LETTER TO A CUBAN SOCIALIST NEW by A. Alvarez .. I NT ERN AT ION A-L

Tile First Authentic Report on the Anti· Stlllin UndergrDund in the Russilln Ukrlline • Stlliin IInti Germllny hy Jacques •

APRIL 1949 The Struggle lor the World: (llpitlliism, Stlliinism, WilT TWENTY -FIVE CENTS Resolution of the ISL IN THIS ISSUE IMEMO I

MARTIN ABERN ...... 99 This is the first issue of THE NEW INTERNATIONAL By the Editors to appear after the formation of the Independent Socialist League.

THE RUSSIAN UKRAINIAN UNDERGROUND ...... 100 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL will continue to carry the message of independent socialism for the ISL as By Vs. F. it has done in the past for the Workers Party. Our weekly newspaper, Labor Action, will reaeh its sub­ LETTER TO A CUBAN SOCIALIST ...... •...... 103 scribers in all countries of the world regularly, as it By Amelio Alvarez has done up to now. We checked thro}.lgh our files the other day and STALINISM IN GERMANY ...... 107 found that these pUblications go out to readers in 43 By Jacques different countries on every continent; from Wagga­ Wagga, Australia, to Cochabamba, Bolivia; to read­ THE INEVITABILITY OF SOCIALISM---I1 ...... 114 ers in almost every state in the Union and all of its major cities. We regard it- as one of our primary tasks By Thompson Conley that the flow of information concerning the develop­ ments in the working class and in the socialist move­ CAPITALISM, STALINISM, AND THE WAR ...... 116 rnent shall not cease. Resolution of the Independent Socialist Leaque The cost of sending thousands of copies to the four corners of the world, to socialist comrades who are unable to pay, plus the present high costs of printing have placed a heavy drain upon our financial re­ ~ources. Therefore the ISL has launched a Fund Drive THE NEW INTERNATIONAL for $14,000 in order to sustain the press. A Mont,,,y Orgo" of Revo'ut'o"Of'y Morxlsm We know that our readers will wish to contribute Yol. XY, No.4 APRIL 1949 Whole No. 135 to the success of this effort. Every contribution en­ Published monthly, except May and JlJne, by the New ables us to send more copies to brother socialists International Publishing Co. at 114 West 14th Street, New abroad who write frequently asking us to continue York 11, N. Y. Re-entered as second-class matter June 30, 1947, at the post office at New York, N. Y., under the Act to send our periodicals. We ask you to send us your of March 3, 1879. Subscription rates: $2.00 per year; bun­ dles, loc each for five copies and up. Forei~n, $2.25 per contribution to enable us to continue this work. All year; bundles, 20c each for five and up. contributions of whatever size will be gratefully ac­ Address all editorial and business communications to The New International, 4 Court Sq'Uare, Long Island City 1. ('epted and acknowledged by return mail. N. Y. Telephone: IRonsides 6-5117. Editorial Board THE NEW INTERNATIONAL BEN HALL HENRY JUDD MAX SHACHTMAN 4 Court Square Staff Long Island City 1, N. Y. I REVA CRAINE WALTER KOCH Dear Friends: Editor: MAX SHACHTMAN Enclosed please find $...... as my Business Manager: JOSEPH ROAN contribution to the first Fund Drive of the Inde­ pendent Socialist League. Name ...... Address ...... City ...... SUBSCRIBE NOW The NEW INTERNATIONAL 4 Court Square Long Island City 1, N. Y. As il our practice. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL will not Please enter my subscription for: be published during the summer month I of May and June. The next Illue will be dated July 194'. and will feature o 1 year, $2; 0 6 months, $1.25; 0 3 years, $5 articles on Congress: Germany ond the New Europe: a o Remittance enclosed. 0 Bill me. Report from En91and ond on extremely Interesting piece NAME ...... on lIya Ehrenburg. This 'ssue will appear on time. and we expect to re­ ADDRE88 ...... lume our regular appeorance with thll 'Ilue. CITY ...... ZONE...... STATJl ...... THE NEW INTERNATIONAL THE NEW INTERNATIONAL A MOllthly Orgall of R.evolutiollary Marxism

VOL. XV APRIL 1949 NO.4

MARTIN ABERN The name of no socialist comrade came the central organ of the world Trotskyist move­ is more closely connected with our publication, THE ment. As business manager at that time, Comrade NEW INTERNATIONAL, than that of Martin Abern. Abern was tireless in pushing forward its expanding Founder, builder, manager and contributor to it, his circulation to all corners of the world. Our many sudden and unexpected death at the end of April 1949 friends in Asia, Europe and Latin America will well is a grievous loss to those many thousands who knew remember Marty's letters to them-filled with friend­ him through his long association with our publication. ly interest and suggestions regarding our common If, in recent years, circumstances beyond his control socialist problems and activities. had made it impossible to continue his active role on behalf of THE NEW INTERNATIONAL, nothing can dim We Salute His Memory his long years of service to it. After a short period of suspension, THE NEW IN­ TERNATIONAL resumed its pUblication again in Janu­ Comrade Abern's long years in the American rev­ ary 1938. Again, it was Martin Abern who insisted olutionary and socialist movement, dating back to the upon its revival, simultaneous with the formation of First World War, are familiar to all of us. The story the Socialist Workers Party. Publication has been of his devotion to the cause of socialism, and the facts uninterrupted since this period, and Comrade Abern of his over thirty years' dedication to this movement, was again the active manager for many years. It was have already been published in Labor Action. We shall during this period that the magazine's publication not repeat them here. But Martin Abern's relation to reached an aU-time high in terms of copies printed, THE NEW INTERNATIONAL formed an important part circulation and international influence. of his socialist life and career. Comrade Abern was more than our magazine's Instrumental in Founding HI business manager. He took an active part in its edit­ orial life and the selection of material considered of Perhaps more than any other comrade in the pUblication merit. While literary and theoretical anal­ American movement, he was instrumental in its foun­ yses were' not the foremost qualities of his political dation as an organ of Marxist politics in the United life, he contributed valuable articles on American la­ States. This was in 1934, approximately fifteen years bor politics, events in England, etc. But above all, his ago. At that time, the Trotskyist movement in Amer­ loyalty to THE NEW INTERNATIONAL was surpassed ica was a small force, with still tinier means at its dis­ by no one, and his patient ~fforts to expand its influ­ posal. The launching of THE NEW INTERNATIONAL ence or to overcome its innumerable obstacles are the was more than a feat of organizational skill-it signi­ truest possible reflection of his real personality. fied endless effort and devotion to the conception that a Marxist movement required a theoretical organ just Thus it is that with full sincerity we can say that as surely as man requires oxygen to breathe. Martin our NEW INTERNATIONAL was the creation of Com­ Abern understood this need and he, as perhaps no one rade Martin Abern more than of any other single in­ else co'uld have done, made it a reality. THE NEW IN­ dividual. We know that all our readers who know its TERNATIONAL was born under his guidance and story will share this belief with us. In these difficult through his initiative. times, very few revolutionists. have left as much be­ hind them to testify to their devotion and capacities. It was an immediate success. Those fortunate We know, too, that our readers will join with us in enough to still possess copies dating from the found­ saluting his memory and expressing our desire to con­ ing yeats of the magazine can testify to its high qual­ tinue this vital work so well begun and handled by ity and value. Its name and its circulation spread rap­ him. idly among Marxists throughout the world, and it be- " THE EDITORS The Russian Ukrainian Underground A People's Revolt Against Stalin

Weare particularly pleased to present this historic and time protected the Ukrainian population of the terri­ theoretical account of the Ukrainian national-revolutionary tories along the Curzon line, which territories had movement against Stalin to our readers. The world preS8 has made numerous allusions to the existence of this movement, been taken from Poland, from forced deportation. to but we believe this.is the first authentic and detailed account East Prussia and Pomerania. Establishing the centers to appear in English anywhere. THE NEW INTERNATIONAL of its military operations in Volhynia and Carpathia, can verify the authenticity and accuracy of this report, a8 well the Ukrainian Revolutionary Army in 1946 trans­ as the reliability of its author.-ED. ferred the main part of its work to underground ac­ tivity of separate small groups throughout the terri­ • tories of the Ukraine. The underground revolution­ ary work consists in the strong development of anti­ October, 1948, marked the fifth Bolshevik propaganda and in the preparation of the anniversary of the organization in the northwestern people for a possible revolutionary uprising. forest regions of the Ukraine of the first revolution­ In what field of action is the Ukrainian revolu­ ary divisions which took the name of Ukrainian Rev­ tionary underground in the USSR today? olutionary Army (UPA). The first detachments of Much has been written of the military exploits of the UPA, organized deep in the German rear, since the UPA, especially in the period from 1946 to the the Germans at that time had reached Kharkov, im­ present, in the western European and American nlediately began to carryon a struggle on two fronts: press. But this information is not always accurate. against the German military and civil power and the Under the influence of Moscow propaganda the UPA Bolshevist "red" parachutists. The Ukrainian parti­ is often described as some sort of fascist, nationalist, sans fell upon the German occupation forces, on com­ anti-popular movement having no success among the munication lines of the enemy in the rear, protected workers of the USSR. The bourgeois press of the the local population against deportation for work in West, reprinting stories from the Moscow, Polish and Germany and at the same time did not permit the Czech press and radio gives them a sort of biased "red" parachutists to gain influence over the popula­ coloration, adding to be sure-Cleven if they are fas­ tion. cists, no matter, so long as they fight Communism." The first slogans of the Ukrainian partisans were: But the thoughtful reader, knowing the value of the II Against Hitler and Stalin," "For the Independence propaganda of the Kremlin and the bourgeoisie still of the Ukraine." The success of the partisan moye­ raises the question: How can it be that "without the ment was so great that as early as 1943-44 whole ter­ support of the people," the Ukrainian revolutionists ritories of the north and west Ukraine lay under their have been fighting for six years against the occupiers control: Volhynia, Galicia, Carpathia and a large of their homeland? How could such an "insignificant, part of the territories to the west of the Dnieper. criminal band" deal out blows of such great political Deeply penetrating raids were conducted across the significance to its enemies as the assassination of the Ukraine, even reaching White Russia (Byelo-Russia, Chief of Staff of the German SA, Lutze, the top com­ the name of the area lying between Great Russia and mander of the southern Russian front, General of the Poland; the term "White" is geographical and "not po­ Red Army Vatutin or the assistant minister of the litical), and the Baltic coastlands. armed f0rces of Poland, General Syerchesky? Why When, toward the end of 1944, all the territories should it be necessary for a full secret military treaty of the Ukraine once more fell under Stalinist occu­ to be concluded in 1946 between the three states: pation, UP A continued to carryon the struggle. Car­ USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia, against some pathia and Volhynia became the base regions for its group or other of "wretched fascists"? From all these operations. With their bases and strong points in unanswerable questions there emerges one clear ques­ impassable forests and mountains, the partisans con­ tion, demanding a clear answer: What is the UPA tinued to attack the new occupation forces, conduct­ fighting for? ing raids deep into the rear of the enemy. The Bol­ sheviks conducted their operations against the par­ II fisans only with the aid of MVD and MGB [secret The initiators of the Ukrainian Revolutionary police] troops, as a part of the ordinary Red Army Army in 1942 were Ukrainian nationalists. From the troops kept coming over to the side of the partisan$. very first days of its organization, its first political In spite of strong terror the partisans had contin­ slogan was, "Struggle for an Independent Ukraine.", uous support from the population and therefore their Under the German occupation, UPA carried on ac­ actions were largely successful. In 1945-46 the parti­ tions that were basically military. Its ideology and sans successfully disrupted the attempt at forced col­ political propaganda were still developing and being lectivization of the peasants in Galicia, and for a long worked out. It is necessary to point out that the or-

100 rHE NEW .NrER.NAr.oNAL - APR.IL 7949

j ganizers o.f the UPA-the Ukrainian natio.nalists­ the ·entire territory o.f the Ukraine was reo.ccupied matured and hardened into. a stro.ng, disciplined o.r­ by the Red Army and the UPA began to. functio.n un­ ganizatio.n, even oefo.re the war. Since they existed der new co.nditio.ns. With the end o.f the war, the UPA so.lely in the territo.ry o.f the Western Ukraine, o.ccu­ transferred the center o.f its o.peratio.ns to. the West­ pied by o.ldPo.land, the natio.nalists hardened in a ern part o.f the Ukraine, and changed its tactics in gtruggle with Po.lish natio.nalism. the central Ukraine, passing to.pro.pagandistic un­ dergro.und revo.lutio.nary wo.rk and establishing A.. All-National Army gro.ups in all the large cities o.f the Ukraine. The ideo.lo.gy o.f natio.nalism, co.mpletely disregard­ In the perio.d o.f 1945-46, natio.nalist ideo.lo.gy had ing so.cial questio.ns and excluding them fro.m its pro.­ already co.mpletely disappeared fro.m all the theo.­ gram, develo.ped o.nly in a natio.nal framewo.rk, qUick­ )!etical, ideo.lo.gical and pro.pagandistic publicatio.ns o.f ly passing into. ,tbe fo.rms o.f natio.nal chauvinism. In the UP A. Its place was taken by a new pro.gressive Po.lish territo.ry, this was a co.mpletely legitimate de­ ideo.lo.gy with a clear so.cial pro.gram. This ideo.lo.gy velo.pment, since on the part o.f the Polish bourgeois derives fro.m 110. do.ctrine, its direct so.urce is the peo.­ go.vernment there was a develo.ping and sharpening pIe and it co.rrespo.nds to. their aspiratio.ns. No. lo.nger of similar fo.rms o.f Po.lish natio.nalism. And it was do. we speak o.f struggle "in general" fo.r an indepen­ this Ukrainian natio.nalist o.rganizatio.n which became dent state, but no.w we speak o.f the nature o.f the the pro.genito.r o.f the UPA. During th~ir struggle state fo.r which we are fighting. Thus the UP A pro.­ with the Germans, the natio.nalists co.uld still co.unter­ po.ses the fo.llo.wing as its pro.gram fo.r a new so.cial po.se themselves to. the enemy o.n the basis o.f their order in the Ukrainian state. ideo.lo.gy, since the German ideo.lo.gy was also., if no.t 1. Fo.r state - natio.nalized and co.operative - so.cial to. a greater degree, natio.nalistic. But already to.ward pro.perty in industry, finance and tra(le. the end o.f 1943, the region o.f UP A o.peratio.ns started 2. Fo.r state-natio.nal pro.perty in land with agri­ to. spread o.ver territo.ries which, befo.re the German culture to. be co.nducted either co.llectively o.r individ­ invasio.n, were within the bo.undaries o.f the So.viet ually, depending o.n the wishes o.f the po.pulatio.n. - Unio.n. An influx o.f fo.rmer Red Army men, Ko.mso.­ 3. A return to. capitalism in any instance is a re­ mo.ls [Yo.ung Co.mmunists], even men who. were ideo.­ gressio.n. (See the bo.o.k, The Position of the Ukrai­ logically Co.mmunists and in general the yo.uth, which nian Liberation Movement, published by the UPA in had gro.wn up under the So.viets, started into. the 1947, reissued by the emigratio.n in 1948, in Ger­ ranks o.f the UPA, and increased fro.m day to. day. many.) Already by 1943 the UPA had become a real inter­ national [literally: an all-natio.nal] army. And at Exclude Restoration of Capitalism this po.int the ideo.lo.gy o.f natio.nalism suffered its first Further o.n we read: "The co.mplete liquidatio.n and mo.rtal blo.w: it capitulated, never to. return again. of the class struggle demands the destructio.n o.f the It became apparent that the mere slo.gans o.f natio.nal so.urce o.f classes itself, i.e., in the capitalist co.untries independence were insufficient to. raise the peo.ple to. -the institutio.n o.f private pro.perty in the means o.f the level o.f revo.lutio.nary struggle. It was necessary pro.ductio.n; in the case o.f the So.viet Unio.n-the po.­ to. put fo.rth so.cial slo.gans, a so.cial pro.gram, to. in­ litical mo.no.poly o.f the Stalinist party, the dictato.rial, still a so.cial essence into. the natio.nal fo.rms o.f the to.talitarian regime." (Ibid.) Fro.m this it fo.llo.ws that revo.lutio.nary mo.vement. Great changes no.w to.o.k a return to. private pro.perty in the means of produc­ place m the UPA; new men with a new ideo.lo.gy en­ tion in the future Ukrainian state is co.mpletely ex­ tered its leadership. Already in 1943 in its publica­ cluded. But this co.nclusio.n was no.t drawn fro.m any tio.ns in Vo.lhynia the fo.remo.st slo.gan o.f the UP A do.ctrinal co.nsideratio.ns, but fro.m the actualities o.f ,vas: t'Only in an independent Ukrainian state can the situatio.n, i.e., that no.t o.nly is there no. desire fo.r the true realization of the g'reat slogans of the Octo­ a return to. capitalism, but even if there were, it co.uld ber Revolution be attained." (See the UP A news­ no.t be realized. The basic suppo.rt o.f the new state paper in Vo.lhynia, No.. 1, 1943, "Defense o.f the will be so.cial pro.perty. This is the present so.cial pro.­ Ukraine.") gram o.f the UPA. In the same year (1943), in the impassable fo.r­ In o.ther undergro.und publicatio.ns o.f the UP A ests o.f the Carpathians, there to.o.k place an illegal during 1945-49, we read abo.ut further extensio.ns o.f internatio.nal co.ngress o.f representatives o.f 16 na­ our pro.gram and ideo.lo.gy. fn the simple sheets cir­ tio.nalities dwelling within the bo.rders o.f the USSR. culated amo.ng demo.bilized Red Army men and o.ffi­ The co.ngress established an internatio.nal revo.lutio.n­ cers, we find a call to. revo.lutio.nary struggle, "against ary o.rganizatio.n o.f peo.ples under the Mo.sco.w yo.ke. the new class o.f explo.iters-the Bo.lshevik party mag­ At that ·time there already existed separate military nates, fo.r a classless so.ciety and real peo.ple's democ­ "detachments o.f the different natio.nalities in the UP A : I··acy." (See the paper, "Revolutionary Democrat," Byelo.-Russians, Geo.:rgi~ns, Uzbeks, Turco.men and No.3, for 1948.) Many other similar publications {lX­ others, bo.und in clo.se co.operatio.n with the Po.lish, ist. It is interesting that among them we find th(' arti­ Baltic, Slo.vak and o.ther partisans. At the same time (~les of o.rthodox Marxists (for instance, onf' of the

