD and COPEI; El Sal - vador’s ARENA, Brazil’s PT and PSDB, Mexico’s PRD), leaders proved critical for early success and survival. -
The European Parliament – More Powerful, Less Legitimate? an Outlook for the 7Th Term
The European Parliament – More powerful, less legitimate? An outlook for the 7th term CEPS Working Document No. 314/May 2009 Julia De Clerck-Sachsse and Piotr Maciej Kaczyński Abstract At the end of the 6th legislature, fears that enlargement would hamper the workings of the European Parliament have largely proved unfounded. Despite the influx of a large number of new members to Parliament, parties have remained cohesive, and legislative output has remained steady. Moreover, after an initial phase of adaptation, MEPs from new member states have been increasingly socialised into the EP structure. Challenges have arisen in a rather different field, however. In order to remain efficient in the face of increasing complexity, the EP has had to streamline its working procedures, moving more decisions to parliamentary committees and cutting down time for debate. This paper argues that measures to increase the efficiency of the EP, most notably the trend towards speeding up agreements with the Council (1st reading agreements) run the risk of undermining the EP’s role as a forum of debate. Should bureaucratisation increasingly trump politicisation, the legitimacy of the EP will be undermined, and voters will become ever more alienated from its work. For the 7th legislature of the European Parliament therefore, it is crucial to balance efficiency of output with a more politicised policy style that is able to capture public interest. CEPS Working Documents are intended to give an indication of work being conducted within CEPS research programmes and to stimulate reactions from other experts in the field. Unless otherwise indicated, the views expressed are attributable only to the authors in a personal capacity and not to any institution with which they are associated. -
Towards a More Transparent and Coherent Party Finance System Across Europe
Emilie Bartolini, Yvonne Milleschitz & Zociana Stambolliu College of Europe Transparency Group Towards a more transparent and coherent party finance system across Europe The theme of Party Finance is key to determine funding for EU political parties. If, in fact, EU the transparency of a political system. As many parties were indirectly funded through practices cases in the past have demonstrated, party which lack satisfactory levels of disclosure and finance can serve as an important source of transparency, this could have potential illegitimate influence over political actors repercussions over the transparency discipline of through donations and contributions by EU party funding as a whole. individual members as well as larger interest The new regulation builds on the European groups or firms. Parliament evaluation report, which stated the Only since 2003 European Parties are granted a need to reform certain areas of the former public subsidy coming from the EU budget. To regulation. The report followed the adoption of design the EU party finance system, great a report by the Secretary General of the inspiration was taken by national regulations. European Parliament on party funding at EU The first regulation was reformed in 2007 with the level. The EP evaluation report emphasizes the aim of ensuring a greater institutionalization of need for the following reforms: Firstly they stated parties within the EU political system. In 2014 a the need to provide parties with a legal status as new regulation was approved, introducing a symbolic way to reinvigorate their status within substantial reforms such as the establishment of the European Political system. European political an ‘Authority for European political parties and parties should have legal personality to foundations’ in charge of “registering, overcome the gap between fiscal treatment controlling and imposing sanctions on governing European political parties and European political parties and European European Institutions. -
Rules on Political Groups in the EP
Briefing June 2015 Rules on political groups in the EP SUMMARY Members of the European Parliament may form political groups; these are not organised by nationality, but by political affiliation. At the start of the current parliamentary term there were seven political groups in the Parliament, as there were throughout the 2009-14 period. The formation of a new, eighth, political group, to be called Europe of Nations and Freedoms, has been announced recently. To form a political group, a minimum of 25 MEPs, elected from at least one quarter (currently seven) of the EU's Member States is required. Those Members (MEPs) who do not belong to any political group are known as 'non-attached' (non-inscrits) Members. Although the political groups play a very prominent role in Parliament's life, individual MEPs and/or several MEPs acting together also have many rights, including in respect of the exercise of oversight over other EU institutions, such as the Commission. However, belonging to a political group is of a particular relevance for the allocation of key positions in Parliament's political and organisational structures, such as committee and delegation chairs and rapporteurships on important dossiers. Moreover, political groups receive higher funding for their collective staff and parliamentary activities than the non-attached MEPs. Political-group funding is however to be distinguished from funding granted to European political parties and foundations, which, if they comply with the requirements to register as such, may apply for funding from the European Parliament if they are represented in Parliament by at least one Member. -
How to Choose a Political Party
FastFACTS How to Choose a Political Party When you sign up to vote, you can join a political party. A political party is a group of people who share the same ideas about how the government should be run and what it should do. They work together to win elections. You can also choose not to join any of the political parties and still be a voter. There is no cost to join a party. How to choose a political party: • Choose a political party that has the same general views you do. For example, some political parties think that government should No Party Preference do more for people. Others feel that government should make it If you do not want to register easier for people to do things for themselves. with a political party (you • If you do not want to join a political party, mark that box on your want to be “independent” voter registration form. This is called “no party preference.” Know of any political party), mark that if you do, you may have limited choices for party candidates in “I do not want to register Presidential primary elections. with a political party” on the registration form. In • You can change your political party registration at any time. Just fill California, you can still out a new voter registration form and check a different party box. vote for any candidate in The deadline to change your party is 15 days before the election. a primary election, except If you are not registered with a political party and for Presidential candidates. -