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 101 leaders of the underground, O. Gornovskii) ; articles to these quotations. But even from these few lines the by former nationalists who still curse socialism, but objectives of the struggle of the revolutionary who, upon analysis of their conceptions of revolution Ukraine become clear. Against-so progressive and rev­ in the USSR, support "permanent revolution"; to olutionary an ideology present-day Stalinism can the use of the term itself (for example, the publicisl, counterpose nothing but naked terror and force. But P. Poltava) ; articles not only about socialism but also it is evident at the same time that on naked force, about the national question, including quotations terror and lies alone no system will long maintain it­ from Marx, Engels and Lenin, in opposition to the self. Social and national revolution in the USSR- is Stalinist position (for example, the publicist, Ya. Bu­ inevitable. sen) . All these tendencies exist in the deep Ukrainian Resistance Throughout Russia underground, and their publications are spread all over the Ukraine. Do not think that it is only in the Ukraine that an Thus we see that nationalism no sooner encoun­ underground revolutionary struggle is being waged, tered Soviet realities than it capitulated. Its place although it is a fact that the Ukrainian resistance is was taken by the new ideology of the construction of the strongest by far. From announcements of the So­ a true"socialist society, based on a true popular, politi­ viet radio and especially from information reaching eal democracy. This ideology, arising from our direct the emigration from the Ukrainian underground confrontation with the reactionary system of the movement, it is known that similar revolutionary un­ USSR, a system replete with social contradictions, derground struggle exists in Lithuania, Latvia, in is its revolutionary antipode, but not on the road back Poland, in Byelo-Rusiia, in the Caucasus, in Central to the restoration of private capitalist society, but Asia. One may assume that the revolutionary move­ l·ather on the road forward, to socialism and popular ments in these nationalities are based on the salUe democracy. ideological positions as the UPA. From all that has been written above about the III ideology and struggle of the revolutionary under­ In attesting the accuracy of our theses, we pre­ ground in the USSR, we can draw the following con­ sent the following facts to the reader. When in 1947 clusions: certain UPA raiding parties on our Western front 1. Whereas before the war in 1941 a revolutionary broke through Czechoslovakia to Austria and West­ underground movement was impossible, today, after ern Germany, they brought with them a large quan­ the war, in connection with the instability and rotting tity of printed theoretical, ideological and propagan­ of the Stalinist system, and in connection with the distic material. Additional raiding parties, arriving existence of a new, revolutionary ideology, a revo­ in the spring and summer of 1948, brought similar lutionary underground in the USSR has become pos­ materials with them. All of these had been printed sible. in the forests and mountains of the Ukraine, on un­ 2. The struggle against Stalinism is possible only derground presses, in the USSR. In the end of 1948, if conducted on the basis of socialism and revolution­ a part of these materials was reissued, in the emigra­ ary democracy, since Stalinist ideology capitlliates be­ tion, in Germany, with the aim of informing the fore such an approach, and since only such an ap­ Western world about the real ideology of the revolu­ proach finds wide support among the workers of the tionary underground movement at present in the USSR. Ukraine. These materials were published in a' book 3. The ripening revolution in the USSR \\rill be under the title, The Position of the Ukrainian Libera­ at the same time social and political. It will be no re­ tion Movement (publishing house, "Brolog," Munich, turn to capitalism, but the last step to a socialist, 1948, 140 pp.). In addition several brochures and classless society, based on a true popular democracy. other material have already been reissued. 4. All this has been proved by the Ukrainian revo­ Besides the socio-political program of the UPA, lutiQnists by their six-year struggle deep in the Ukrai­ set forward by us above, one finds in these publica­ nian underground. tions statements like these: "The Soviet order ... is not a socialist order, since * * * classes of exploited and exploiters exist· in it. The po. S.-Here we must draw the reader's attention workers of the USSR want neither capitalism nor to several terms, used by us in this article, since they Stalinist pseudo-socialism. They aspire to a truly are used in the same way by the members of the revo­ classless society, to a true popular democracy, to a lutionary underground in the USSR. We refer to such free life in free and independent states. Today soviet terms as "Bolshevism, H "Soviet," "USSR," etc. Of society, more than any other, is pregnant with social course, this usage contradicts the scientific historical revolution. In the USSR, the social revolution is facts: Bolshevism in the USSR had already passed strengthened by the national revolutions of the op­ out of existence by 1929, and the Soviet power also; pressed nationalities." the USSR is only a Stalinist screen, or better, a drape Because of a lack of space, we limit ourselves only for the old Czarist Empire. But the reader must un-

102 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· ArRIL J949

j Letter to a Cuban Socialist On the Problems of Latin America Under new post-war conditions lionately unparalleled even when compared to Mexico, events in Latin America continue to correspond to the where the democratic organization of the trade un­ old, oscillatory rhythm characteristic of this region: ions and of the "ejidos" (farming communities) popular movements, more or less confused, but on the seems to have always been a farce. If such an organ­ whole progressive, which lose their grip when faced ization had dealt with a more numerous or more con­ by the first real economic or political difficulty. Two scious proletariat (even that of Cuba, for instance, factors seem to predominate in all these countries, with its traditions of the European revolutionary varying with each national situation-sometimes con­ workers' movement, via the Spanish immigrants, and siderably-within these general limits. One is the its agricultural proletariat preponderant among the traditional "pretorian" role of the army. This point rural population) it would probably have dashed all deserves very heavy underlining. The factor involved hopes of a military coup. At least, that is my impres­ here is especially characteristic of South America. sion. But in the given backward conditions it was an As is well known, these armies do not correspond to unavoidable necessity for the civilian political move­ any function of real defense, even in the bourgeois ment to come to grips with the problem of the army. sense of the term. They are, above all, an instrument This autonomous, functionless body of the Latin for internal policing and also of lilliputian imperial­ American countries must be crushed; otherwise it ism. Hence, two consequences. They become a e'on­ will fatally reassume its former "function" of arbi­ stant political factor, often predominant, always im­ trator and parasitic profiteer of social struggles. Wha\ portant. On the other hand, they often serve as trans­ matters is"not that Chalbaud (mere example of a so­ mission belt for external influences (today the United cial type) was for a while liberal and sympathetic to States or Argentina), either for creating internal the popular movement; but that, by the victory of this revolutions or as an indirect instrument of some for­ movement itself, he became the head of the army, of eign imperialist policy (in other words, the "aggres­ that parasitic social organism which, in the present sor" country isn't even pursuing ends which are its structure of these coup.tries, is in a position to arbi­ own-a phenomenon typical also of the Balkans). trate the civilian struggles and therefore fatally tends The events in Venezuela are especially typical in in this direction. Here lies a permanent menace which this respect. The popular insurrection led by Betan­ took shape as soon as conditions permitted. court! was a typically progressive movement within I t is clear that the Betancourt and Gallegos gov­ the limits of the post-war period. Chalbaud was one ernment did not know how or were unable to confront of its military leaders, representing the young officer the military problem. I do not exactly kp.ow why. cadres of the army. After the insurrection "took over Printed information is very scattered and is of little power," we saw the growth and then the explosion avail. The difficulty is increased by the lack of Latip of a typical conflict of Latin American liberalism. American uniformity. The situation in Latin Amer­ (Remember the role of the liberal generals in XIXth ica is rather European in this respect: here indeed century Spain.) The movement was extensive enough is a far from homogeneous bloc of authentic national to permit the Betancourt government to undertake entities (with some exceptions) . Maybe Accion Demo­ a vast job of organizing the masses, a job propor- cratica simply did not have enough time. Maybe it 1. Betancourt, the head of AccloD Democratlcll and of the really underestimated the problem in an opportunist VC'nezuelan insurrection, became, after the seizure of power, the head of the revolutionary Junta until he transmitted his power sense. Maybe, finally, by a combination of both ·fac­ 1.0 the new democratically-elected president, Romulo Gallegos. tors, it was too heterogeneous to unify itself rapidly Gallegos, in turn', was forced to renounce power following the military coup of Col. Chalbaud, former member of the Betan­ enough to solve the problem in time. Nonetheless, I~ourt revolutionary Junta and head of the Venezuelan army. whatever the factors- may have been, it seems that Accion Democratica started to act along these lines. derstand: in the contemporary USSR the agents of, Betancourt, it is said, began organizing a popular Stalinism have been beating with bayonets and bul­ militia-conspiratively-and this fact, among others, lets into the heads of the people their "socialism," is supposed to have precipitated the military coup. "democracy," "Bolshevism'" and "Soviet power." If this is true, the fault manifestly lies in the "con­ Therefore all these terms have long been accursed to spirative" method, which cannot touch the masses in the workers. But essence remains essence and let the an efficacious manner, which never deceives the adver­ reader forgive us this small phraseological inexact­ sary and which, consequently, always falls through. ness. Let the reader keep the essence in mind. More generally speaking, here are my conclusions: Vs. F. No democratization of the Latin American armies is

THE NEW INTSRNATIONAL • APRIL J949 103 possible. These are professional and parasitic for­ Thus, for Cuba also, the same problem arises within mations wherein a mere change of cadres ("the ser­ a more or less short span. And here, as everywhere geants becoming colonels"). or even of the composi­ else, the Stalinists will play their game in favor of a tion of the troops, in no way changes their "pretorian" "strong government," even if for the time being it function. There is only one road for a victorious popu­ would be hostile to them. They need it in order to con­ lar movement: to crush them, to destroy them by trol the workers' movement. And it can hardly tear [neans of popular pressure and vigilance organized this control away from them (even Peron has "diffi­ throughout the trade unions. Here arises an alterna­ culties" with them). On the other hand, ~very exten­ ti ve: either arming the people and periods of military sion of democratic liberties-even limited-is unfa­ training; or nothing at all besides the simple police vorable to their attempts at penetration and totalitar­ functions assigned to bodies for which the trade un­ ian inroads. Thus, while waiting to take the situation ions and rural communities are guarantees and which into their own hands, if and when they can, they al­ will be changed frequently. We must take into account ways tend to favor authoritarian solutions. the enormous technical progress in the military field which makes the traditional program of arming the Effect of Stalinism people a little obsolete and which, on the other hand, The other factor which dominates the situation in implies heavy burdens for the backward and "poor" Latin American countries is the not very conscious countries. It is evident that no Latin American coun­ character of the democratic-progressive movements, try can dream of opposing the United States in terms their low level and national narrowmindedness. The of military effectiveness. On the other hand, problems degeneration of the Stalinist movement, then its total­ of military defense do incontestably arise for some of itarianization, have here manifestly played a fatal them-at least provisionally-against certain impe­ role. They have corrupted and continue to infect the rialist tendencies (Argentina, Brazil), against certain young revolutionary workers' movement, adding dictatorial regimes, certain "rival" nations. A deci­ themselves to the very rapid "bourgeoisification" of sion in favor of one or the other alternatiye will have the socialist movements where they existed histori­ to be reached according to each individual case. cally (Argentina, Chile) and to the mistakes of an­ archistic "spontaneism." For this very reason they Position of the Movements have rendered the democratic movement impotent. On According to my information on the Cuban situa­ the other hand, no proletarian current has appeared tion, (1) the" Autentico"2 government and movement among the workers side by side with and opposed to are both deeply discredited; (2) the right opposition Stalinism. Proof of this is manifest in the direct and (the former "Batista Bloc") continues to be discred­ continuous control of the Mexican government over ited and divided; (3) the left opposition remains the trade unions; in the Autentico tendency within, weak, without organizational form, without prestige, later the Autentico organization of, the Cuban trade a.nd divided; (4) the army cadres are said to have unions; in the very formation of Venezuelan trade been renewed to a rather large extent by the Auten­ unions by "Accion Democratica"; in the reorganiza­ ticos in a way favorable to their interests; (5) the tion and enlargement of Peruvian trade unions by economic conjuncture continues to be "prosperous" the Apra; finally, in Peronian Bonapartism's easy but unstable because of inflation and the total lack of control and regimentation of the Argentine trade even the slightest coordination; (6) finally, Batista unions. But what precisely do these facts prove? That, is supposed to have posed his candidacy as president as a result of the Stalinist obstacle and its infection for the next elections. In these conditions the army of the workers' movement, the forward surge of these inevitably tends to play its role of arbiter and to in­ countries takes place-despite the obstacles of Amer­ vigorate its "pretorian" functions despite everything. ican imperialism, national reaction and Stalinism­ by spontaneous processes of mass radicalization in the 2. The Autentleo8 are a mass petty-bourgeois party which form of petty-bourgeois democratic movements which 'ook shape after the downfall of Machado in 1934. Its head, Ra­ mon Grau San Martin. headed the revolutionary provisional gov­ are at the same time dynamic and confused, oppor~ (H·ument. called ul a pentarquia." of· which Bastista, a former tunist and revolutionary. In Latin America it is not sergeant promoted to colonel-sergeant, was a member. After a while Batista built up new military cadres and overthrew Grau the proletariat-despite its importance and its his­ San Martin and set up a military dictatorship. The Autentleo8 toric function-.which influences the petty bourgeoi­ uecame an illegal opposition party until 1940, when Batista con­ vened a Constituent Assembly and succeeded in being elected sie, but the latter which influences and often organ­ pr·esident. The Autentleos became a legal opposition party and izes the proletariat and carries it along with it. The Ruceeeded in 1944 in having their candidate, Grau San Martin. elected president. In 1948 Grau San Martin was succeeded by an­ {lroletariat's influence is exercized only impersonally. other Autentleo candidate, Prio Socarras. The rapid unpopular'" lIy of the Autentleo party in power led to bitter internal strug­ so to speak, generally by the ideological path of the gles, which resulted in the formation of a new party led by a socialist perspective which dominates the entire his­ I'ormer stronghand of Grau San Martin-Eduardo Chibas. who by now is one of the main figures of the left opposition in Cuba. torical epoch and as such is not exclusively due to the Jt led also to attempts of former President Batista to build UP spontaneous development of the proletarian forces, fI. new right-wiTl$ opposition-attempts which have so far re­ Rul ted in the formation of a new Batista party. as we know since Marx and Lenin. That this is the

104 THE NEW INTERNAYlONAL • APRIL 1949

J situation in Latin America seems to me unquestion­ derestimation of the world labor-socialist setback. By able; it results from a combination of the maturity keeping the Trotskyist position on the USSR after of socialism on a world scale and the backward state Stalingrad (which confirmed the bureaucracy's hold of Latin America, which is even more retarded and on power and its reinforcement on a world scale), it artificially blocked by Stalinism. But-and this is re­ was bound to lose all possibility of action and all in­ markable--such a situation is far from being merely fluence; whereas a radical change of position at that negative. To be convinced of this, just compare it to time, even though late, could, however, in my opinion, the· eclipse of living forces in Eastern Europe, colo­ have prepared a decisive role for Trotskyism in the nized by Russia's totalitarian imperialism, or to the post-war period. Correlatively, by making the prog­ stagnating impotence which hits western Europe, nosis of a revolutionary perspective for Europe as a wedg~d in between the Russian menace and the ex­ result of the war, it condemned itself to read events pansion of American control. To express my .opinion backward, to lose everywhere the little influence it exactly, I should rather say that such a situation is still kept and to reinforce everywhere the tendencies progressive within given limits and, left to itself, of capitulation to and compromise with Stalinism. cannot lead to any stable and lasting solution. It im­ Moreover, the claims to renew and outgrow Marx­ plies a development beyond these limits, short of ism on "Indo-American" soil proved to be a cover for which these countries fall back into the former chaos. confusionism and petty-bourgeois compromises. (The Of course this development can result only from the mass influence of the corresponding movements does conscious work of a vanguard which reorganizes and not in the least correspond to their programmatic rearms the workers against Stalinism and petty­ value, but to the proletarian-socialist setback.) Fi­ bourgeois illusions, thanks to the very circumstances nally, those elements-generally Trotskyist or their created by these democratic-progressive movements. sympathizers-which could have regrouped a van­ (Not the least of their positive traits is precisely to guard and catalyzed these petty-bourgeois democratic permit the organization or rapid growth of the trade movements, kept themselves in sectarian isolation, unions and the possibility of political rearming of the their pretext being to keep an organizational inde­ workers.) pendence--which did not exist or which soon stopped Unfortunately, the very formation of such a van­ existing for lack of organization itself---or to keep a guard, to say nothing of its work, for the moment programmatic integrity which, in so far as it is a amounts to practically zero. Tiny little national short-term historical program of action, has not stood groups-confused, isolated, sectarian and/or oppor­ the test of events. tunistic, generally wornout and disoriented, without any international connections, even embryonic ones Start from Scratch -claim to answer the need for such a vanguard. In this respect, therefore, everything. must be done Actually they represent practically nothing, neither anew. What is involved is a rearming in theory and in respect to cadres nor roots. When they do engage perspective and a reorganization of the modes and in some activity, they "practise" a pseudo-policy of course of action. On the first point, this is an interna­ prestige, a pseudo-propaganda without any real theo­ tional task to which the Latin American elements can retical value and a pseudo-agitation lacking a trans­ of course bring only their contribution and in which mission belt to the masses and without any effect on they depend on the work accomplished elsewhere. In them. To crown it all, most of them, besides, lay claim no way, however, does this hinder practical activity. to an independent organization and toa mythical in­ On the contrary. For it is in accordance with the very dependent action. The reasons for such a situation are development of practical activity that the theoretical many. (And unfortunately, let it be said in pa$sing, perspectives will become clear. How to form cadres the situation in Europe or Asia hardly seems better and strike roots depends on local conditions, of course, in'its way.) First of all, Trotskyism which, between and there is no general answer. But, above all, it is the two wars, was the only real international move­ necessary to be in that which exists. This is an appar­ ment against Stalinism-this was evident to all-has ent banality, but such a condition is found to be un­ died a well deserved death. (What seems to subsist of fulfilled almost everywhere. Even where there seem it-tire Trotskyist parties of the Asiatic countries­ to be more important groups with a mass influence are either indigenous movements having only the ide­ (Chile, Bolivia), they do not appear to be connected ology of Trotskyism, or else they are prisoners, al­ with what could be called a national current-whe­ though with a mass base, of the same fundamental ther it be that" they are not concerned with integrat­ contradictions as the Trotskyist residues elsewhere, ing themselves in it, when it does exist, or with taking and will avoid degeneration only by transforming the initiative to form it on a large base, when it has themselves profoundly.) Trotskyism, as an interna­ not yet taken on an organizational form. tional movement, died because it built its perspective This stems from the Trotskyist past. After the on an erroneous prognosis of the Russian develop­ various Communist parties had been formed and the ment and, in a correlative way, on a catastrophic un- process of Stalinization took root in them, the strug-

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. APRIL 1949 105 gle naturally took the form of internal opposition and despite efforts to take roots seriously and "unequivo­ of conquest of the party, that is, of the instrument cally"-'as foreign and dogmatic elements. You are of mass action, from within. This stage, in Latin wrong to consider the first step forward to be the ex­ America, rapidly led to the following one: formation pansion of ypur own core. For years this core has had of a new party ~ This stage in turn proved to be a total 110 existence, despite its apparent "shadowy exist­ failure. That is the unquestionable fact. The reasons ence." And what must be formed is precisely an en­ for it, in my opinion, in decreasing order of import­ tirely different core, conceived in a much wider fash·· ance, are: (1) the situation created in these coun­ iot\.. The question is to integrate-without any dog­ tries by the conditions of economic stagnation, with matic or hierarchic pretensions-all the elements sudden speculative booms, and political corruption; which have had a militant and socialist experience in this situation favors Stalinist tactics and makes revo­ the Communist Party or among the Trotskyists and lutionary tactics iflore difficult; (2) the false Trot­ which have not become corrupted in the sense of all skyist perspective: "defense of the USSR," "prole­ individual '''solution''; and at the same time to inte­ tarian" character of the Communist parties, under­ grate this group in a progressive popular movement, estimation of the petty-bourgeois formations which not with fractional claims, however, but in the form attract the masses to them; (3) corollary to (2)­ of an open tendency. What has to be done, rather, is the tactical rigidity which led these groups to '·'ex­ to be flexible in orienting the formative process of a plain" their isolation and ineffectuality, and persist dynamic wing and its political rearming, without try­ in it, by a "principled" pseudo-ans:t.lysis. ing to impose political and organizational formulas on it from above or from behind the scenes. Into the Popular Movements! Material for such work does exist, for instance, in Cuba, and the political conditions which favor it do Briefly, experience has decisively proved the vital­ exist or are continually being reconstituted. During ity of the petty-bourgeois democratic-socialistic for­ the period of the rising unpopularity of Grau and the mation and the sectarian artificiality of the groups election of Socarras I had the impression that the claiming to constitute new Bolshevik-Leninist parties. movement to be penetrated was Chibas' party. It rt has thus also proved, in my opinion, the falseness seems to have more or less fallen apart after the elec­ of the historical perspective and of the tactics accord­ tion. Whatever the value of this specific .case may be, ing to which these groups proceeded. It has made I believe there is room for a new popular-democratic clear the disastrous consequences of underestimating Inovement in the face of an unpopular government, the petty-bourgeois popular movements and refusing "bureaucratized" and impotent Autenticos and .the Lo integrate oneself in them, not only to find there a machinations of the new Batista bloc in formation. milieu for work from which the new party would Even a weak grouping, but one which would prepare Rhortly arise, but above all and especially to help un­ the people for coming national and international equivocally in forging these movements into vigorous events, which would clarify for them the impotence instruments of democratic action, and to help their and corruption of the Autenticos in power, the .machi­ proletarian base and their spontaneously revolution­ nations of the Batista bloc and the specific role of the nry cadres and elements (students, for instance, poor Cuban Stalinists (linking it to the Kremlin's world peasants, cadres like Guiteras) to surmount the petty­ strategy) and the perspective of a military coup­ bourgeois limitations of the movement. It is not at al1 such a group could gain a large audience rapidly if it un accident that the only movement which succeeded knew how to pres~nt and to consider itself as the in realizing positive work, despite its limitations and mere beginnings of a popular democratic movement. its present defeat-Accion Democratica-had as its One last word on the situation in Argentina. I do original core a group of former Communist militants gathered around Betancourt who, in their fashion, llot wish to discuss it as a whole. I only want to indi­ had drawn the conclusions of Stalinism. Inverse­ eate that the soc1al demagogy of Peronian Bonapart­ ly, why does not our work bear fruit, after years of ism has reached a bottleneck and that we are rapidly devoted and thankless efforts? The ridiculous weak­ headed for a stage of economic struggles and wide­ Iless of the initial core? Certainly. But then nobody scale and open government repression. Will this stage in the beginning would have expected more from it drag out or, on the contrary, will it rapidly reach a than a first modern achievement. And the result-far from even being a moderate expansion-has been the crisis of the regime? At any rate, this development decomposition of the initial core itself. Local condi­ which will soon take place will be importal1t for Ar­ tions of corruption, petty-bourgeois impotence and gentina, and for all of Latin America by repercussion. adventurism, trade-union bureaucratism? Certainly, It must be closely studied without illusions or "theses" once more, and in no way do I underestimate these and its meaning fbr the masses must be interpreted­ obstacles. No, I believe it is a question of lack of cor­ i means of expression are avaible. rect orientation despite the about-face in former tac­ r tics. You appear to the milieux in which you work- AMELIO ALVARE"Z

106 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 Stalinism • Germany A' Critical Discussion of Ruth Fischer's Boole Stalinism will go down in history old mistakes under whatever new conditions it con­ as a reactionary regime of incredible blackness and fronts. This exp~rience of decades· is summed up in horl'or. It stood at its inception as a major cause of the theoretic writings of the lVlarxists. Where does the fatal historic turn in European history in 1923. Ruth Fischer stand in relation to this fund? The defeat of the German proletarian revolution in Ruth Fischer came to the communist movement that year also served to consolidate its grip on Rus­ directly from her student deys. She did not undergo sia. An entire generation has gone by since those de­ the arduous and painful novitiate of the Russian cisive events, a generation which saw the. rise of Hit­ Bolsheviks before they became the recognized lead­ ler, the second imperialist world war and, again with ers of their party. Ruth was projected into the top­ the aid of the finished totalitarian system in Russia, most ranks of the German Communist Party during the continued· setback to the socialist revolution after a most critical period and in a very brief time. She that war. The great stir of hope felt by the masses became an activist and organizer before having any everywhere with the October Revolution has given real opportunity to perfect herself in the theoretic way to greater and greater apathy, even despair, foundations laid down by the great Marxist teachers. with the downsliding of the revolution under Stalin. It was but natural for the German leadership, as for Today the very word communism stands besmirched every other, to look with respect verging on venera­ and dishonored. tion to the Russian leaders who had brought about The Kremlin has cleverly bewildered people every­ the first great proletarian victory. The trouble came where, more especially workers and intellectuals, as when a deep rift appeared in the Bolshevik Party to the nature of present-day Russia by its continued with Lenin's illness. A profoundly significant politi­ use of Marxian terminology and by the unfolding of cal choice had to be made among those contending the bureaucracy directly out of the Bolshevik Party. for leadership. Fischer, un~ware of the real nature Coupled to this has gone the systematic attempt un­ of the struggle and unequipped to make a principled der the dictator to loot and pervert history just as choice based on theoretic understanding of what was the bureaucracy has despoiled Russia. How desper­ transpiring, chose the wrong side along with thou­ ately the rulers have tried to twist the past so as to sands of others. She followed in the wake of Zinoviev fill it with their glory, thus to enhance· the prestige who proved in the sequel to be nothing but a catspaw' of the Leader while denigrating that of the great. in the hands of the Macchiavellian Stalin. Fischer Bolshevik revolutionists! If this attempt has failed was one of those who entered into the game of vitu­ by and large, it can be attributed most of all to the peration and denunciation of Trotskyism. Like it or writings of L. D. Trotsky. It is his work that has sal­ not, she helped lay the basis for the counter-revolu­ vaged the true ideas and ideals of socialism for hu­ tion in nussia, for the coming to power of Stalin and manity. No greater contribution can be made to the his totalitarian regime. cause of the working class, which is at the same time Lacking in Analysis the cause of all suffering humanity, than to further the efforts to unmask the frauds of Stalinism and to The present work appears not in the midst of the reveal the true history of the defeats brought about events with which it deals, nor even after a short by the present Russian rulers. Only in this way will .passage of time, but a quarter of a century later. The workers learn .to distinguish between real socialism writer of the book has had every opportunity there­ and the great conspiratorial lie that is called social­ fore to check the validity of her views, as well as those ism today in Russia. of others, in the light of everything that has happened It is with this in mind that one approaches the since those fateful days. The ripened wisdom that work of Ruth Fischer, Stalin and German Comm'lt­ might have proved of value to the vanguard today is ,zism. There are not many left 'who can reveal what unfortunately not manifest in Ruth Fischer's writ­ went on in Germany as direct participants in the ing. Fundamentally she remains the same "activist" struggle of the Communist Party to take power under insufficiently equipp~d with powers of analysis to the guidance of the Comintern. Why did they fail? sum up her experiences in a form that will throw The correct analysis of that failure can be of utmost real light on the past. Her vision remains narrow and importance for the future. The working-class move­ personalized. This- impels her to a semi-eclectic inter­ ment, when it revives from the depths of defeat and pretation of the sweep of historic events. disaster, must not and will not start again from the The central theme in this first volume is the fate­ beginning. Certainly, if it does not make use of all ful year 1923 in Germany, the period immediately previous experience, it is almost foredoomed to repeat preceding, and the one that followed. Fischer was

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 107 greatly influenced by and worked closely with Mas­ had 'Passed and was not ahead. Fischer repeated with low. The latter subscribed in 1921 to Bukharin's the Troika that they saw in the Russian Opposition "theory of the offensive," according to which a mili­ "the loss of perspective of world revolution, the lack tary action by the workers, even if only by a small of faith in the proximity of the German and European minority, would electrify the working class so that Revolution, a hop~less pessimism." (Pravda, June 25, each time in renewed ("permanent") offensive, it 1924.) would mobilize in greater strength till victory was The art of revolutionary leadership reveals itself achieved. Maslow, in support of this unfortunate the­ above all else in the ability to evaluate in time the ory, wrote in Die Internationale (Berlin, 1921) : "If sharp turns of our epoch. The sudden ups and downs it is asked what was actually new aQout the March in the economico-political conjuncture require new aetion [the attempt at a putsch], it must be answered direction of the line of strategy pursued by a party. precisely that which our opponents reprove, namely, Everyone of these turns has brought in its train the that the party went into the struggle without con­ bitterest conflicts in the communist parties; and un­ cerning itself about who would follow it." Lenin had der Stalinism whole leaderships have been sloughed written his famous pamphlet on Left-Wing Commu­ off to conform to the need of the Kremlin bureaucracy nism: An Infantile Disorder precisely against this to find scapegoats so as to maintain the proper "in­ ultra-left, lightminded attitude (in 1920). Thiscriti­ fallibjlity" and to evade responsibility. Maslow­ cism, perhaps, and the course of the struggle in Ger­ Fischer were precisely such sacrifices when it became maNy, pushed Maslow and Fischer in the other direc­ obvious that Trotsky had been right a year earlier in tion, for when the crisis of 1923 arose, they were pes­ saying that the revolutionary situation in Germany simistic and felt that the party was insufficiently pre­ had changed to its opposite, and that the "line" pur­ pared and under the wrong leadership. Yet never was sued after 1923 had been false. there a situation more fraught with the possibility of working-class success than in 1923. The Ruhr cri­ Trotsky and Brandler sis, helping to deepen and to speed up the economic Ruth Fischer never learned to distinguish between crisis with its inflationary chaos, the complete bank­ Bolshevism and Stalinism, more specifically between ruptcy of the ruling cla~s, the rift among the impe­ Trotskyism and Stalinism; which is to say in reality, rialist victors, the active aid from revolutionary Rus­ between revolution and counter-revolution. Her book sia-everything seemed auspicious for victory. Every­ reflects this lack. She is concerned to justify herself thing, that is, except the one essential element, a cor­ and follows the old precept that the best defense is rect and courageous leadership in the German CP as the offense. Without trying to vindicate her past in well as in the 'Russian CP which dominated the Com­ so many words (in this she shows wisdom), she at­ intern. tacks-Trotsky! She reveals in this attack, of course, not Trotsky, but Ruth Fischer, confused to .this day How Maslow-Fischer Took Leadenhip and with all her problems unresolved. The ground­ Ruth Fischer outlines from her present vantage work for the attack on Trotsky is laid by means of a point the steps in the failure of the German revolu­ lurid picture of Radek and his intrigues in Germany. tion in September-October, 1923. Neither Maslow nor "All the leading men of the Russian Politburo nursed she, however, thought at the time that the defeat· was their personal connections with selected groups of for­ decisive. They helped (whether consciously or uncon­ eign communists.... Radek lined up with Trotsky. sciously) the Russian Troika (Zinoviev, Kamenev and He tried to bring the Brandler group into his orbit Stalin) to cover up the depth of the debacle for which [that is, Radek's], a major link in a chain of Trotsky­ they were responsible, by subscribing to the Stalin­ ite strongpoints throughout Europe.... " Zinoviev thesis that the revolution was still on the The tone is that of Stalinist politics, from which agenda and just ahead. Brandler was removed from Ruth Fischer never quite recovered, it seems. She the German leadership and Maslow-Fischer were never understood the difference between a leader who placed in control. The Fischer narrative that this was tries to influence the minds of others by the sheer really brought off by the German workers themselves, power of his ideas, to teach them to think for them­ actually against the will of the Comintern, is simply selves and thus to act correctly ; and one who corrupts laughable. Their removal from leadership only ten and warps the minds of others by means of bribes months later is blamed quite correctly on Stalin. Their anda\>peals to' ambition and self-inter.est. This quota­ ascent to leadership is ascribable to the identical tion is only one among many that tend to reduce the source. Stalin said, at the time that this meant the struggle between political tendencies entirely to that real 'Bolshevizing of the German party. Their "suc­ of a personal struggle for power. (Thus one does not cess" was due solely to the fact that they supported have to analyze the ideas and their application to the (Stalin-inspired) Zinoviev campaign of falsifica­ events; the ideas become mere covers for intrigue.) tion against Trotsky. Trotsky's analysis of the situa­ Whatever Fischer's attitude at the time concerning tion showed that the peak of the revolutionary wave Trotsky's responsibility for Raqek's course in Ger-

108 THE NEW INTER.NATIONAl • APR.ll 1949 many, she is later forced to admit that this was not tee in Moscow during January, 1924, knew exactly the case. Her suspicion of Trotsky and his motives, what he was selling and what he was buying." however, never abated. And she tries to picture him Fischer couldn't focus properly on events during as the firm supporter of Brandler and the German the 1923 crisis and after, nor has she been able to cor­ right wing. Her version pictures Trotsky as shuffling rect this inability with the years. For that would re­ off his unreliable partners, Brandler and Thalheimer, quire complete candor concerning her own role. Thus in his work on the Lessons of October written just she writes (p. 364) : "The Politburo and the General after the German debacle. Secretariat, it was obvious, had fatally underesti­ L. D. Trotsky answered the Fischers long ago. He mated the importance of the developments in Ger­ answered by picturing all the events in which he many and their influence on the Russian Party and played so large a role exactly as they occurred, pains­ on Russia. In the fall of 1923 it was evident in Mos­ takingly quoting all the available documents, above cow that the German disaster was a major turning all those of his enemies. Thus he writes in the Thi'rd point in post-war Europe.... Thus every Russian International After Lenin: "There have been severa] politician had to reconsider his German policy. Trot­ attempts, after the event, to attribute to me a solidar­ sky concentrated his attack on Zinoviev's personal ity with the line of Brandler. In the USSR these at­ responsibility.... " Interesting, is it not, that Trot­ tempts were camouflaged, because too many of those sky's name comes under review first of all-and no­ on the scene knew the real state of affairs. In Ger­ body else's? If anybody did not have to reconsider many this was done openly because no one knew any­ his previous policy, it was surely Trotsky, whose anal­ thing there. Quite accidentally, I find in my possession ysis had been proved a thousand times correct by the a printed fragment of the ideological struggle that events. occurred at that time in our Central Committee over the question of the German Revolution." He then Fischer on Trotsky quotes from the speech of one of his opponents made The assertion that the debacle was understood in after the events: " ... Comrade Trotsky, before leav­ Moscow in 1923 is also false as applied to all the ing the session of the Central Committee [in Septem­ others, as can be proved from Ruth Fischer's own ber, 1923], made a speech which prQfoundly dis­ book. The Triumvirate, and Ruth Fischer with them, turbed all the members of the Central Committee and thought that the revolution was still ahead and they In which he alleged that the leadership of the German had to wait another year to convince themselves that Communist Party [Brandler. etc.] was worthless and a profound -revolutionary crisis had been permitted that the Central Committee of the German Party was to pass without a Communist bid for power. As for permeated with fatalism, sleepy-headedness, etc. Com­ Trotsky holding Zinoviev "personally responsible," rade Trotsky then declared that the German Revolu­ his writings are at hand and constitute a crushing tion was doomed to failure." reply. They analyze the rise of the bureaucracy in Russia, the completely Menshevist policies of the IntriCJue and Personal Politics Troika, the weighing down of the revolution by the The event verified Trotsky's opinion. He nonethe­ backwardness of Russian economy and culture, the less opposed the removal of Brandler after the capitu­ isolating of the October Revolution by the failure of lation of the German leaders without a fight, because other European revolutions. The personal elements he objected to Brandler's being made a scapegoat for are surely not lacking, but they take only their proper the much more criminal failure of the Comintern un­ place. der Zinoviev, Kamenev and Stalin. Trotsky fought The book which purports to :reveal Stalin's role in this system of removals as being demoralizing, where­ relation to German communism, shows real venom as Ruth Fischer not only supported it but became when it deals solely with Trotsky. Let us glance at temporarily the immediate beneficiary. It was this some of her comments before attempting to fathom opposition to Brandler's removal, misunderstood by why this is so. Trotsky opened up his fight against the Fischers because they took their politics on a dif­ the bureaucracy which threatened the degeneration ferent l~vel entirely, that gave rise to the idea that of the Bolshevik Party, in his writing, The New Trotsky supported Brandler. Fischer herself never Course. Somehow Fischer becomes optimistic today rose above the level of intrigue and personal politics concerning the possibility that Trotsky might have and it is only on this plane that she throws her ob­ gained the upper hand after the German debacle. scuring light. Thus speaking of Thalheimer's book on Then she continues: "At the climax of the campaign, the year 1923 written only in 1931, she shows him however, Trotsky suddenly disappeared from the open attempting to win his way back into the good graces battle and declared himself too sick to continue the of Stalin. She says: "This colored presentation is a discussion. The confusion in the oppositionist camp fabricated post-crisis defense, garnished with servile was enormous; the party bureaucracy fought with observations on Stalin's lucid analysis of German greater ferocity, and by large transfers of opponents politics. In reality, every participant on the commit- from Moscow to other areas the group of shrewd

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL - A'PRIL 1949 109 party organizers won the day. . . . In Trotsky's My sorted to by the Stalinists? Trotsky's name stands Life, published in 1930 and written much more dog­ above all others but Lenin as that of the most fear­ matically than his later book, the reader comes to a less leader of the October Revolution. How does curious paragraph. In the midst of reporting the de­ Fischer forget that his remarkable life stands open cisive 1923 crisis, Trotsky takes three pages to de­ before the whole world? His illness, a periodic form scribe the pleasures of duck hunting. He gives a por­ of fever accompanied by complete nervous exhaus­ trait of a certain duck hunter~ who is interested only tion, remained with him the rest of his days. Trotsky in shooting ducks in swamps. Because of him, Trot­ has explained how he was tricked from attending sky got wet feet and came down with an attack of in­ Lenin's funeral. Fischer has not even a remotely fluenza, followed by 'some cryptogenic temperature,' valid reason to give to explain why Trotsky should which kept him away from party life for several have desired to stay away from Moscow. She says, months."" and we can well believe her in this regard: "For many Further on we read: "He decided that his influ­ reasons, Maslow and I were not able to accep.t Trot­ enza Inade a sojourn in the sunny south necessary sky's point of view. All of his points 'Concerning de­ and on January 18 departed for Sukhum. As Lenin's mocracy were artificially limited to the narrow field death was expected from one week to t~e next, this of party legality; he ignored the majoI' issue of the trip is one of the most puzzling incidents in the whole relation between the party and other soviet organ­ complex picture. The simplest explanation is the most izations. The temporary alliance between the Work­ probable: that Trotsky, following a party custom [!], ers' Opposition groups and Trotsky had been made removed himself from the site of the factional strug­ in spite of their continued distrust of his autocratic gle in order to give his opponent enough of an advan­ methods. Hidden behind discussions about the new tage to facilitate a reconciliation. On January 21, and the- old generation, about the lessons of October; Lenin died. Here the student of the period cannot about nuances in the interpretation of party history avoid considering the possibility that Trotsky may before 1917, the real issue was the persistence of ter­ have had.a secret understanding with the Politburo rorist measures, which had outgrown their original that he would not return to Moscow. The normal pro­ function of combating the counter-revolution." cedure would have been to hurry back immediately, not only for the funeral, at which Trotsky's silhou­ A Mystery-and No Key ette should have been seen by the Russian people, but One can hal'"dly believe one eyes in reading this for the subsequent distribution of key posts and the explanation. This, mind you, is written about the one first political decisions after Lenin's death. Both of man (there was no other!) who best .of all explained Trotsky's books describe his absence as necessitated the relations between the party and the Soviet insti­ by circumstances, but it is evident that he did not tutions, the party and the class. The man who showed want to return to Moscow." the Bolshevik Party in advance with the vision of genius, where it was heading and where the revolu­ Unfounded Slander tion would wind up under the continued leadership This passage characterizes Ruth Fischer's mind. of Stalin and the bureaucracy Yvhich he headed and She goes further and attributes to the Left Opposition encouraged. the views and feelings of the Stalinists and of those There is surely irony in Ruth Fischer's rather who were played upon by Stalin's gross fabrications. grudging admission, after "explaining" (without the "Several Russian friends of Maslow, especially Luto­ slightest pretense of real analysis) why she could not vinov (a member of the Workers Opposition, not in agree with Trotsky, that he understood best of all sympathy with Trotsky although for a brief spell this the turning points in German history. She pictures group made an alliance with Trotsky's Left Opposi­ him as a "spetz" on Spain and France, not at all on tion), reacted to Trotsky's 'flight to Sukhum,' as it Germany! "Lessons of October was not an effective was called among the oppositionists [!], was incor­ weapon in the fight against Stalin's rise. As a com­ rectly interpreted as an attempt to avoid dractic meas­ ponent interpretation of the German events of 1923, ures against him. Discussions began to include what however, it remains of great value. The 'turning shrewd steps were best to avoid expulsion from the points in the history of the German Republic were party and deprivation of Soviet legality. If Trotsky grasped more clearly by Trotsky than by any other went to Sukhum, the others associated with him in contemporary. That is true of his analysis for 1933 his caucus had to fear a less voluntary transfer to a as well as 1923; his three pamphlets on the German less healthful climate. His flight, his silence, were situation, written in Istanbul just before Hitler came understood as meaning 'Attention, danger ahead!' to power, represent a succinct and conect presenta­ For he could, and he should, have risked more than tion of the German crisis of 1932, fully confirmed by his more vulnerable supporters." Hitler's victOry and its consequences." Is it necessary to characterize this version as This fact must puzzle Fischer no end! For she anything but vicious slander, the kind <1f slander re- has no true grasp of the type of mind capable of in-