ANNUAL REPORT 2019 © Bruegel 2020
ANNUAL 2019 REPORT Bruegel is the European think tank specialising in economics. Established ANNUAL in 2005, Bruegel is independent and non- doctrinal. Its mission is to improve the quality of economic policy with open and evidence- based research, analysis and debate. REPORT Bruegel is registered as a Belgian international non- profit association (Association Internationale Sans But Lucratif) under the number 0867636096, with registered offices at rue de la Charité 33, B-1210 Brussels. The basis for its governance is found in its statute and bylaws. 2019 Rue de la Charité 33 1210 Brussels, Belgium Tel: +32 2 227 4210 Fax: +32 2 227 4219 www.bruegel.org @bruegel_org BRUEGEL ANNUAL REPORT 2019 © Bruegel 2020. All rights reserved. This publication is published under the editorial responsibility of Guntram B. Wolff, director of Bruegel. Editorial coordination: Giuseppe Porcaro. Editorial team: Tiago Almeida, Tom Schraepen, Matilda Sevón. Graphic concept and design: Alessandro Borsello, Emmeline Everaert. CONTENTS Foreword by the Chairman 4 Foreword by the Director 6 A STRUCTURED VISION 8 Bruegel at a glance 10 Our commitment to transparency 12 A network of talents 14 Research team 16 Staff list 25 MAXIMISING IMPACT 26 The impact cycle 28 Media outreach 30 Our events 32 Road to Europe: the Spitzenkandidaten series 36 Braver Greener Fairer 38 Bruegel’s commitment to closing the gender gap 40 Testimonies 42 Public-funded projects 44 RESEARCH LANDSCAPE 46 Policy relevance with academic grounding 48 European macroeconomics and governance 50 Global -
Us Military Assistance to Saudi Arabia, 1942-1964
DANCE OF SWORDS: U.S. MILITARY ASSISTANCE TO SAUDI ARABIA, 1942-1964 DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University By Bruce R. Nardulli, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2002 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Allan R. Millett, Adviser Professor Peter L. Hahn _______________________ Adviser Professor David Stebenne History Graduate Program UMI Number: 3081949 ________________________________________________________ UMI Microform 3081949 Copyright 2003 by ProQuest Information and Learning Company. All rights reserved. This microform edition is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code. ____________________________________________________________ ProQuest Information and Learning Company 300 North Zeeb Road PO Box 1346 Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346 ABSTRACT The United States and Saudi Arabia have a long and complex history of security relations. These relations evolved under conditions in which both countries understood and valued the need for cooperation, but also were aware of its limits and the dangers of too close a partnership. U.S. security dealings with Saudi Arabia are an extreme, perhaps unique, case of how security ties unfolded under conditions in which sensitivities to those ties were always a central —oftentimes dominating—consideration. This was especially true in the most delicate area of military assistance. Distinct patterns of behavior by the two countries emerged as a result, patterns that continue to this day. This dissertation examines the first twenty years of the U.S.-Saudi military assistance relationship. It seeks to identify the principal factors responsible for how and why the military assistance process evolved as it did, focusing on the objectives and constraints of both U.S. -
The European Parliament and Environmental Legislation: the Case of Chemicals
European Journal of Political Research 36: 119–154, 1999. 119 © 1999 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands. The European Parliament and environmental legislation: The case of chemicals GEORGE TSEBELIS & ANASTASSIOS KALANDRAKIS University of California, Los Angeles, USA Abstract. The paper studies the impact of the EP on legislation on chemical pollutants in- troduced under the Cooperation procedure. A series of formal and informal analyses have predicted from significant impact of the EP, to limited impact (only in the second round) to no impact at all. Through the analysis of Parliamentary debates as well as Commission and Parliamentary committee documents, we are able to assess the significance of different amendments, as well as the degree to which they were introduced in the final decision of the Council. Our analysis indicates first that less than 30% of EP amendments are insignificant, while 15% are important or very important; second, that the probability of acceptance of an amendment is the same regardless of its significance. Further analysis indicates two sources of bias of aggregate EP statistics: several amendments are complementary (deal with the same issue in different places of the legal document), and a series of amendments that are rejected as inadmissible (because they violate the legal basis of the document or the germainess require- ment) are included in subsequent pieces of legislation. We calculate the effect of these biases in our sample, and find that official statistics underestimate Parliamentary influence by more than 6 percentage points (49% instead of 56% in our sample). Finally, we compare a series of observed strategic behaviors of different actors (rapporteurs, committees, floor, Commission) to different expectations generated by the literature. -
ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Rule-Of-Law.Pdf
RULE OF LAW Analyze how landmark Supreme Court decisions maintain the rule of law and protect minorities. About These Resources Rule of law overview Opening questions Discussion questions Case Summaries Express Unpopular Views: Snyder v. Phelps (military funeral protests) Johnson v. Texas (flag burning) Participate in the Judicial Process: Batson v. Kentucky (race and jury selection) J.E.B. v. Alabama (gender and jury selection) Exercise Religious Practices: Church of the Lukumi-Babalu Aye, Inc. v. City of Hialeah (controversial religious practices) Wisconsin v. Yoder (compulsory education law and exercise of religion) Access to Education: Plyer v. Doe (immigrant children) Brown v. Board of Education (separate is not equal) Cooper v. Aaron (implementing desegregation) How to Use These Resources In Advance 1. Teachers/lawyers and students read the case summaries and questions. 2. Participants prepare presentations of the facts and summaries for selected cases in the classroom or courtroom. Examples of presentation methods include lectures, oral arguments, or debates. In the Classroom or Courtroom Teachers/lawyers, and/or judges facilitate the following activities: 1. Presentation: rule of law overview 2. Interactive warm-up: opening discussion 3. Teams of students present: case summaries and discussion questions 4. Wrap-up: questions for understanding Program Times: 50-minute class period; 90-minute courtroom program. Timing depends on the number of cases selected. Presentations maybe made by any combination of teachers, lawyers, and/or students and student teams, followed by the discussion questions included in the wrap-up. Preparation Times: Teachers/Lawyers/Judges: 30 minutes reading Students: 60-90 minutes reading and preparing presentations, depending on the number of cases and the method of presentation selected.