110 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL - A'RIL '949 tegrating a theoretic approach to the relation of eral Secretary. Lenin says: "I propose to the com­ classes with a wide grasp of the given conjuncture rades to find a way to remove Stalin from that posi­ and its trend, the party strategy necessary to meet tion and appoint another man who in all respects dif­ the conjuncture properly, the interrelated corollaries fers from Stalin only in superiority.... " Trotsky, in program, tactics and organization down to the very according to Fischer, was represented by Lenin as question of personnel. This dialectic approach from being equally dangerous, although from another an­ the side of analysis she tends to sweep aside as ab­ gle. "The most able man in the present Central Com­ stract and irrelevant. Witness her remark on Trot­ mittee [has] ... a too far-reaching self-confidence sky's work on the Chinese revolution, in which he and a disposition to be far too much attracted to the threw the same brilliant light on the Chinese events purely administrative side of affairs." as on the German, the latter being near enough for Ruth Fischer interprets Lenin: "Lenin classes 'the Fischer to appreciate. "As early as 1923, Trotsky had two most able leaders of the Central Committee' to­ begun opposing the Stalinist policy in China. Through gether as being both, if not equally dangerous; in the a maze of irrelevancies and scholastic refutations, he leadership of either there would be an overgrowth of kept hitting at the vulnerable point-the illusion that organizational power, a possible deformation into per­ the Comintern had found loyal allies in Chiang and sonal dictatorship. As a counter-measure, Lenin pro­ his Kuomintang." poses that the Central Committee be increased to fifty or a hundred, emphasizing the necessity for a larger Curious Spectacle collective control." Fischer tries in this manner to Too bad that Ruth Fischer does not enter more justify the conduct of Zinoviev and others (including into detail on what she considers irrelevant and scho­ herself) in opposing Trotsky. They based themselves, lastic. But we do have her word for it. It is again, allegedly, on the fear that Trotsky would become a unfortunately, not written anywhere that she sup­ Bonapartist dictator. How is it that Fischer fails to ported Trotsky's correct criticism. In fact we have explain why, instead of ousting Stalin, they united the rather curious spectacle of witnessing the read­ with him against Trotsky? ing of lessons by one who was almost invariably wrong to one who was almost invariably right! Interpretation of Testament No doubt it may seem curious that a review of a Fischer's account of the testament leaves much to book on Stalin and German communism should devote be desired, is in fact disingenuous. It is true that itself so largely to Fischer's views on Trotsky. There Lenin weighed all the members of the Central Com­ is the best of reasons for this. No book dealing with mittee. Long before the testament Lenin had made communism in our day can avoid, at whatever level, up his mind concerning Stalin. His remark at the time dealing with the ideas of the movement. The contri­ Stalin was first proposed for General Secretary, is butions made by Stalin to these ideas need halt no­ quite well known: "That cook will concoct nothing but body for long. The history of Stalin and his influence peppery dishes." He reluctantly agreed to give Stalin is the history of the building of an apparatus inside the post (this was in 1922) on the urging of the the Bolshevik Party to dominate and then destroy that scheming Zinoviev, who felt he could control Stalin. party from within. It is a history of cunning, nay dia­ How is it that Fischer omits mention of the close re­ bolical, intrigue combined with ruthlessness, of the lations between Lenin and Trotsky, particularly to­ use of the GPU (first conceived to fight the counter­ ward the end? Stalin's conduct in Georgja (and that revolution) to brake and canalize the revolution and of his agent Ordjonikidze) outraged Lenin, who to terrorize into silence and submission all opposition showed deep pleasure when he learned that Trotsky to the brutal and priJlileged rule of the new bureau­ shared his views on the Georgian question. Lenin cracy. The new rulers ousted the workers completely turned to Trotsky not merely in this matter, but se­ from power and built a totalitarian regime with com­ cured Trotsky's agreement to open a bitter fight plete control of the economy. That regime can best against the growing bureaucracy which centered be called today state capitalism. Fischer does not even around Stalin. plumb to the depths of Stalinist degradation. Nor Lenin never tried to impose his views on the Cen­ does she cast any new light on the entire phenomenon. tral Committee; he never handed down decisions, but On the cOBtrary, she leaves gaping holes where analy­ used persuasion. That fact sets in striking relief his sis is necessary; the malignant role of Stalin is under­ categoric demand in the testament that Stalin be re­ emphasized rather than overplayed. moved from his post as General Secretary. I t sig­ .Fischer builds her book around a. thesis that has nalizes Lenin's alarm. And he turned for aid to over­ been advanced by every philistine writer on the revo­ come this enemy (remember he took the most unusual lution. She tries to place that thesis in the mind and step of breaking off all personal relations with Stalin) mouth of Lenin, but her own claim to it need not be to Trotsky. disputed. She bases herself on the testament of Lenin Lenin wished also to have Trotsky appointed offi­ which warned against Stalin and his power as Gen- cially as his deputy when he felt that his illness might

T·HE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 111 renlove him from all activity. Isn't all this enough to volt. And by forcible means! But she never took the show whom Lenin wished to see as his successor? The trouble to read Trotsky's reply to these critics on rather innocuous sentence about Trotsky in the testa­ Kronstadt. Lenin could not have given Trotsky any nlent was put there (see Trotsky's My Life) to pla­ orders to fire for the simple reason that Trotsky was cate the others for criticism of them. Fischer simply not there. But Trotsky never evaded the issue. He was ignores all the richness of facts to try to twist an in­ a member of the Politburo and he assumed full re­ terpretation out of the testament that would fly in sponsibility for its actions on that basis, besides j us­ the face of reality. But thi~ being her premise (now tIfying the action on the ground that Kronstadt had as in the pact, if we are to accept her coin as genuine become the focal point of counter-revolution. Fischer and not counterfeit), she gazes with jaundiced eye resorts not to analysis of the events, but to a descrip­ on every move of Trotsky's to show that what he in­ tion; she appears today to be in sympathy with the tended was to build up his own personal power. demands made by the Kronstadters, again a somewhat belated sympathy! U Lessons of October" Fischer seems to forget her theme in the final This inability on her part to approach any ques­ chapter, but only momentarily. Her juxtaposition of tion from an impersonal standpoint is shown also in names serves as a cover to confuse rather than to her treatment of Trotsky's classic Lessons of October. clarify. "In Russia, the Trotsky-Zinoviev bloc fought HLessons of October attacks an even narrower ques­ the new phenomenon in full awareness of its charac­ tion, that of the party leadership. Trotsky desired ter... a Trotsky, Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin ... first of all to destroy the authority of Zinoviev and names besmirched by the most tremendous campaign Kamenev, whom he regarded as the most noxious per­ of calumniation ever organized ... are the names of sonifications of the Lenin legend. Since Lenin per­ men, of living beings, who, like other men, were both sonified the 1917 revolution [not Lenin and Trot­ strong and weak, with moments of confusion and des­ sky?], Trotsky wanted to destroy their identification pair, of fear, and even of panic. They did not always with the Lenin of October. He linked their 'desertion' behave as we, with our comfortable armchair post in 1917 with Zinoviev's lack of leadership in the Ger­ [acto analysis, would advise; they were not models of man October. [And wasn't it desertion?] But the pur­ Marxist righteousness, of proletarian strength. Since pose of Trotsky's proof that the Old Guard was falli­ they were everyone of them deeply involved in the ble was only too obviously to propose himself, and making of the new R ussian state, they shared the during 1924 the Old Bolsheviks united to rebut Trot­ responsibility for the product of their creation.... " sky's attack." That is to say, it was not a conspiracy on the part of Zinoviev-Kamenev-Stalin-Bukharin to From the Stalinist A.rsenal undermine Trotsky's prestige and influence, as was The linkage of these names together with a "com­ stated later by Zinoviev, but rather a conspiracy on mon" characterization is nothing short of malice. the part of Trotsky to undermine them! There isn't Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin-they have our sym­ the ghost of a hint here either, that this book, like pathy and partial understanding if not our admira­ Trotsky's New Course, was part of the attack on bu­ tion. The characterization may well apply to them, reaucratism which Lenin had a,sked Trotsky to inau­ since by their participation in the plot against Trot­ gurate! Trotsky's intention was more far-reaching sky, by their capitulations over and over again to Sta­ indeed than any merely personal attack on Zinoviev lin, they did make themselves responsible for the Rus­ and Kamenev. It was to save the revolution from the sian "product," the totalitarian state. Trotsky never degeneration which he saw taking place, and above compromised with his principles (which does not all to warn the new generation of what was consum­ mean that he never compromised in tactical matters), ing the vitals of the old one. How can one who pre­ and far from sharing any respon~bility for the Sta­ tends to Marxism today, and who is not a Stalinist, linist product, fought it from the start and exposed even remotely conceive that Trotsky was wrong? it for what it was. The urge in Fischer to justify instead of examine Trotsky was surely a model of "Marxist righteous­ critically her past, forces her to aim her blows as much ness" and of proletarian strength. Isn't it unfortunate at Trotsky as at Stalin. She has read much of Trot­ that Fischer, sumining up her book with this generous sky but has resisted digesting any of his ideas. But remark, demonstrates in the very making. of_ it, not some things evidently escaped her altogether, which to say in so many other instances throughout, pre­ leads her to pure invention. Thus she has this to say cisely bits of that calumniation against which she concerning the Kronstadt revolt: "On March 7, at the seems to polemize? order of the Politburo, Trotsky began the bombard­ Where, for example, can she find corroboration ment.... Lenin had given Trotsky the order to take for her remarks concerning Trotsky's conduct of the Kronstadt fortress under artillery fire. . . ." Fis­ military affairs except in the archives of Stalinist cher is here in accord with all the philistines who raise slander? We "learn" from her book that "opposition their hands in horror over the putting down of a re- to Trotsky's military measures led to setious internal

112 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. APRIL '949 party strife, which Lenin moderated. He made the In her usual fashion, Fischer gives bits of all ver­ party realize [the workers and party members didn't sions with either a minimum of space or none at all to otherwise, you see] that it owed the salvation of the Trotsky's painstaking, documented evidence. Thus she revolution and the country to Trotsky's military ge­ ['emarks in passing: "Trotsky is undoubtedly right nius; on the other hand, he countered the centraliza­ when he reports in his memoirs the rumors and in­ tion of the army by means of greater control of its trigues against him in Moscow during the two and commanders by the party. The term "military oppo­ a half years he commanded the front from his mobile sition," used by party historians and Trotsky alike to train." Please explain how one can be undoubtedly denote this faction, is inadequate to characterize the right and undoubtedly wrong at one and the same fundamental schism between party power and army time on the self-same issues! (When Ruth Fischer power, united under Lenin's command. This conflict tries to be fair and "impartial," it sticks out like a sore is a major element in Stalin's rise, for Lenin protected thumb.) him agai.nst Trotsky's extreme hostility. This work is so badly balanced and ill-digested "The improvization of a modern army from that it would require an even more ponderous tome scratch, brilliantly carried out by a Bolshevik new­ to set straight all the warpings of fact. Ruth Fischer comer, created in the decisive first three years of the may give her recollections just as she remembers new state a permanent and dangerous friclion be­ them. But she never really checked meticulously, docu­ tween the new cadres in formation, the Red Arrp.y ments in hand, what was fact and what manufactured officers' corps, and the party organizers." The founda­ liction in the accounts of the history of the period. Is tion for this schema will be found nowhere but in the it necessary to warn that such a process is trebly archives of Stalinist behind-the-scenes slan'tler and l~ssential in dealing with a portion of history that has falsi fica tion. been falsified to the extreme by the present rulers of Little Bit of Everything Russia? The book therefore throws light on the mode of activation of one of the German leaders in the post­ Further to clinch matters, we read the following: October epoch. None of the Germans, it must be said, "After the end o{ the Civil War, the army lost its has been able to write a truly authoritative and, above predominant place in Soviet life to the advantage of all, analytic account of the experiences of the German the party apparatus. However, Trotsky, the organizer movement from 1918 to the present time. What this of the army, had become the most popular leader means is that none of them has grown through the among the Russian people generally, more popular experience to the height necessary for independent than Lenin, the party leader. To the masses, he was leadership in the proletarian revolution. Trotsky the Victorious, Trotsky the Savior.... "But in the party Trotsky's position was less se­ German Leadership Failed cure. During the two and a half years he traveled Fischer summarizes at the end of her account of about the front in his commander's train, his rulings the failure of the German revolution. It is interesting had been in constant friction with the party; his atti­ to observe that blame is accorded-quite correctly, of tude toward party interference was irritable and con­ course-to the Russians, but little is said on the light temptuous. He attracted to him, nonetheless, all the shed by the events on the German leadership. "Ger­ forces in the party opposed to the Moscow center, for man communism, however, could have matured, could he was the alternate candidate with the best chances "have exploded the fetters of inhibiting dogmas, trade­ 6f success." union narrowness and a lack of realistic audacity, if Ruth Fischer is nothing if not eclectic. She for­ the revolution in retreat in Russia had not added a gets that she herself had already indicated how Stalin new bridle.... By this corrosion, proceeding in percep­ worked first of all in the provinces to gain adherents tible gradations, the German revolt of 1923, which in order to overwhelm the center. She forgets too that from the outside appeared to be undertaken under the elsewhere she has criticized Trotsky for too narrow a most favorable conditions, was by inner necessity vision in upholding the party as the sine qua non for transformed into an impossible adventure. The de­ success of the revolution! Suffice it to say that the tails of this abortive coup reflect the process of dis­ slant given to the friction, not between the party and integration of Russian communism. The defeat of the Trotsky (the party on ever major occasion but one German Communists marks the close of the period of supported Trotsky and not those intriguing against f'evolutionary internationalism 1917-1923." him), but between Trotsky and the undercover Sta­ By the same token, the failure of the German lead­ linist opposition which found a point of support now ers to guide the ready and willing German working in the "military opposition," a small minority faction class to victory under exceptionally favorable circum­ in the civil war days, now in any other handle that stances-and this leadership extends from right to offered. The characterization of Trotsky's attitude center to left-gave an enormous impetus to the de­ toward the party is false and bends the facts of his­ generation in Russia. Fischer speaks of the great pos­ tory in accord with the Stalinist version. sibility afforded Trotsky to succeed in place of Stalin

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 118 after the German defeat, but Trotsky, who understood fluence and effects in individual cases, she rejects it great class forces far better, saw that failure of the for herself. And y~t her book shows the lasting in­ revolution abroad would strengthen the reactionary fluence that training in the Stalinist Comintern had elements in Russia, not the international revolution­ on her. Which means that she is still wanting as a aryones. leader. It must be said, too, that neither Fischer nor any JACQUES of the other German leaders combatted the corroding influence of the Comintern under Zinoviev-Stalinist May 7,1949 misguidance. How is it that this corroding influence • was so successful in gaining its adherents abroad as Ruth Fischer kas been invited by the EditO'r8 of THE NEW well as at home? On this important question Ruth INTERNATIONAL to reply to this critical review of her book in a Fischer throws no light, for while indicating its in- forthcoming i8wue of our 11'l.4gazine.-ED. The Inevitability of Socialism Concluding Part of a Discussion of Marxist Theory

( Continued from last month) consciousness. The mode of produc­ and imposes the conditions under which Trotsky's comment also suggests the tion in material life prescribes they are to be surmounted. In other essential ingredients generating the in­ [bedingt] the gene"ral character of words, it is the mode of production, not evitability. They are: (1) the economic the social, political and intellectual the ratiocinations going on in his head, development of society, and (2) existence process of life. It is not the con­ that man must come to terms with and determining consciousness. In other sciousness of men that determines that afford the material for thought, words, "the actual situation" refers to [bestimmen] their being but, on the choice and action. That this is the fact the economic development of society and, contrary, their social being that de­ for Marx, and not, a one-to-one correla­ precisely because existence determines termines their consciousness." tion, is verified by the insistence that the consciousness, the working class "will mode of production prescribes the gen­ Only two interpretations of the passage eral, not the particular, character of the come to understand" that development. can substantiate the inevitability of so­ That is, since the mode of production has social, political and intellectual processes cialism. One ,is incompatible with the pas­ of life. And certainly, without the mode already become socializeq under capital­ sage itself, and the other is implausible. ism, the working class will unquestion­ of production prescribing their particular ably grasp the implication, turn that eco­ The implausible interpretation has al­ character, a one-to-one correlation is im­ nomic fact into a political reality. ready been used by Trotsky. In stating possible. From the very beginning, it seems, the that the working class, at the cost of The passage presumably suggesting doctrine of inevitability" has always been errors and defeats, will come to under­ that the economic development of society a distinctly Russian commodity, gaining stand the actual situation and, sooner or must culminate in socialism, that capital­ international prestige only after the vic­ later, will draw the imperative practical ism itself is to be immediately followed tory of the Bolsheviks. And thia is to say conclusions, Trotsky is assuming two by socialism, is found in the first volume that even Marx had to repudiate the doc­ things. They are: (1) only a limited num­ of Capital. Marx writes: ber of errors is possible, and (2) they trine when it was attributed to him in a "The capitalist mode of appropri­ Russian review dealing with the first vol­ cannot be repeated forever. But, without the intervention of God, there is no rea­ ation, the result ()f the capitalist ume of Capital. Moreover, the passages mode of production, produces capi­ usually cited to substantiate the doctrine, son to believe that the working class can­ not repeat its errors even if the number talist private property. This is the especially the passage generally used to first negation of individual private support the conviction that the doCtrine be limited. Thus, the ground for making the assumptions is, at best, revolutionary property, as founded on the labour implies capitalism or socialism, complete­ of the proprietor. But capitalist pro­ ly fail to fulfill such purposes. optimism or, at worst, dogmatic. In either case, weare being asked to give our al­ duction begets, with the inexorability The passage proposing that existence legiance to a work of art. of a law of Nature, its own neg-a­ determines consciousness is found in The tion. It is the negation of negation. Critique of Political Economy. Marx The incompatible in~erpretation as­ This does not re-establish private writes: sumes determine to imply that, in time, property for the producer, but gives a one-to-one correlation will come to pass him individual property based on the "In the social production whicn between the mode of production and acquisitions of the capitalist era: men carry on they enter definite re­ man's consciousness, a correlation that i. e., on co-operation and the posses­ lations that are indispensable and in­ would erase the possibility of error,. sion in common of the land and the dependent of their will; these rela­ Aside from the fact that the only ground means of production." tions of production correspond to a for the assumption is to reject conscious­ definite stage of development of their ness or, once again, to resort to dogma­ The title of the chapter in which the material powers of production. The tism, it simply does not refe!' to a one­ passage occurs is The Historical Ten­ sum total of these relations of pro­ to-one correlation. The word indicates denctJ of Capitalist Accumulation. Since duction constitutes the economic that the mode ot production-rather than, the passage comes at the end of the chap­ structure of society-the real foun­ as Hegel insists, the transformation of ter, there can be no doubt that Marx dation, on which rise legal and po­ consciousness into self-conscious ness­ wishes to indicate what the result of the litical superstructures and to which generates the social difficulties encoun­ tendency will be if, and only if, that ten­ coprespond definite forms of social tered by man, indicates their solution, dency is realized. Thus, even though the

114 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL J949 passage does deal with the transition ing a good part of her peasants into quently, Marx only troubles himself from capitalism to socialism, it simply in­ proletarians; and after that, once about one thing; to show, by rigid dicates that socialism is only a possibility, placed in the lap of the capitalist scientific investigation, the necessity never an inevitability. Had Marx intend­ regime, she will experience its pitiless of successive determinate orders of ed the conclusion of the chapter to indi­ laws like other profane nations. social conditions, and to establish, as cate that the transition from capitalism That is all. But this is too much for impartially as possible, the facts to socialism is inescapable, that socialism my critic. He feels himself obliged that serve hj,m for fundamental is inevitable rather than possible, then to metamorphose my historical starting points. For this it is quite he would have entitled the chapter: The sketch of the genesis of capitalism enough, if he proves, at the same Historical Inevitability of Capitalist Ac­ in Western Europe into an historico­ time, both the necessity of the pres­ C'Ufmulation. At least, if Marx had any philosophic theory of a marche ent order of things, and the neces­ pretensions about fulfilling the canons general, fatally imposed upon all sity of another order into which the cf accurate description, this should be peoples, regardless of the historical first must inevitably pass over; and the title. circumstances in which they find this all the same, whether men be­ The passage itself merely testifies to themselves placed, in order to arrive lieve or do not believe it, whether the possibility, not to the inevitability of finally at that economic status which they are conscious or unconscious of socialism. For Marx states that capital­ insures, together with the greatest it.... ism negates itself, not that it is negated expansion of the productive powers "The scientific value of such an by socialism. Naturally, after making the of social labor, the most complete inquiry lies in disclosing the special statement about capitalism's self-destruc­ development of man. But I beg his laws that regulate the origin, exist­ tion, ,he does speak about socialism. But pardon."2 ence, development and death of a the fact that Marx finds capitalism can given social organism and its re­ collapse of its own accord and not as a Whether Marx, in scoffing at the idea placement by another and higher result of an effort to replace it with so­ that he is proposing an historico-philo­ one. And it is this value that, in cialism, is a fact emphasizing that so­ sophie theory, is also scoffing at the idea point of fact, Marx's book has." cialism is a tendency, a tendency that that socialism is inevitable, need not be a matter for speculation. For he ex­ In order to indicate that the writer of may even be realized, but not f1, preor­ dained certainty. plicitly repudiates the doctrine of inev­ the Russian review has understood the Furthermote, in correcting a false in­ itability in the preface to the second Ger­ method "Of presentation, ye~ to leave no terpretation of this-chapter, Marx clear­ man edition of Capital. Marx observes doubt that he has completely misjudged ly indicates that he rejects Draper's con­ that his method of presentation, a method the results of the inquiry, Marx sarcas­ viction that history never affords two which he describes as dialectical, has been tically asks: realizable possibilities, the absurd con­ little understood. One of the main diffi­ culties has been that, even though he uses "Whilst the writer pictures what viction that every future event is inevit­ he takes to be actually my method, in a dialectical me~hod of presentation, this able or impossible. At least, Marx leaves this striking and (as far as concerns does not imply that ~ither it or the sub­ no doubt that Russia, as late as 1877, had my own application of it) generous alternatives, either one of which could ject-matter being presented possess the nature ascribed to them by Hegel. And it way, what else is he picturing but be realized and both of which would the dialectic method!" bring to pass the economic conditions it just that misunderstanding that the making socialism possible. writer of the previously mentioned Rus­ A t least, the insertion of the p~ren­ Marx states the alternatives by means sian review is guilty of. thetical expression, "as far as concerns of a question:- "must Russia, as her lib­ Since the review begins with the pas­ my own application of it," before the eral economists insist, begin by destroy­ sage taken from The Critique of Political words "generous way," makes sense only ing la commune rural in order to pass Economy, the writer is not under the illu­ if it is intended as sarcasm. And the sar­ to the capitalist regime; or, on the con­ sion that Marx, like Hegel, regards the casm is obviously provoked by the Rus­ trary, can she, without experiencing the historical process as being determined. by sian's incredulous belief that Marx, like tortures of this regime, appropriate all consciousness. But, even though recogniz­ Hegel, actually knows what the next so­ its fruits by developing her own pe­ ing this fact, the writer finds, as a result cial order is going to be. culiar historical gifts?" Since either al­ of Marx's presentation, that the histori­ Not only does Marx's next observation ternative can be realized and is adequate cal process still possesses the quality of confirm that this is the reason for the for socialism, not only does this fact pull inevitability attributed to it by Hegel. sarcasm, but it also indicates why he is the rug from under Draper's conviction, The review states: unable to determine the nature of the but the latter alternative, the alternative "The one thing which is of mo­ coming social order. After pointing out of developing an agricultural economy ment to Marx is to find the law of that the method of inquiry must obvi­ based on 10" commune rural, also plays the phenomena with whose investiga­ ously differ from the method of presenta­ havoc with the fatuous opinion that so­ tion he is concerned. . . . This law tion, he writes: cialism must be based on an industri'al once discovered, he investigates in economy. "Only after this work [the in­ detail the effects in which it mani­ quiry] is done, ~an the actual move­ That alternatives are more than in­ fests itself in social life. Conse- tellectual exercises and that socialism ment [of the social phenomena] be need not be based on an industrial econ­ adequately described. If this is done omy become apparent in the following 2. What Marx is saying here is thor­ successfully, if the life of the subject­ oughly at odds with Trotsky's laws of matter is ideally reflected as in a passage. After summarizing themisin­ uneven and of com.blned develoament and. te:rpreted chapter, Marx asks, hence. with the theory of the perf1.nent mirror, then it may appear as if we revolution. For example. both laws assume had before us a mere a priori con­ "Now what application to Russia that a more advanced type of economy like struction." [My emphasis-T. C.8 can my critic make of this historical capitalism is. by its very nature, com­ pelled to enter a backward area like Rus­ Thus, so far as Marx is concerned, the sketch? Only this: if Russia tries to sta or. what comes to the same thing. that become a capitalist nation like the a backward area like Russia. if it is to phantom of the a P1-iori does not haunt nations of Western Europe, and in survive. must adopt the more advanced the corridors of history. And, aside from recent years she has taken a great type of econOIllY. But such an assumption a mechanical process of causality, the destroys the plausibility of Marx's convic­ a priori alone can generate the necessity deal of pains in this respect, she will tion that Russia could succeed in escap­ not succeed without first transform- ing the tortures of the capitalist regime. (Continued O'n last page)

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· A'RIL 1949 1'15 Capitalism, Stalinism, and the War The J949 International Resolution of the Independent Socialist League

The world of capitalist a concomitant will to stop the man-made tem. bl most of Europe and in most of imperialism headed by the United State's course to destruction; and at the same the world, the struggle for socialism is and the new totalitarian despotism of time never before has there been such no longer merely the classic duel-pro­ Stalinism headed by Russia face each widespread fear that the holocaust is in­ letariat versus bourgeoisie-but a three­ other over the whole world as imperial­ evi table. Not only the people but, also corpered fight for power, with the work­ ist rivals and as antagonistic systems of the socialist and working-class move­ ing class ranged against not one class class exploitation vying for the privilege ments stand with divided mind, unable enemy but two; a degenerating capital­ of oppressing the peoples of the earth. to orieNt themselves in the midst of new, ism which is anti-Stalinist and a totali­ Their "cold war" is the dominant fact, unclearly grasped and unanticipated tarian Stalinism which is anti-capitalist. and the threat of the Third World War phenomena. The basis for the disorientation of the proletarian forces consists in this: that is the overshadowing issue of all current The working classes of Europe, of politics. these rival exploiting systems are not America and of the colonial world have clearly recognized as enemies on an There has been no interlude of peace­ displayed no lack of fighting spirit and ..equal footing; that, since they are in ful illusions. The two big powers openly will to struggle since the end of the Sec­ mutual antagonism, one or the other is jockey for positions and allies, through ond World War. The contrary is true, regarded by sections of the working class a series of warlike crises. Their rliplo­ manifested by a scarcely interrupted se­ as a possible ally-as an ally as well mats and statesmen hurl defies and de­ ries of class battles, from the Labor­ against the threatening war. nunciations at each other in language Party-led political overturn in England, The first task of Marxists in the face seldom used between states not at war or to the Stalinist-led general and political of this new constellation of world forces preparing for imminent war. Between strikes on the Continent, to the national­ is a thorough reorientation of socialism the two contenders lies a Europe still ist-led struggles for independence in the in the light of the new phenomena in the suffering hunger, want and disease from colonial countries. The danger of war capitalist and Stalinist sectors of the the unprecedented devastation of the and the driving need for economic secu­ world. This means the adaptation of Second 'Vorld War, and deathly afraid rity ensures that the working class will Marxism to the problems of our day in of the universally expected destructive­ continue to fight. at least -as sweeping a fashion as the ness of a foreseeable war of atom bombs, But this irrepressible class struggle is adaptation accomplished by Leninism in long-range guided missiles, bacteriologi­ confused and its effect;'veness partially its time on the basis of a recognition of cal weapons and radioactive dust. nullified by the rise of a new factor, Rus­ the new stage of imperialism. It is on In this sityation a paradox exists: sian bureaucratic collectivism, to the an analysis of the new conditions that N ever before has there been such uni­ role of a first-class contender for world the politics of Independent Socialism is versal revulsion and horror in the face domination, and by the development of founded-"Neither Washington nor Mos­ of the gathering storm of civilization on new trends in the capitalist world which cow!"-.and it is on this that the social­ the part of the peoples of the world, and amount to a new stage of the old sys- ist struggle against the war is based.

I. Changes •In Capitalist Imperialism

similar to those of luxury goods con­ A. Bureaucratic Militarization of Capitalist Economy sumed by the capitalist class), the rise (1) Under the impact of the First important country in the world, includ­ of this production to the immense role World War, Karl Kautsky, the leading ing the United States, is being organized it now plays has been accompanied by theoretician of social- democratic ref­ more and more on the basis of .a perma­ far-reaching changes. ormism, elaborated his theory of "ultra­ nent war economy and a permanent mili­ ( 3) The link between the economic and imperialism/, according to which the or­ tarization of society. political changes thus produced is the fact that the market for this third de­ ganic growth and internationalization of (2) In economic terms, this means the capitalist monopoly would lead to a sin­ partment of capitalist production is the rapid growth in the e--conomic structure state. The rise to dominance in the econ­ gle world-wide trust and international of capitalism of a third great depart­ peace. omy of this type of production effects, ment of production alongside the pro­ therefore, the partial negation of the We have seen, in fact, that a kind duction of the means of production and blindly-operating market as the l'egu­ of "super - imperialism" has indeed the production of the means of consump­ lator of capitalist economy and its re­ emerged from the advance of monopoly tio'"'n. This newly significant sector of the placement by the partial planning of the -two super-imperialist powers, each im­ economy is the production of the means state bureaucracy. posing its own imperialist sway over of destruction - production of goods In proportion as production for war other modern and equally imperialist which do not re-enter either into the purposes becomes the accepted and de­ states. process of reproduction or into (what termining end of economic activity, the But far from making for a more is at bottom part of the same process) role of the bureaucracy ceases to be lim­ peaceful cohabitation of national states, the production of labor power. ited to that of a political superstructure the world-racking imperialist rivalry While the production of war goods and and tends to become an integral part of and the increased shift of all national the devotion of means of consumption to the economy itself. This bureaucratiza­ economies for war and destruction has the production of "soldier power" has tion of economy in the capitalist coun­ been brought to a pitch never before always been a part of capitalist economy tries leads to the growth of the state seen. For the first time, the life of every (where its economic effects have been bureaucracy in size, in the importance

116 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL '949 of its role for the regulation of the econ­ capitalism marked by the new phenom­ are set by the struggle of the working omy, and in its relative independence ena outlined above is superimposed upon class for power and, even aside from this, from the direct control of thecaptialist its decades-long decline, just as the new by the fact that the complete negation of class. stage of the bureaucratic militarization capitalism short of working-class revolu­ ( 4) In this stage of the dominance of of capitalism does not negate but is su­ tion requires the intervention of some war economy and the bureaucratization perimposed upon its stage of imperial­ other revolutionary social force which is of capitalism, the role played by state ism. visible in the Western capitalist coun­ intervention ("statification of the econ­ It must be emphasized that while, both tries only in broad outline. omy") changes accordingly. From its in economic structure and in political 8) This capitalist tendency toward role in the early period of capitalism of consequence, a new stage is marked, it "bureaucratic collectivization," therefore, forcing development (especially i in the is yet a new stage of capitalism, indeed by no means erases the distinction and case of latercomers like German or J ap­ of capitalist imperialism. The funda­ antagonism between the rival social sys­ anese capitalism), and from its role in mental social reason for the emergence tems of capitalist America and bureau­ the middle period of capitalism of "so­ of this new stage is the delay of the so­ cratic - collectivist Russia, but bears on cializing the losses" of particularly sick cialist revolution and working-class in­ the direction of capitalist degeneration­ or weak individual industries, its domi­ tervention in cutting short the agony of given working-class failure to fight the nant role today i8 that of building or capitalist decline in favor of a new so­ trends created. maintaining the war potential of the cial order based on workers' power. Capitalism itself is doomed. In the economy in anticipation of future con­ (7) Out of this partial self-negation looming war between Western imperial­ flict or planning war production in ac­ of the capitalist world, however, the new ism and Stalinist imperialism, the vic­ tual conflict. traits rising to prominence have more tory of the formel" can be achieved by it This new character or statification is and more in common with the rival so­ only by intensifying precisely those ten­ founded upon the new dominance of war cial order whose power has mounted dencies which push it in the direction of economy and the new role of the state parallel with the degeneration of capi­ its enemy. War economy-bureaucratiza­ bureaucracy, tending to substitute state­ talism: Russian bureaucratic collectiv­ tion-bureaucratic planning-controls­ organized planning for the blind operation ism. Thus already in 1939, discussing the regimentation - declining standard of of the market, largely at the expense of bracketing of the New Deal, German living ill the midst of "full employment" petty capitalism but also partly at the fascism and Russian Stalinism under for war' production-these are the social expense of limiting or infringing upon one head, Trotsky commented that "all prerequisites for gearing capitalism to­ the political and even social power of the these regimes undoubtedly possess com­ ward victory in the threatened war. It is bourgeoisie (as in the case of the fas­ mon traits, which in the last analysis irresponsible and utQpian to believe that cist war economies). are determined by the collectivist ten­ the victory of American illJ.perialism in dencies of modern economy," and that this war can be ensured at any cost Nationalization "the tendencies of collectivization as­ lower than the acceleration of its own (5) This development has not ad­ sume, as the result of the political pros­ descent into that modern-type barbarism vanced equally in all capitalist countries tration of the working class, the form upon which it wars. or all spheres of capitalist economy, be­ of 'bureaucratic collectivization.' The The fight against the inevitable assault ing especially marked in those capital­ phenomenon itself is incontestable. But of today's capitalism on the most firmly isms devastated or bled white in the war where are the limits, and what is its entrenched economic gains and democrat­ (like England and France) and less historical weight?" ic rig.hts of the people is part and par~el marked in proportion to the wealth of While in 1939 Trotsky expected this of the socialist struggle against the war the country (as in the United States). inner tendency of capitalism toward "bu­ itself and its preparation. This is the Nationalization in England has al­ r~aucratic collectivization" to be aborted most fundamental historical basis for ready gone beyond the limits expected by post-war revolution and to be there­ our slogan "Neither Washington nOI hy Marxists (including Lenin) in the fore only of academic interest, the pro­ Moscow!" and the refusal of the Marx­ days when British capitalism still ap­ longation of capitalist degeneration and ists to make the slightest compromise peared as a going concern, albeit in a the continued "political prostration of with social-patriotic notions of support­ state of historical decline, in particular the working class" more and more brings ing the capitalist side of a war in order still able to feed on the wealth produced it to the fore and lends it,.increasing his­ to gain a ~'breathing spell" from the by its colonial slaves. If nationalization toric weight. The limits of this tendency threat of Stalinist totalitarianism. in England does not go furth~r (say, to steel) in the next ~ period, this will not be because such a step is exel uded by the B. National Independence and Capita'list Imperialism nature of forces operating in the degen­ eration of British capitalism. W,hile a (9) The degeneration of today's capi­ independent. Egypt and most of the nominally socialist government staffed talism is most noticeable at its periphe:' Arab world are no longer under direct by the Labor Party is the vehicle through ries, in the relations between it and the British mastery. This change is not due which these changes are taking place, colonial world. The end of the First to any change of heart by a reformed t.he bourgeoisie has so far put up a com­ World War brought the strengthening of British imperialism under Labor Party paratively weak resistance and the Con­ the colonial empires at least of the vic­ control. On the contrary, British inv>e­ servative opposition has been compelled torious powers. The Second World War rialism has not given the slightest SIgn to promise that its resumption of power has brought a thoroughgoing disintegra­ of having changed its spots-in Africa, might slow up or tempQrarily halt the tion into aU of world imperialism where for example, where it still maintains a trend but would not turn it all the way it counts most, among their colonial firm hand. Nor is it true, on the other backward. slaves. hand, that "nothing new has really hap­ Likewise in France, since the end of For the first time since the early pro­ pened," that India's independence is a the Second World War, nationalization ~ressive days of capitalism, peoples in "fake," etc. India's political indepen­ has played a role which, before the war, revolt have won their national indepen­ dence is as real as the political indepen­ would have been scouted as impossible dence from big powers. The British and dence of any state today other than the of realization under capitalism by all French empires, ,greatest in the world, Big Two themselves. Marxists. are breaking up. India, classic example (10) What is noteworthy, from the (6) The all-pervading degeneration of of colonial subjection, is now politically point of view of the Marxist prognosis,

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. APRIL J949 117 is that this change has been accom­ imperialist system of mutual but un­ requisite for a "breathing spell" is pre­ plished without a socialist revolution and equal obligations with the dominant im­ cisely the line of propaganda and con­ not under the leadership of the working perialism of the United States skimming viction which permits Washington to class in these colonies. If this stands in the cream. The newly independent colo­ realize its world ambitions. contradiction with the prognoses based nies are fitted into this framework. (14) American overlordship in West­ on the theory of permanent revolution, (13) The American overlordship in ern Europe is indeed a necessity if capi­ 'it is so not because the theory misread Western Europe does not take the form talism is to withstand Stalinist Russia's the character of the colonial boul"geoisie, of political suppression of national sov­ assaults on its bastions. It is irresponsi­ but because it did not envisage the trans­ ereignty, just as it did nQt in its con­ ble - or at least inconsistent - to greet formation which has actually taken question of Latin America; the' vassal the Marshall Plan as a necessary bul­ place: the accelerated degeneration of continues under the form of a "sover­ wark 'against Stalinism alid at the same capitalism and therefore the disintegra­ eign" independent state, subordinating time object to America's utilization of tion of capitalist imperialism. itself to Washington of its own "free the Marshall Plan for the purpose of Capitalism, falling apart and held to­ will "-that is, under the compulsion of dictating what its recipients shall or gether at home through bureaucratic economic necessity to knuckle under lest shall, not do economically or politically. militarization, loosens its grip first at its o~n capi~alist economy collapse. Capitalist Europe cannot defend itself its outer fringes. The sweeping and In addition, the counter-threat from while maintaining a real independence, world-wide changes in the colonial world the East, from Moscow, drives it into in its.present stage of degeneration. Eco­ testify to the entt"ance of capitalist im­ the arms of that imperialism which at nomically and politically, it cannot or­ perialism onto a new stage of its degen­ least seeks to prop up its existing ruling ganize itself into a unity, as against the eration. class. Thus the threat of Russian expan­ Russian empire's integrated totalitarian­ New Imperialism sion becomes, in addition to their own ism, except under outside tutelage. economic weakness and need,the cement As a social force, European capitalism (11) But at the same time-and equal­ which binds together the new American has little or no appeal for the masses, ly characteristic of the new stage of hegemony being established on the Con­ either in its own countries or in Eastern capitalism - national political indepen­ -tinentand over the rest by the capitalist Europe. The European reformists, who dence has come to mean less and less in world. have never entertained the thought of today's world. It no longer opens the Only by convincing the peoples of socialist revoiuti&n as a bulwark against doors it used to, in the earlier day when Europe that it is the lesser evil can Stalinism, conclude that the only "prac­ it meant (for the native bourgeoisie) the the United States mitigate the outbursts tical" alternative is reconciliation to opportunity to itself,enter upon the road of national resistance which would other­ American imperialism or dependence of economic expansion and development wise greet its encroachment on their sov­ upon it. In every part of the world­ among the powers of the world. ereignty. This has its counterpart in the outside Europe too, where Stalinism's For the old relationship of colonial propaganda appeal of Russia to the peo­ threat is far-flung-the politics of sup­ slave and colonial master) a new rela­ ples under its own heel. porting America in its cold war now, or tionship is being established not only The two super-imperialisms feed on in the shooting war tomorrow, makes for the former colonial dependencies but each other. In the European working impossible any.struggle for natronal in­ also for countries which have enjoyed class, the politics of the reformists who" dependence beyohd grumbling or plead­ national independence for a century and paint the victory of American imperiaJ­ ing. Here too the shadow of the TbJrd more. This is a hierarchical relationship ism as the lesser evil and as the pre- W orId War determines all politics. of economic subordination under the over-all hegemony of American super­ imperialism. c. The "Theory of Retrogressionism" (12) This relationship, under which the situation of the ex-colonies is being (15) If world capitalism, in its senil­ tions of a previous epoch. These symp­ .subsumed, is tbat which American im­ ity, is entering upon a new stage in our toms are superimposed on an entirely perialism is on the way to establiShing epoch of war and revolution, accompany­ new constellation of social forces. between itself and the advanced coun­ ing this development are retrogressive (16) The political dangers latent in tries of Western Europe. As noted in symptoms in all fields-social, political, an erroneous theory on this question are previous resolutions: since the Second ideological, cultural. The old system most evident in, but not confined to, the World War, for the first .time in mode,rn awakens barbaric echoes of its past, as formulation of the theory of retrogres­ days, the spirit of national resistance civilized values in the broadest sense sionism put forward by the IKD group. has found a social basis in these lands­ crumble with the economic structure. According to it, the process of retro­ not merely, as during the war, directed The appearance of these symptoms, gression "harks back in reverse order ·to against actual military occupation, but however, does not mean that two cen­ the end of the Middle Ages, the epoch directed against the usurpation of their turies of capitalist development and so­ of 'primitive accumulation,' the Thirty national sovereignty by the United States cial change have simply been put in re­ Years War, the bourgeois revolutions, through the economic levers of the Mar­ verse and wound back on the film of his­ etc." and is "shoving society back to the shall Plan. tory. Thus the reappearance of national­ barbarism 01 the Middle Ages," bringing The relationship which is being estab­ liberation movements and strivings in about "a reversal . . . of all relations, lished between American imperialism modern Europe represents, on one side, foundations and conditions valid for the and (for example) Italy is not the same a hurling back of working-class con­ ascending development of capitalism" as the pre-war relationship between Eng­ sciousness, but it does not and cannot and producing "the exact counterpart" land and India. It is no longer that of mean a throwback to the social condi­ in rever.se of this ascending develop­ master and colonial slave, but of over­ tions that prevailed in the early days of ment, creating "conditions in economics, lord and vassal. The capitalist-imperial­ capitalism. Thus the hurling back of politics, social relations, etc., which are ist world is no longer divided into two culture in so many of its aspects (most like the conditions of the epoch of the more or less distinct spheres consisting evident in German fascism and totali­ origins of capitalism," etc. of a number of exploiting states and a tarian Stalinism but visible also even in In the political conclusion drawn from larger number of bondsmen - nations the United States) is a retrogressive this theory, the IKD group, in emphasiz­ without rights; it is a hierarchy under movement, but it does not simply take ing the "democratic revolution" against the overlordship of Washington, in an society back to the problems and solu- the despotic regime of capitalist barbar-

118 THE NEW INTERNATIONAl. - APRIl. J949 ism minimizes the specific and leadi~g sterile schematism. Far from lessening mental social distinction between t"ef­ role of the proletariat as a class and the leading role of the working class in ormism and Stalinism, a distinction even slurs over the decisive question of the struggle for both socialism and de­ which also determines a basic difference class distinctions in the broad popular mocracy, the degeneration of capitalism in attitude toward the two on the part and _democratic movements against cap­ and of its "democratic" sections in pal" of the Marxists. The reformist parties italism into which all oppressed classes ticular more than ever leaves the p"'''' are based on the existence of a more and strata are driven by its decay. At letariat as the only social forc~ whk~ or less free labor movement in a more the same time, by failing to emphasize can lead all the oppressed in combatiT''' or less bourgeois-democratic state struc­ the fact that for Marxists the conscious the descent to a new barbarism. ture. Where this has cea~ed to be true, and consistent struggle for democracy A t the top of the agenda today fo,. as in the totalitarianized satellites of can be conceived of in no other way than the socialist movement is the fight for Russia, the basis for the social-democ­ as the struggle for workers' power and every democratic demand, including, na­ racy has ceased to exist, and consequent­ socialism, the position of the IKD, which tional independence of subject peoples ly the social-democracy itself has ceased is at best ambiguous on this score, leaves and nations, but this struggle has pro­ to exist, being absorbed by the Stalin­ open a return to the political program gressive significance only insofar as it ists or converted into new underground of the immature proletariat in the days leads to or creates more favorable con- revolutionary movements. of immature capitalism. ditions for the achievement of the pro­ (23) It is likewise the social basis of (17) On the theoretical side, its theory the social-democracy, as it is today-its ignores precisely the new driving force letOlrian socialist revolutwn by the over­ throw of capitali8m. working-class base-which also limits its of capitalist deg~neration in favor of a role as a political channel for bureau­ cratic tendencies under capitalism, just as it was this same basic characteristic D. The Role of the Social-Democracy which limited its ability to act as an in­ (18) The degeneration of capitalism ideologies' in the working - class move­ strument for defending the capitalist exercises a penetrating effect on all as­ ment-there is an underlying ideological state in the past. It can go aloftg with pects of its society and on all its wings, kinship between social- reformism and the!'e capitalist tendencies only up to a from its reactionaries to its liberals. Not Stalinism: the aim of a rationalized so­ point; as ever, its working-class base least of all does it affect social-demo­ ciety plus a fear of the masses in move­ pulls it in a different direction. It is this cratic reformism, in the latter's capacity ment and a rejection of the working divided soul of the social-democracy as the bearer of capitalist ideology in the class's claim to social. leadership; . its which creates the opportunity for a left­ ranks of the working class. Where the ideology of collectivism without trust in wing-a Marxist tendency-to attempt social-democracy has seemed to take a workers' democracy and initiative. to drive a wedge between the proletarian masses who follow the social-democratic new lease on life in the countries of This is alsQ why the soul of social­ leaders and the policy and program of Western Europe, it has been in part at democracy is split throughout Europe the leadership itself. the expense of a change in its role cor­ betwe~ capitulation to American domi­ responding to the changes working with­ nation and capitulation to Stalinism, de­ in capitalism itself. pending upon their relative power. Where A Pole of Attraction (19) Social-democratic reformism is Stalinism has not yet taken power, so­ today increasingly one of the political dal-democracy mainly gravitates toward (24) In those countries, therefore, channels through which the "bureau­ the former; in Italy, lapped by the wave where the social-democracy is still a mass cratic collectivization" of capitalism ex­ of Russian power, it split between the organization, then - in the absence of presses itself. The "collectivist tenden­ two until'the Staliuist debacle in the last sizable revolutionary parties, which is cies" within capitalism press forward, election; but it then becomes anti-Stalin­ the situation in Europe today-the possi­ and in many cases-as has happened istjn order to play its role as part of bility exists of setting up within its left­ often before-the old capitalist repre­ Lhe vanguard of the native, capitalist wing ranks a pole of attraction for those sentatives are unwilling or unable to tendencies toward bureaucratization. independent workers,.who wish to orient become their vehicles, hidebound by tra­ (21) In the United States, where the away from both Washington and Mos­ dition and personnel. The social-democ­ J'eformist social-democracy is organiza­ cow, an incubation center of the revolu­ racy is in many respects peculiarly fitted tionally insignificant and capitalist de­ tionary third camp. This possibility does to do so. generation least advanced, this ideologi­ not and cannot exist wi thin the Stalinist cal role is adopted by elements outside movements because of their totalitarian After the First W orId War, discred:. character. ited capitalism required a "democratic" the miniscular Socialist Party or Social­ face-lifting, sops' and stopgaps; and it Democratic Federation-the neo-liberals Reformism still acts as a tail to capi­ permitted the social-democracy to take who have abandoned the traditional lib­ talism and, at the same time; incubates the lead in this direction until it was no eral fetish of freedom from state power elements of revolutionary-socialist strug­ longer useful. Today the needful for cap­ in favor of another fetish, "planned cap­ gle against capitalism-which means, by italism is not democratization; it is bu­ italism," i.e., bureaucratized capitalism, the same token, against reformism itself. denominated in liberal jargon as "pro­ re.u.ucratization, a measure of bureau­ (25) Above all, it is not reformism cratic state planning accompanied by in­ gressive capitalism." In the case of American liberalism, as in the case of which is today in most of the world the creasing Bonapartism. Just as two dec­ main enemy of revolutionary Marxism ades ago the social-democracy "democ­ the European social-democracy, the same within the working-class movement. Th~t I'atized" under the impression that it was split is seen, however: into the pro­ is Stalinism. thereby fulfilling an installment of its American liberals and the pro-Stalinist own program, so today it plays a role in liberals (Wallaceites, neo - Stalinists), In the period leading up to the First the bureaucratic militarization of econ­ while in both camps the well-known phe­ World War, the effect of the develop­ omy under the impression that it is nomenon of "totalitarian liberalism" ment of imperialism on the working class achieving a slice of "socialism." grows apace. was to distort its ideology in the direc­ (20 This is possible for the social-de­ (22) This development - a modifica­ tion of reformist. Today the effect of the mocracy because-precisely in that basic tion of the long-standing political role bureaucratic degeneration of capitalism respect which dhJtinguishes revolution­ of reformism-by no means erases what on the working-class movement is to dis­ ary Marxism from all petty-bourgeois we have emphasized as being the funda- tort its ideology in the direction of 8ta-

THE NEW.fNTERNATfONAL • APRIL 1949 119 linism. The dominance of social reform­ the new stage of capitalism. In this sense ending series of inroads upon democracy ism was the result of the imperialist de­ Stalinism is the contemporary analogue necessitated by capitalism's degeneration. velopment of the system; the Staliniza­ of pre-war reformism, although not In the United State.s, as has been tion of the working class is the result of merely a variety of reformism. noted, even "old-fashioned" liberalism is giving way to emphasis upon statism in­ stead of democratic controls as the cure E. The Socialist StruCJCJle for Democracy to the evils of capitalism. Only the rev­ olutionary socialists today can Inherit (26) The attitude of revolutionary so­ letaria t, calling this betrayal "the de­ and prosecute militantly and consistently cialists toward democratic demands and (ense of bourgeois democracy." To this the fight for the defense of every demo­ slogans has undergone substantial modi­ hourgeois ,democracy, under which guise cratic right under capitalism, and for fication in the last period, especially dur­ the capitalist system was making its last the extension of democracy, as part of ing and since the Second World War, stand, the Marxists counterposed work­ its struggle to mobilize the masses for under the impact of the changes in capi­ ers' power and socialist democracy. U n­ the abolition of capitalism. talism itself. One of the first and big­ tier the cover of the bourgeois-democratic (31) .The key to the struggle for so­ gest manifestations of this change was I·egimes, temporarily staffed by the re­ cialism today is the struggle for democ­ the position on the national - resistance formists, the continued dictatorship and racy-the fight to awaken a mass move­ movements in Europe adopted by the oppression of the capitalist rulers resta­ ment behind the most thoroughgoing Workers Party in 1944. At the same time, hilized itself-until the temporary bur­ democratic demands as an indispensable the recognition of the world Stalinist geoning of democratic and republican means of leading this fight on to social­ parties as an anti-capitalist but reac­ forms in Europe gave way, once the rev­ ism. The Independent Socialist League tionary movement highlights the crucial olutionary tide had receded, to fascism therefore seeks to be the champion of role of democracy today in the prole­ and the drive to a Second World War. every popular democratic struggle tarian struggle against capitalism, in (29) This last struggle against the against the manifestations of degener­ contradistinction from Stalinism. bourgeois-democratic form of capitalism, ate capitalism; is implacably opposed to (27) -The fundamental difference be­ however, left its lasting impress on the every plea that any such struggle should tween the reformist and the revolution­ Marxist movement and on its attitude be subordinated, soft-pedaled or side­ ary view of the struggle for democracy toward the struggle for democracy under tracked because of its effect on United dates back in modern times to the con­ capitalism. While it is certainly not ex­ States power in its struggle for the trast between the politics of the pre- cluded that, with the rise of a second world against Stalinist Russia; and de­ 1914 social-democracy and of its revo­ wave of world revolution, bourgeois de­ termined to push such a fight for thor­ lutionary Marxist wing of the same pe­ mocracy (or what is left of it) will again oughgoing democracy consistently and riod, when both operated on the common be able to be counterposed to workers' unwaveringly to its final conclusion, a Marxist belief that the road to socialism power, in a last attempt to head off the socialist democracy, lay through the unceasing struggle for final overthrow of capitalism, the pres­ the broadening of democracy. But the ent trends and relations of forces in the social-democrats based their fight on the world call imperatively for the revival view that there was an unlimited per­ of the revolutionary Marxist struggle for spective of democratization before capi­ democracy, exemplified by the Bolsheviks, For Books and Pamphlets by talism, which need only be driven to its which led up to the first world revolu­ ultimate conclusion in line with the natu­ tion, and not the mechanical repetition ral tendency of a peacefully developing of the slogans and attitudes which were LEON TROTSKY capitalism; among other revolutionary characteristic while the direct struggle Marxists, the Bolsheviks viewed their for socialist power was on the order of struggle for democracy in Russia as in­ the day. evitably bringing the masses in con·flict The fact that this revival has been Write for book list to not only with the autocratic regime of delayed· in the Marxist movement can the czar but also with the capitalist class. he ascribed to two factors besides politi­ Where, therefore, the former view led cal inertia in general: the effect of the LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE the social-democrats to adaptation to and Stalinization of the Communist Interna­ support of capitalism, and finally even tional even upon those who broke with 4 Court Sq., LODg Island City 1, N. Y. support of its wars, the Marxist view -led Stalinism (like the Trotskyists); and to the carrying of the democratic strug­ the universal expectation of the Marx­ gle over to the socialist revolution, with­ ists that the outbreak of the Second out which it could not achieve fruition. World War would be the prelude to a (28) The Russian October and the second world~wide upsurge of proletar­ period of the first world revolution of ian revolution which would bring back ] 917 -23, which saw a proletarian revo­ the conditions of 1917-23 on an even Build Your lutionary wave sweep over all of Eu­ higher plane. The actual aftermath of rope and shake up the whole world, with the war makes the readaptation of the Marxist I.i&raryl soviet power and the overthrow of capi­ Marxist-Leninist struggle for democracy t.alism immediately on the order of the an imperative necessity. day, also saw the formation of the Com­ (30) The trend of capitalism today is W. can lupply any book In munist International and the crystalliza­ not toward democratization but its re­ print and many that are out tion and codification of Marxist doctrine verse: militarization and authoritarian­ of print. Write for free book as developed by Lenin taking place un­ ism, "bureaucratic collectivization" and der these conditions. Bonapartism. The "defense of bourgeois IIIt-todayl The fundamental difference between democracy" conducted by the reformist social - democracy and revolutionary social-democracy today, this time a~ a Labor Action Book Service Marxism took another specific form: the "lesser evil" in comparison with Stalin­ reformists undertook tne task of defend­ ism, is such as to drive them and their 4 Court Sq.. Long III. City 1. N. Y. ing and preserving capitalh;m against similars to whitewash and condone-i.e~, t.he assaults of the revolutionary pro- not struggle against but support-an un-

120 THE NEW INTEINATIONAI. • APIII. 1949 II. Stalinism and the Rise of the New Russian Empire

(37) In noting the confirmation of our A. The Nature of Stalinism analysis of Russia and Stalinism by the (32) The basic analysis of the Rus­ (35) With this demonstration the last events of the past two years, it must not sian state and of Stalinism which has props have been knocked from under the be concluded that the Russian state and been developed by our movement, like two theories on the "Russian question" social system, or the international Sta­ every other theory on this subj ect, has heretofore posed in the Marxist move­ linist movement, is already a finished been tested in the past, two years by a ment as alternatives to our own. The social formation, about which a final set series of events of world importance. We "orthodox" Fourth International theory of formulas can be drawn up. can ascertain that it has not only stood that Russia is still a (degenerated) Stalinism itself is still meeting new up under this test but that it has shown workers' states, since "nationalized prop­ problems as a result of its new role in itself to be the only line along which erty equals workers' state," now requires the world any ( 33 ) During the period since the end satellites are likewise "workers' states." step as it grapples with its new prob­ of the war, Russia has emerged not only But this means that Stalinism-by no lems. It is only in this sense that we can as a major imperialist power but as one matter what unexpected or unpleasant and do claim that the theory of bureau­ of the Big Two of the earth. Its impe­ means-has shown its ability to make cratic collectivism has shown itself to rialism has matured and expanded with the social revolution and overthrow capi­ be the indispensable key to understand­ a rapidity characteristic of change in talism in favor of a form of workers" ing the Stalinist phenomena. our epoch. Beginning the war as Hitler's power. It means further, that while the junior pa~ner in the Stalin-Nazi Pact, working class and a revolutionary-social­ Nationalization Progressive? it is today capitalist America's only rival ist workers' party is a good thing and for world domination-a rivalry not only (38) The sweeping character of Sta­ perhaps even necessary for a further linist nationalization in Eastern Europe between different imperialists but also healthy development of the "revolution," between two different systems of class also reinforces another conclusion. It has they are not necessary for the making of been traditional in the Marxist analysis exploitation, which meet each other with the socialist revolution. It means further different political, social and economic of capitalist phenomena to make or al­ I;hat the only role to be played by the low a distinction between the "progres­ weapons in the struggle for the "right" revolutionary party is as a democratic to oppress the peoples. sive form" and "reactionary social con­ opposition in, or wing of, the Stalinist tent" of certain capitalist developments Russia has not merely "expanded"; it movement. has set out to build and 'has already ac­ (like the growth of monopoly out of While formally only the British sec­ quired in part a far-flung empire on ev­ large-scale prQduction). The sense in ery side of its own borders, consisting of tion of the Fourth International has ac­ which the term "progressive in form" tually openly acknowledged. the conclu­ states which are not merely "satellites" was applied to monopoly was contained sion that the satellite countries are but subject nations held in chains by the in the thought that the concentration workers' states, the reaction of the same totalitarian terror that operates and centralization of large-scale indus­ Fourth International to the Tito-Stalin within Russia itself. The euphemism of trial enterprise in the hands of a few Russian "expansionism" as a substitute break demonstrates that it is actually capitalists prepared the way technologi­ tending to assume this character and cally for socialist collectivization, pro­ for "imperialism" can be used only if role of a' "left wing" or "democratic all reality is ignored. vided in fact the prerequisites for the wing" of Stalinism. While tradition and latter. This was and is correct. (34) During the past two years the pressure from within may slow up or It is impossible, however, to apply the unfolding of Stalinist policy, in the sat­ zigzag this trend, it is unquestionably ellite states especially, has helped to con­ same distinction to the bureaucratic na­ demanded by the theory to which they tionalization of industry under 'Stalinism. firm and clarify the nature of Russia and still cling. Stalinism. First and foremost among Stalinist nationalization is in no sense at these developments has been the clear (36) If the "workers' state" position all a prerequisite for the socialization of fact that the Stalinist regimes have with­ has been well nigh taken out of the the means of production; nor does It "pre­ out exception pursued a policy of bureau­ realm of theoretical dispute by its refu­ pare the way" for the latter. Industrial­ cratic nationalization of the economy and I;a tion in life, the same is even more ization and centralization in the past destruction of the capitalist class. In all true of the theory that Russia is essen­ represented the impact of what Engels of the satellite zones, the major part of tially capitalist - whether capitalism m'etaphorically called "the invading so­ industry has been nationalized; what­ heavily overladen by statification, or cialist society" upon capitalism, devel­ ever sector of the economy still remains capitalism at its "highest" peak of de­ oping capitalism to the point where so­ in private hands is almost exclusively velopment--or the theory that Russia is cialism first became possible; Stalinist made up of small enterprises, and even developing in the direction of c~pitalism. nationalization and industrialization these are rapidly on the way to complete The destruction of capitalism and of the represents not a necessary preparation nationalization or state· control. capitalist class, the refusal of the Sta­ for socialism but an abortion of this The socio-economic system, as well as linist rulers to compromise with it, po­ pre-socialist evolution, resulting in a so­ the political system, has been made iden­ litically or economically, in the satellite cial system which is the deadly enemy tical with that of Russia itself in every zones, leave no more room for doubt that of socialism. The form of nationalized important respect. The bourgeoisie has we have here a social system different economy per se as opposed to capitalist heen expropriated not only politically but from and antagonistic to the capitalist property forms can be characterized economically. The event which marked system in any form. only as "potentially more efficient"-an this development most dramatically was Meanwhile, on the negative side, in abstraction which permits a social char­ the CP coup in Czechoslovakia in Feb­ Russia itself all predictions of internal acterization of actual phenomena only ruary 1948, this being the last country Russian development based on either the given a live historical context. in the Russian empire in which the bour­ "workers' state" or "state capitalist" (39) Stalinist nationalization, there­ g'eoisie had retained any vestige of po­ theory have utterly failed to show the fore, is in no sense progressive, occur­ litical control. slightest sign of being realized. ring as it does at a time when the prob..

THE NEW INTERtlATIONAL - APRIL 1949 121 lem before society on a world scale is This is the only basic criterion for the the Stalinists place their anti-capitalist no longer that of abolishing the domina­ category of "progressiveness" in today's face out in front, it is well known that tion of man by nature (sufficient at least world, and means: that is "progressive" the Stalinist movement has displayed for the realization of socialism) but which is a prerequisite for, or does in great attractive power for coralling mil­ when the problem is that of abolishing fact lead to, the establishment of social­ itant and revolutionary elements in the the domination of man by man. ist democracy. working class who see no other mass party fighting the enemy in power, the capitalist class. B. Stalinist Road to Power in the SateHites In most of Eastern Europe, where the ( 40) The events of the past period for complete control until in the inter­ CP leadership was plucked out of Mos­ have provided also the .historical spec­ vening period it had succeeded in insur­ cow's Hotel Metropole and placed on tacle of new Stalinist states and bureau­ ing its rear by subjugating and breaking top, the consequences are different. In­ cracies iIi the process of formation. Up possible resistance by the working class sofar and as long as the Czech CP was to the end of the war, bureaucratic col­ to complete totalitarianization through a still able to use the remnants of the lectivism, which was analyzed as a new regime of constantly stepped-up terror. bourgeoisie as a bogyman, it exercised social formation different from both cap­ In the end the Stalinist drive to gather a gravitational pull on socialist workers. i talism and socialism (as well as from all power into their own hands achieved With the tightening of its· own reins and all pre-capitalist societies) was still a success by counting on the passivity of the progressive enfeeblement of bour­ Russian phenomenon, limited to one the working class in the face of a coup geois control in the government, its in­ country. An analysis of this new society from above by picked terror squads re­ fluence over the illusions of the workers through this one case was complicated by cruited from the proletariat and used and its possession of their active sup­ the fact that in this single specimen bu­ against the proletariat. port waned (e.g.,_ victory of the anti­ reaucratic collectivism had arisen ( 42) The passive reaction by the Stalinist wing of the SDP over Fier­ through the degeneration of a national­ Czech proletariat to the coup was based linger before the coup). Throughout, in ly-confined socialist revolution. In the on the following conditions: any case, the Stalinists sought, and early years of the war, this bureaucratic­ (a) The essence of state power was found, points of support outside the cir­ collectivism-in-one-country already had already in the hands of the Stalinists as cle of pro-Stalinist workers with revo­ expanded its own borders through purely a result of the Russian conquest; the lutionary illusions, knowing that the lat­ military conquests, but had not yet Stalinists were not overthrowing the ter were unreliable props. spawned. state power but merely utilizing it to Sources of Stalinist Bureaucracy The bureaucratic-collectivist states set complete the totalitarianization of the up by Stalinism in East Europe cd not country. (44) The Stalinist bureaucracy ... in - arise through the degeneration of a so­ (b) Czechoslovakia's geographical po­ formation seeks to recruit not merely cialist revolution in power. N Qr did they sition and common border with Russia to the ranks of the party but also spe­ all ari~e in exactly the same way. In the as well as its original military occupa­ cifically to the bureaucracy. In the con­ case of Poland, Rumania and Bulgaria, tion by Russia had already put it in Mos­ ditions of the satellite zone, the first re­ for example, the Stalinist regimes were cow's orbit from the beginning; and this cruiting group is the labor and SQcial­ set up, from the beginning of the."lib­ objective fact was recognized by all. The democratic bureaucracy itself. Already eration" (from the Nazis), on the bayo­ coup represented no change in this re­ noted in Part I is the extent of the ideo­ nets of the Russian army as pure-and­ spect but only blasted the illusions of the logical kinship between the bureaucra­ simple quisling regimes, put into power bourgeois politicians and their followers cies of reformism and Stalinism, and, as by military ukase and maintained in that their country could revolve in Rus­ the counterweight in the capitalist coun­ power by terrorism. If any other road sia's orbit as a maverick planet. tries, the different social basis of the to power was possible in these cases, the (c) There was no alternative visible reformists and Stalinists. Where, how­ Russians at any rate did not experi­ to the workers which did not involve de­ ever, capitalism has been well nigh de­ ment with it, although individual bour­ pendence on the totally discredited bouT­ stroyed or at least seriously enfeebled geois captives were temporarily utilized geoisie, which was clinging to its own and on the way out, as in Czechoslovakia, as figureheads to ease the transition. economic power by a thread and to its the reformist labor bureaucracy is left These satellites were and are nothing but political power by sufference. Like the rootless and its habitual ways of thought formally independent satrapies of the majority of European workers, the Czech and life push sections of it to absorp­ Russian power. proletariat in the mass looked with hope tion into the Stalinist bureaucracy. (41.) In Czechoslovakia, however, af­ only to socialism, nor was there left a Hence the common phenomenon in ter five months 0:( military occupation, viable bourgeoisie which could appear Eastern Europe today of an influx of the Russians left behind a mixed gov­ even as a practical lesser evil to Sta­ social-democratic turncoats into the Sta­

ernment, in which the Communist Party linismf linist apparatus, in some cases providing was handed control over the central in­ In such an impasse, the immediate the tops with their only really native stitutions of state power (army, police) alternatives were only support of the elements. A second fertile source of re­ and of propaganda; but at the same Stalinist dictatorship for venal or illu­ cruitment to the Stalinist bureaucracy time a certain· measure of political power sory reasons, or passive toleration and under Eastern European conditions is was shared with representatives of the immobilization. the middle-class intellectual, socially shattered and weakened bourgeoisie who ( 43) The fact, however, that the Sta­ rootless even under declining capital­ engage9. themselves in return to follow linist road to total power in Czechoslo­ ism, repelled by the anarchy and ineffi­ the pro-Russian line in international re­ vakia did not take place completely un­ ciency of capitalist society and its in­ lations. The difference between Czecho­ der Russian guns but was at least con­ ability and unwillingness to give rein slovakia and the first type of satellite summated after a semi-public struggle to his special talents even in its own was determined essentially not by any of political forces permits an insight behalf. The type is common, for exam­ greater power enjoyed by the Czech into another aspect o.f the nature of Sta­ ple, in the leadership of the Yugoslav bourgeoisie as against the Polish, etc., linism. The CP apparatus, which came CPo Given the plethora of bureaucratic but by the existence of a proletariat riding in on the Russian army's gun­ jobs opened up by Stalinist nationaliza­ which was the most numerous and the carriages, sought to establish social roots tion, to which must be added a large best organized in Eastern Europe. of its own within the country. In the number of jobs not directly paid by the The Czech CP did not dare to move West (e.g., France and Italy) where government but controlled by it, such

122 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL - APRIL 1949 elements-plus workers raised into an r.oad to power through working - class stractly a possibility; but it can be posed aristocracy of management - are ab­ ('evolution or revolutionary action. They as a possibility only given an extreme sorbed i.nto the new Stalinist regime. seek to utilize class struggle only to sup­ stage of disintegration of Western capi­ To them, in the case of Czechoslovakia, port the foreign policy of the Russian talism such as was true ill the East as must be added the adaptable elements of state or hasten the process of the break­ a result of the Second World War and the· old bureaucracy. Far from requiring down and disintegra.tion of the capital­ rmch as creates a near-vacuum of politi­ a clean sweep of the entire old bureau­ ist framework, to create a chaotic vac­ cal and social power. But this abstract cracy when they take power, the Stalin­ uum into which they can step from above possibility has already been sufficiently ists have. a real need to try to integrate through their control of an apparatus. expressed in the very enunciation of the in!o their own regime as many of the Their adventuristic sabotage strikes in historic alternatives of socialism or bar­ old political figures and officeholders as France and Italy play the short-range harism.. possible. game of pressure for a pro-Russian ap­ Not abstractly but in terms of the peasement policy and serve the longer­ real world situation, long before such Avoid Mass Initiative range aim of creating the conditions un­ a . stage can be expected, war between (45) The Czech coup showed that the der which Stalinism wishes to take pow­ Russia and the Western capitalist world Stalinists' aim is to avoid unleashing the er without the revolutionary intervention and the revival of the movement fOl' mass action and revolutionary.initiative of the masses. proletarian revolution will first have set­ of the workers in their road to power. In France and Italy these conditions tled the question of the fate of capital­ While, as long as remnants of the bour­ are not near; and neither, therefore, is ism. The last word is still to be said by geoisie remain, they are willing to use Stalinist power on the Atlantic. The vic­ the working class. The outcome is not gingerly the club of working-class action tory of Stalinism in Western Europe­ to be" deduced from abstract analyses against them, the Stalinists do not them­ which would mean the longest step to­ "ut will be determined by the struggle selves wish to arouse the masses to rev­ ward world Stalinist domination-is ab- itself. olutionary self-activity even to make their own Stalinist coup. C. Tito and Russian Imperialist Contradictions It would be a mistake to consider that this is due in any concrete situation only (47) After the satellites militarily sented the last stages in the consolida­ to a calculated fear that the masses may conquered by Russia and after Czecho­ tion of Stalinist power in Eastern Eu­ get completely out of hand, though this slovakia, a third case from which new rope and cast a 'Sidelight on it~ road to operates as a strong deterrent where the light has been cast on the nature of Sta­ power, the Yugoslavian events four CP itself has no independent power. In linism is represented by Yugoslavia. This months later represented the first major Czechoslovakia, where the CP was al­ is the only country in the Stalinist em­ hreak in the Stalinist empire, forecast ready in complete control of the state llire in which the Stalinist revolution the beginning of the end of Stalinist apparatus of coercion, the awakening of was made by a native mass movement. power, and cast light on the inherent mass revolutionary activity was neither This native mass movement, the Tito contradictions which will tear it apart. necessary nor desirable for them. In Partisan army, upon which the Yugoslav Russian imperialism is driven by its very France and Italy, where the CP has sev­ CP rode to power, was indeed not pri­ nature to come into head-on conflict with eral times now led the proletariat to the marily a working-class movement but the aspirations for national indepen­ verge of insurrectionary action in bat­ overwhelmingly a peasant force, recruit­ dence on the part of its newly acquired tering-ram action against the capitalist ed from the peoples of a multinational satellites. government, it has each time drawn back state whi~h is the most agrarian in al1 The tempo with which this clash devel­ before the danger of revolution' could Europe. ops is determined by three factors: (a) spill over. Tito's bourgeois rival. Mikhailovich Russia's totalitarian regime, which re­ The Stalinist bureaucracy tends to was . based on an exiguous bourgeoisie quires complete totalitarianization not develop the same mental cast toward ac­ which was not only weak even before only within Russia itself but also in its tion-from-below that is developed by ev­ the war and exercised social power only empire. (b) The tenseness of the war ery reactionary and anti":'popular force through the monarchy, but which was situation in the world engendered by which is interested in defending its own further weakened by the J.~ azi occupa­ Russia's rampant imperialism as well as America's. (c) The degree to which the privil~ges above all. Just as even in the tion. At the same time, the emergence most democratic capitalist countries, this of Russia during the last years of the Stalinist bureaucracy of the satellite inherent fear of the masses takes forms war asa major partner in the Allied countries is able to realize its inherent not strictly demanded by the actual re­ camp and its domination over Eastern aspirations to exploit its country inde­ lationship of forces but flowing from Europe exacted from the Western Al­ pendently. the nature of the class (e.g., the wide­ lies the abandonment of Mikhailovich Russia's policy in Eastern Europe is the spread fear of revolution in the Amer­ and the recognition of Tito's Partisans coordination of its satellite states into ican bourgeoisie in the depression years by the United States and England. an integrated war machine--economical­ of the '30s), so the Stalinists' fear of the While therefore it is true that Tito's ly and politically. It aims at the complete masses flows from their anti-working­ Partisan army was indeed a native mass subordination of economic life in the sat­ class character. Like the bourgeoisie it­ movement, it is also true that it was ellites to the needs of Russian war econ­ self at times, they may be compelled to able to come to power and squeeze out omy. This takes no account of the inde­ call on working-class action to take the Mikhailovich with the toleration of the pendent economic needs and aspirations stage to a greater or lesser extent, while capitalist West only because of the back­ of the satellites but seeks to dictate their seeking to keep it within limits. They can ground fact of Russia's heightened mili­ economic policy and place them under moreover do this all .the more freely in tary-diplomatic strength. Thus Tito'~ ap­ the tutelage of the Russian planners as proportion as there is no organized paratus came to power not as imported if they were merely provinces. working-class opposition to crystallize quislings but as leaders of a mass strug­ (49) In Yugoslavia this led to a clash the anti-Stalinist democratic revolution­ gle with native roots independent of the over the industrialization of the country, ary forces. In this they follow a course Russian state; it is this fact which was which in Russian eyes figures as an analogous to the bourgeoisie's utilization decisive in hastening the emergence of agrarian supplier of food and raw ma­ of proletarian class struggle against feu­ centrifugal forces leading to the break terials to an Eastern European economic dal power in their time. with the Cominform (Moscow). unit. In Rumania the development of in­ ( 46) The Stalinists do not seek their ( 48) Where the Czech events repre- dustry takes pI aCt' under Russian owner-

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL - A·PRIL 1949 128 ship and control. In Czechoslovakia, quires them to seek a more independent The independent class support and whose economic ties have been tradition­ status than that of frontier guards for aims of the Marxists in such case would ally with the West, Russia imposes an the Russian ruling class. not differ, with respect to Tito, from the attitude taken by revolutionists to­ economic iron curtain, tying Czech econ­ (53) These factors, operative in differ­ omy to its own war machine. In all the ent forms and to different degrees in ward the bourgeois government of the satellites normal relations with the West all the satellites, reached their greatest Spanish loyalists or the semi-feudal 're­ are hindered and the economies artifi­ strength of expression in Yugoslavia gime of Haile Selassie. While, however, the conflict between the, two totalitarian cially distorted in order to coordinate first of all because the Yugoslav .Stalin­ them with Russian war plans. is,t regime is the only one which started regimes remains propagandistic and dip­ This over-all aim of the "Russification with indigenous social roots on the ba­ lomatic and on the bureaucratic level, of economy" in Eastern Europe stands sis of a native mass movement and sec­ the Marxists give no support whatsoever in the way of a full and healthy devel­ ondly because the need for independent to the Tito-Stalinist regime in Yugosla­ opment of countries wltich have suffered economic development is most pressing via but expose its reactionary character long because of their under-development here. In other satellites (including Po­ and identity with the Moscow regime, and their predominantly agrarian char­ land and Albania), however, sympathy and seek to mobilize all popular support acter. with Titoism reached the point where against it. (50) The Stalinist bureaucracies in even leaders of the CP had to be purged; ('55) The irrepressible conflict in the these countries, moreover, seek to trans­ and there is no doubt that everywhere Stalinist empire is indeed the reflection form themselves from merely ag'ents else (particularly Bulgaria) the same of the basic inherent contradiction of (proconsuls, tax-farmers and poli.cemen) inherent contradiction between totali­ bureaucratic collectivism itself-the con­ for the foreign Russian power, into in­ tarian war planning and national inde­ tradiction between totalitarianism and digenously-rooted native ruling classes­ pendence, powered by the strivings for social planning. The "potentially more to become a real class in the first place, a independent ruling class status on the efficient" form of nationalized economy status they naturally do not possess part of the new Stalinist bureaucracies, requires, under bureaucratic collectivism, through the mere fact of their 'importa­ is shaking the structure' of Russian im­ a terroristic police regime which is warp tion. perialism. and woof of the social system and which The social roots for a bureaucratic­ leads to its own contradictions while it collectivist ruling class, however, require (54) Although the clash between Rus­ elimina,tes those peculiar to capitalism. not a nation of small peasants but a sia and Yugoslavia did not-as appeared The break between the Yugoslav and modern nationalized-therefore an indus­ possible at first-lead to an. armed at­ Russian Stalinists, ther~fore, is symp­ trialized--economy. In the agrarian coun­ tack by Russia (directly or through a tomatic of the instability of the Russian tries the independent interests of the neighboring satellite) upon Yugoslavia empire. The latter has barely had time Stalinist bureaucracies drive them to for the purpose of bringing Tito into to reach its post-war peak before signifi­ push the industrialization of their coun­ line, it can be stated that in this event cant cracks and fissures have begun to tries whether this does or does not ac­ the position of the anti-Stalinist worker!; appear. It is such breaks in the previ­ cord wi,th the over-all plan of Russian should be to wish for the victory of Yu­ ously closed ranks of the tops which war economy. In the more industrialized goslavia in its war against the invader; open the door to the independent move­ states of East Europe, as Czechoslovakia such support would have been deter­ ment of the masses from below; thus the and Poland, similar independent econom 4 mined by the nature of the war itself, apparently seamless iron hoop of total­ ic drives are at work. Economically and limited to a duel between the two states, itarianism is broken. It is such breaks politically, the new Stalinist bureaucra­ in which Tito's regime would be fight­ in ,the Stalinist superstructure which cies, even when imported by Russian mil­ ing for the national independence of the point the way, under totalitarianism, for itary might, seek the same status as an country as truly as this was the politics the masses' yearning for real freedom independent native ruling class as is en­ behind the Ethiopian side of its war and peace and security to express them­ joyed by their Russian similars. with Italy. selves in revolutionary action. The Tito Split (51) Russia cannot keep its subject D. The Line of Struggle Against Stalinism states under control simply or primarily through the pressure and power of its ( 56) If the masses behind the Iron gime is a struggle for workers' democ­ economic forces, as capitalist United Curtain are not· yet ready for such ac­ racy, for control of the nationalized States is trying to do through the Mar­ tion today, it is because the ,first steps economy by the people. But under bu­ shall Plan. This is, first of all, not in the required are the beginnings of mass reaucratic collectivism the struggle for nature of its system, which operates struggle for the simplest economic de­ r.ontrol of the nationalized economy by through bureaucratic planning from mands-on wages, vacations, working t.he people, the struggle for workers' de­ above by the terroristic political appa­ day, police regime in the factories, etc. mocracy, is necessarily the struggle for ratus. It is, secondly, not wealthy The flowering of Russian imperialism socialism. Where the state already owns enough to do so. For both reasons it can­ and the consequent necessity of shaping llnd controls the economy, every strug­ not even retain the forms of autonomy the whole economy toward a permanent gle over the state power becomes a strug­ or permit even illusions of national au­ war footing, added to the enormous gle for the democratic rule of the work~ tonomy to exist for long. waste inherent in a bureaucratic collec­ ing class as against the bureaucracy. (52) In the present international situ­ tivist economy, makes it impossible for (57) In the Stalinist states, the DUling a'tion, moreover, the integration of East­ the regime to allow an improvement in dass-and therefore the main enemy-is ern Europe into its war economy means the standard of living of the masses. t.he bureaucracy. There is no big bour­ that it is the satellites which are doomed But under bureaucratic collectivism, J~eoisie at aU, this class having been com­ to bear the first brunt of the war with there are not and cannot be any purely Illetely destroyed in all of the Russian the West, because of their geographical economic struggles. The struggle for the satellites. There are remnants of the position. While the social bases of the simplest .economic demand is by defini­ small and middle bourgeoisie in some new Stalinist bureaucracies are the same tion from the beginning a struggle Aectors of the economy, shorn of all po·· as the Russian and a community of in­ against the totalitarian state-a political litical power, and tightly controlled by terest prevails as against the capitalist struggle. Similarly, every struggle t.he Stalinist state; even those socially world, their own self-preservation re- ngainst the "excesses" of the police re4 Jlowerless remnants are progressively

124 THE NEW INTER.NATIONAL • APR.IL 1949 being cut down by advancing statifica­ movement in Poland was only the tem­ assaults upon the Stalinist power. .. ion and control. All responsibility for llorary expression of a transitional pe­ (61) This demonstration, however, both economic and political life is cen­ dod during which the Stalinists openly cannot be made as long as the working t.ered in the hands of the Stalinist state, took over all power. class of the West channelizes the fight which necessarily is the focal point on against Stalinism through support of which all movements of discontent and Civil War and the Bourgeoisie capitalism. The overthrow of Stalinism opposition converge. (59) In Czechoslovakia, on the other in the East requires the revolutionary The aim of all opposition in such a hand, the advance of the Stalinists to struggle to overthrow capitalism in the state inevitably centers around the de­ open and complete control did not even West. mands of democracy. Not only is this meet with such resistance from the old demand the essence of the socialist strug,­ bourgeois leaders, who capitulated com­ No Support to Either Camp! gle under the bureaucratic - collectivist pletely, their own social basis having (62) This basic political approach to regime it is at the same time the pro­ been destroyed through the progressive the problem of fighting Stalinism is even gram around which the widest strata of expropriation of the Czech bourgeoisie. more important in the West, where the the population can be effectively mobil­ 'fhose signs of resistance and opposition Stalinist movements are still followed by ized. Even in the case of the peasants­ which appeared during and soon after large sections of the working class. Dur­ the only important social force remain­ the CP coup arose, it would appear, from ing the past two years there has been a ing in the Stalinist satellites still based the student population and from the marked decline in Stalinist influence on private property-the socialist pro­ Sokol movement. Despite the appearance from the post-war high point in almost gram" which advocates truly voluntary of pro-American or pro-British slogans every country of Europe. This decline is collectivization founded on education, in the manifestation of these elements of due partly to the masses' experience BUpports the struggle of the small peas­ resistance, it is the task of the Marxists with Stalinist policy both in the West nnts against the despotism that deprives to give unequivocal support to all such and in the East, and partly to the Mar­ them of the land on the basis of a "col­ popular elements of opposition to the shall Plan offensive of American capital­ lectivization" which scarcely conceals regime while seeking to infuse it with ism. Neither the Marshall Plan nor the the fact that the peasants are reduced their own class leadership and class pro­ prospect of temporary economic improve-­ to state serfs on the land, exploited and gram. ment has, however, convinced the West­ lorded over by the government police. If, the bourgeois politicians of the ern European workers that the restabili­ Such a program is a powerful weapon Benes camp had-as they did not-either zation of capitalism under American capable of drawing the peasantry the will or the ability to resist, and if a domination offers an alternative worth Ilround the anti-Stalinist workers in op­ civil war based on a genuine popular fighting for enthusiastically as against I,osition to the agrarian .policies of a to­ movement had resulted from this hypo­ Stalinism. talitarian state based on terrorism and thetical situation, we emphasize that it The chief rea80n why the Stalinists cmslavement to the state. would have been the duty of all socialist still remain the strongest parties sup­ The task of the Marxists, therefore, workers to fight along with this camp ported by the working class-in spite of is to enter into battle against the main against the Stalinist camp, supporting it their own crimes and progressive disillu­ enemy alongside every genuinely popular in the same manner in which the Marx.. sionment with them-is the fact that movement of resistance to the despotism ists supported the bourgeois-democratic they appear as fighters (tgainst capital­ of the ,state. They will seek to organize Loyalist regime in the Spanish civil war: ism and for peace. Any movement which t.he class forces of the working class in­ by their own (i. e., revolutionary) meth­ follows the policy of supporting capital­ dependently in such a struggle, raise ods, by building a proletarain wing in the ism as against Stalinism, or of support­ their own class banners and achieve democratic camp and fighting behind the ing American imperialism as against working-class hegemony over this dem­ banner of that proletarian power. Russian, deprives itself of the possibility ucratic struggle, along with whatever (60) The threat of a bourgeois-res­ of winning these masses away from the bourgeois elements are involved in the torationist movement in Eastern Europe Stalinists and for a progressive move­ fight or are eveD" temporarily at its head. looms, however, in proportion as disillu­ ment. At the best, given sufficient self­ sionment with the Stalhlist regime finds exposure by the latter, the masses win be Attitude Toward Mikolaiczyk no revolutionary alternative through left without any alternative for which (58) In Poland, before the complete which it can be channelized and in pro­ they are ready to fight devotedly ~nd (!oordination of the country by the Sta­ portion to pressure by Western capital­ actively. The. sine qua non for breaking I inists, this anti-Stalinist camp of na­ ism. the workers away from Stalinist leader­ t.ional resistance to Russian domination Given the largely agrarian character ship is the regroupment of the scattered was headed by Mikolajczyk and included of many of the Russian satellites and the forces with a revolutionary third-camp u remnant of reactionary-bourgeois ele­ presently atomized state of its working position and the making of a new begin­ ments as well as socialist working-class class, the revitalization of working-class ning in forging a new instrument for the Ilnd peasant force. Without giving one revolt against Stalinism-the seeds of mobilization of the proletariat against iota of political support to Mikolajczyk which revolt are sown by Stalinism itself both capitalism and Stalinism. hut indeed fighting his influence over the -may require first a series of demon­ ( 63) The only mass party of the work­ nnti-Stalinist opposition, the task of the strations in the West. Insofar as the ing class in existence in Western Europe Marxists in. this situation was to give Western proletariat shows that the pow­ is the social-democracy, which bases it­ unequivocal support to the struggle of er of Stalinism can be broken in their self on the "lesser-evil" policy. While it the movement on which he temporarily own countries; insofar as they prove is the only movement which appears be­ ,·ested. that Stalinist power is not fated to roll fore militant -workers as an alternative The stnuggle of the Marxists and of over Europe's working class; insofar as to following the Stalinists, the reformist .. he working class in such a popular dem­ they exhibit in struggle a non-capitalist pro-American .and pro-bourgeois-demo­ ocratic· camp is in no sense a struggle alternative to Stalinist totalitarianism­ cratic character of its line and leadership Cor "bourgeois restoration" but on the to this extent the revolt of the East Euro­ is an insuperable obstacle to its effective­ (~ontrary the only way in which bour­ pean peoples will be speeded, their self­ ly playing the role of bulwark against geois restoration can be fought as an confidence raised, and the situation cre­ Stalinism within the working class. nlternative to Stalinism and the broad ated whereby they can take advantage of Nevertheless, in most places, given the masses led in a socialist direction. Even the cracks in the Stalinist structure and feeble state of the independent Marxist the leadership of Mikolajczyk over the push through these fissures in a wave of movement, the rise of a Marxist third-

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL· APRIL 1949 125 camp wing within the social-democratic class struggle against capitalism in the third camp. Without the working-class movements offers the best opportunity assurance that every blow struck against struggle, no socialism: this is truer than for setting up a pole of attraction for the capitalism is a blow for the socialist fu­ ever before. What is not true is that disillusioned Stalinist workers as well as ture. They face two enemies: a capital­ mere anti-capitalist struggle automati­ for leftward-moving socialists; and thus ism which is anti-Stalinist and a Stalin­ cally equals soCialist struggle. The con­ contributing toward the regroupment of ism which is anti-capitalist. This three­ scious planned intervention and leader­ forces from the existing working-class cornered struggle for power was im:plicit ship of a revolutionary Marxist van­ movement. in the Czech events; and it is this utterly guard, anti-capitalist and anti-Stalinist, (64) Such a new beginnirlg is the first new constellation of social forces which which has not been poisoned at its source task in Europe and America today. In disorients and confuses the working-class by a false conception of the relation be­ most of t.he world, and above all in Eu­ movement. tween socialism and workers' democracy, rope, it is no longer enough for working­ It is the recognition of this new stage is more than ever the key to socialist class revolutionists to chart the lines of which is the basis of the politics of the victory. III. Marxists and the Third World War

(65) The imperialist nature of the the demagogic war aims put forward by militarization of America and the drive present struggle between the two colossi Roosevelt (the Atlantic Charter) became against democratic and working-clas~ is evident in the sight of all. More and a laughingstock even before the war was rights has been gaining strength. A se­ more, even liberalistic apologies for so­ over; as the result of its dominant role ries of "firsts" have been chalked up in cial-patriotism do not attempt to deny in the war, American imperialism has short order: the first draft in peacetime; the imperialist basis of the clash but extended its interests into every corner the first attack in over a quarter cen­ only argue that one or the other of the of the globe, is feared by the peoples of tury on the basic rights of collective bar­ imperialists is worthy of support as the every country as a new eidder for world­ gaining and the right to strike; the re­ lesser evil. The basis of all these antici­ wide mastery, IS attempting to subordi­ vival of government' strikebreaking patory rationalizations is the old and nate the economies of Western Europe through injunctions; "subversive" lists wellworn one, marked by not the slight­ to its own capitalists' interests through and "loyalty purges" on a scale never est originality or freshness: namely, the the Marshall Plan, has bases and troops before seen in the United States, more thesis that one or the other of the com­ throughout the world, and is the chief and more resembling adaptations of batants is, if not less imperialist, at least support of reactionary regimes every­ Gestapo and GPU procedure and based more democratic or more peace-loving where as long as they are aligned against upon the totalitarian precept that any­ than the other. In every essential respect, its rival Stalinist Russia. one under suspicion is gnilty until proven innocent, and on the principle of "guilt the character of the looming world war, (b) As after. the First World War, by association." While the social-patriots as we see it developing now-will be as there is less democracy in the world, not rationalized the war with the argument thoroughly imperialist as the second and more; less freedom, more hunger and that its 'imperialist content was over­ first. poverty, less hope of permanent peace. shadowed in importance by the difference The Independent Socialist attitude to­ The imperialist who waged the second between capitalist democracy and fascist ward this threat of war is founded firmly war "for democracy" had no difficulty in totalitarianism, it has turned out that on our analysis of the character and di­ dividing up the world with totalitarian the victory even of the "democratic" im­ rection of development of the two social Russia at Yalta and Pot!dam in secret worlds facing each other in enmity. We perialists drives another nail into the deals the full details of· which are not coffin of democracy. The consequences of declare that, as in the first and second yet known. If the added power and influ­ the victory of the "democraCies" in the world wars, support of either camp ence which Russia thereby gained is be­ Second World War have been reaction­ amounts to a betrayal of the interests ing decried now, it is only because Rus­ ary and retrogressive through and not only of socialism and the working sian imperialism is now the main threat through. While the victory of the lesser class but hUmanity. This view has never to America's full enjoyment of her victor evil is always posed as nec'essary for a been so firmly founded in experience as role. it is now that the aftermath of the sec­ "bl'eathing spell" for the working class, (c) There is not only less democracy in one more such "breathing spell" won and ond of the great wars of our era is pres­ the world, there is less democracy in the ent before our eyes. democracy may cease to breathe. United States itself. It is possible freely (66) The Second World War and its to admit that the propagandist predic­ (d) While the war c:iid not end with outcome did not fulfill the pre-war expec­ tions made before 1939-about the onset the defeat of both sides by the socialist tations of the Marxists that it would be of war meaning totalitarianism at home revolution of the proletariat, this only followed by working-class revolutions, -were exaggerated. But what was not progressive denounement of the war was after the model of 1917-1921. But the exaggerated and is all-important is the aborted precisely by the fact that the essential reasons given by our movement direction of development set up by Amer­ working-class forces had· been led to for refusing to support it have been fuliy ica's victory. During the war itself the place their trust in the victory of one and terribly confirmed by post-war government refrained from launching or the other of the imperialists-in the events. any general attack on civil liberties and Stalinists and their Russian myth or in (a) There can no longer be the slight­ permitted the labor leaders themselves American democracy and its illusion­ est doubt that the war was imperialist to hamstring labor's rights, this being makers. The promisefl of the left-wing on both sides and on the part of all its possible in view of the lack of mass anti­ defensists with regard to the progres­ participant nations-both in motive and war resistance while the world conflict sive consequences of Allied victory have consequences. On the part of the United was going on. It is with the end of the been tested and have led only to cruel St8.tes in particular: it has been proved war and the arrival of that period which deception. ",he policy of the third camp that' it did not enter the war merely in was supposed to see the fruits of Amer­ -opposition to both sides in the impe­ self-defense against Japanese attack; ica's victory for democracy, that the dalist war - was the only line along

126 THE NEW INTERNATIONAL. APRIL 1949 which any progressive outcome was at there are two different social systems at whether socialist victory interrupts the all possible, and in this lies the vindica­ war we are perforce required to choose war or follows it by a longer or shorter tion of the Marxist anti-war policy. The between them. In 1939-40 this struggle interval, as long as it is recognized as only hope for a reversal of the world was directed against the view that it was the only road out of the blind alley of trend to destruction lies in pursuing the Russia that was to be defended against capitalist-Stalinist degeneration, there line of the third camp consistently and the capitalist world. Today, in the ranks is still no other way to fight for its vic­ rallying the new undeceived masses of Americal1. socialism and labor it must (;ory, except by consistent adherence to around it. be directed against the equally anti­ the third-camp struggle. (e) While in the period from 1918 to socialist view that it is degenerating (71) The political problems in interna­ 1939 it was freely predicted from all capitalism that must be defended against tional relations thrown up by the "cold quarters- that the "next war" would mean Stalinism. war" now being waged revolve around "the end of civilization as we know it" the same issues and considerations, fun­ with "no victors and no vanquished," the "Breathing Spell"7 damentally, as the question of the war Second World War has been gotten (68) Given the fact that the DIREC­ itself. 'rhe cockpit of the cold war today through without any such definitive con­ TION of development of capitalism itself lies in Germany and here is displayed in sequences. "Civilization as we know it" is toward bureaucratic degeneration and miniature not only the methods but the still exists in Europe, albeit in the midst totalitarian collectiviB?n in proportion as traps raised by the United States-Rus­ of unprecedented shambles and destruc­ the system disintegrates without a revo­ sian struggle for the world. As in the tion and lapped by the barbaric totali­ Tlwtionary overthrow, the victory in a supreme test of war itself, there is no tarianism of Russian Stalinism. But third world war of unprecedented physi­ Marxist solution for the resolution of the with the atomic bomb in existence, there cal destruction by the capitalist world conflict short of the struggle for a work­ are few people now reluctant to accept can only hasten that process of bureau­ ers' government. the darkest predictions a second time. cratic degeneration-while the working It cannot be expected that the Third class is disarmed by its support of its The German Occupation World War, even if there is a victor and own capitalist master and unmobilized (72) The"main problem facing the Ger­ even if the "lesser evil" (American capi­ for the only struggle which can save hu­ man peopJe is the restoration of unity talism) is that victor, can lead to any­ manity, the struggle for socialism. and national independence; no funda­ thing but another "breathing speW' In not the best but the worst case, in mental economic or politcal problem can marking another step in the breakdown any long-drawn-out atomic war under be solved without this prerequisite. The of civilization and civilized values, not modern conditions in which the victor is working-class and socialist movement in to speak of untold destruction, unless it as badly wrecked as the vanquished, the Germany can be restored only through leads to the overthrow of the present working class is certain to be dragged to making this struggle the center of its rulers of the world. destruction along with the ruling class political program. The road to ~ocialism unless and until the proletariat strikes in Germany and in Europe lies through For a Third Camp! out on its own independent road of fight­ the most militant and consistent fight for (67) The Marxists reject with scorn ing for its own power instead of for the these elementary democratic demands. the vulgarized notion often ignorantly or ever-elusive breathing syell. The power of this struggle for democ­ maliciously ascribed to them according (69) On this question the thinking of racy resid~s in the fact that it is di­ to which in an imperialist war there is American workers, and even of Ameri­ rected at one and the same time against "no difference" between the two sides. can socialists and Marxists, is seriously both Stalinist and Western imperialism; This was not true of the revolutionary retarded and old-fashioned precisely be­ and against all conservative and reac­ Marxist attitude in the First World War cause of the experience of the recent tionary elements in Germany who-if and still less trUE; in the Second World war, in which continental United States not now reconciled---could easily become War. The main combatants were: fas­ for the second time Escaped physically reconciled to foreign occupation for the cist capitalism on the one side and bour­ unscathed. That this cannot happen purpose of keeping down a revolutionary geois-democratic capitalism on the other. again is a platitude; but the consequen­ people at home. Since the reconstruction The question posed before socialists was ces, having not yet been acted out in life of the European Continent is inconceiv­ not whether one side, taken statically, here as they have been in Europe, have able without the restoration of German was a "better" or more desirable form not been absorbed. national unity and independence, the of capitalism than the other-a question Thus it is that proposals for preven­ struggle for this goal becomes simulta­ long before answered in the affirmlltive tive war-i. e., calculated unleashing of neously the task and duty of the whole by the Marxists-but whether this real the bomb-are so much more freely European working class. difference justified socialists in support­ thrown around in American circles. Thus (73) In fighting for an Independent ing one camp. it is too that American social-patriots, and United Germany, we do not. make The Third World War now being pre­ apparently relieved by the difference in our demand for United States withdraw­ pared between America and Russia will degree between the predictions and the al conditional on simultaneous and simi­ be, as we have already pointed out, not actual aftermath of World War II in the lar action by the Russians-a proposal merely between two imperialist rivals, United States, seem willing to assume which in any case comes up against the and not merely between a totalitarian that the aftermath of World War III difficulty that Russian withdrawal may and a bourgeois - democratic state, but will be qualitatively comparable and or may not be a fake, and therefore tends between two different social systems. measurable in the same terms. to turn into the demand that the United F'ar from making for any softening in (70) There is one basis and only one States keep its troops there regardless, t.he Marxist third-camp position, this basis on which the political difference be­ in order to guard against Stalinist fact underlines the necessity for the tween America's remaining bourgeois de­ "peace" maneuvers. Such a policy can strictest adherence to it. Already in the mocracy and Russia's totalitarianism have only the effect of inculcating de­ Second W orId War, this new element-­ can be made the ground for supporting pendence upon the armies of American t.he involvement of a bureaucratic-collec­ the former's victory as the lesser evil: and British imperialism as the bulwark tivist state in the capitalist war­ that is, if the goal of socialism is aban­ against Stalinist expansion in Europe, played a role, although a secondary one. doned, explicitly or by implication, as for the same reason that the bourgeois The Workers Party, predecessor of the unrealizable in our epoch, and a longer and reformist leaders now look to Amer­ ISL, was in fact horn through the strug­ or shorter "breathing spell" posed as the ica's atom bomb as the bulwark against gle against the conception that when best of possible goals. On the other hand, Stalinist expansion in the world.

THE NEW INTERNATIONAL • APRil, J949 127 On the other hand, an independent and nection the convention endorses the anal­ the necessity for socialist opposition to united Germany, created wholly or part­ ysis and conclusions laid do)Vll by the any plans for the channeling of Marshall ly through the awakening of a popular National Committee in its statement on Plan aid toward military supplies and anti-Allied and anti-Stalinist mass move­ the Marshall Plan at the July 1948 arms instead of economic aid or for the ment under the leadership· of the work­ plenum. [See text in Labor Action for setting up of a separate government pro­ ing class in a struggle against the for­ July 19, 1948.] We note in particular gram toward this end. eign oppressors, would not only be able to rally behind it all of the revolutionary forces of Western Europe but would also Inevitability of Socialism- be able to wield the only weapon (other 115) soever. For to speak of the inevitability than the atom bomb itself) capable of (Continued from page disintegrating Russian Stalinist po-wer that could irrevocably control the course of socialism without socialism being the over its subject peoples: namely, the of human activity, the quality which, _for goal is a more lamentable speculative dis­ contagion of revolution. The biggest Hegel, inevitably determines the sequence tortion than the one condemned by Marx. "demonstration in the West" capable of and nature of the successive orders of Finally, even if Lenin and Trotsky, as firing the revolutionary spirit of Eu­ society. For this reason, even if an ac­ well as Plekhanov, shared the erroneous r'ope's working class would be the dem­ curate presentation of the movement of conviction that the victory of the prole­ onstration by the German masses that the social phenomena does give the ap­ tariat is unavoidable, the mistake scarce­ there is a third way outside of submis­ pearance of inevitability, Marx insists ly. means that they completely misunder­ sion to either of the imperialist giants. that it is a mere looking-glass hallucina· stand the writings of Marx. On the con­ tion, a verbal mirage. trary, it simply indicates that they, like (74) Just as any watering-down of Beside this explicit denial and the fact Homer, occasionally nod. The very tem­ the socialist struggle against American per of their lives. suggests that the doc­ imperialism in Germany isa down pay­ that the previously cited passages sub­ stantiate the denial, there is another rea­ trine of inevitability is a negligible, part ment on support of American imperial­ of their thought. And only a philistine ism in war against Russia, so also is this so~ for concluding that Marx rejects the doctrine of inevitability. He regrets that worshipping the bitch goddess success true in the case of the socialist attitude would urge that the doctrine of inevita­ toward the Marshall Plan. In this con- historical events "can be speculatively distorted so that later history is made bility is the reason leading them to accept the goal of earlier history." The regret the ideal of socialism. indicates that history is not a teleological process. But, without a teleological proc­ • ess, the conviction about socialism being [A brief reply by Hal Draper will Marxism-in Fr~nch inevitable is devoid of any content what- appear in the next issue.-ED.] Victor Serge Portrait de Staline...... $2.50 Leon Trotsky A Quarterly of Student Socialist Opinion Les Crimes de Staline 2.50 C. Tales THE STUDENT PARTISAN La Commune to 1871. 2.00 Llvesf Sfudenf Periodical on file Campuses Z. Zaremba Now Out: SUMMER ISSUE 1949 La Commune de Var­ sovie : Trahie par Featuring Speeches at RDR Rally by Jean-Paul Sartre. Staline, Massacree Rousset. Camus. Levi. Plievier par Hitler ...... 50 Published by the POLITICS CLUB. University of Chicago Lucien Laurat Order from: 15 cents per copy L'Accumulation du Ca­ David Fine. Bus. Mgr. 12 cents each pital d'apres Rosa 6028 Ingleside in bundles of Luxembourg ...... 2.50 Chicago 37. III. five or more Lissagaray Histoire de la Com- mune de 1871 ...... 2.50 Alfred Rosmer Just arrivedl The first issue 'March-April J Le Mouvement Ou­ vrier Pendant la CONFRONTATION INTERNATIONALE Guerre (1914-15) .. 3.00 Daniel Guerin Revue Internationale de Discussion La Lutte de Classes IN FRENCH 64 pages Sous ... la Premiere Provisional Editorial Board: Baufrere. Dechezelles. Demaziere. Republique (2 vols.) 4.50 Parisot. Rousseau (France): Andrade. Solano (Spain): Charles B ettelheim Shachtman. Judd (U. S. A.) L'Economie Alleman- Order from: de Sous Ie N azisme 2.50 LABOR ACTION BOOK SERVICE Available nowl Order from 4 Court Square. Long Island City 1. N. Y. Labor Action Book Service Single copy 50 cents; bundle of 3 or more 40 cents each; 4 Court Sq •• Long 1.1. City 1. N. Y. one-year subscription (6 issues) $2.50