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Irony and the Alt-Right - Springerin | Hefte Für Gegenwartskunst Irony and the Alt-right - springerin | Hefte für Gegenwartskunst https://springerin.at/en/2017/4/ironie-und-alt-right/ Issue 4/2017 (/en/2017/4/) - Net section Irony and the Alt-right The transgressive masks of reactionary techno-futurism Ana Teixeira Pinto Last August 12, in Charlottesville, the “national Tag of Kekistan”1 marched along with National Socialist Tags, Deus vult and Iron crosses, Swastikas and Valknot symbols,2 making apparent an ideological afliation the alt-right had hitherto kept (half) hidden. Irony and fascism make for strange bedfellows. Fascism, however amoral, is on the whole self-serious: the discipline, the devotion, the fanaticism, none of these sit comfortably with witticism or the degree of critical awareness ironic commentary implies. The rapid rise of the far-right 1 of 7 18/02/03 21:20 Irony and the Alt-right - springerin | Hefte für Gegenwartskunst https://springerin.at/en/2017/4/ironie-und-alt-right/ movement, which became known as alt-right, was nonetheless fueled by its “transgressive” or anti-PC slant, and its bitterly cutting or caustic mindset. “The standard online shtick,” Angela Nagle argued, “has been to irt with Nazism but then to laugh at anyone who took these gestures at face value.” This strategy combines plausible deniability with a non-conformist, countercultural air, which widened its cross-spectrum appeal. When the London-based LD50 gallery3 reopened after protesters had forced it to close, the videos it exhibited under the aliases TV KWA and Kantbot mimicked the widely recognizable visuals of Hito Steyerl’s Liquidity Inc. and the ippant, campy content of Adult Swim––both of which are references for a left-leaning audience. Shot in mockumentary style, their meandering tirades had no apparent political allegiance, aside being hosted by The Daily Stormer,4 a neo-Nazi website. Irony, here, is in the eye of the beholder: because liberal audiences have been trained to misrecognize afrmation as critique, LD50 could exhibit Brett Stevens’ The Black Pill; an image of Pepe the Frog as antebellum slave-owner; and a quote by Hitler alongside a picture of Taylor Swift, whilst their audience remained “unsure as to whether it was an ironic critique of the current social climate or overt promotion of the alt-right agenda.”5 The ironic frame has a strategic function; it allows one “to dodge responsibility for his or her choices, aesthetic and otherwise.”6 But irony also enables a form of “entryism:” in online image boards détournement and appropriation are themselves co-opted, drawing users to the causes of the right, whilst fantasies of transgression are used to mask a matter-of-fact complicity or jaded cynicism that lets one “disclaim a real commitment to far-right ideas while still espousing them.”7 The alt-right’s anti-establishment sentiment also proved challenging for the segments of the left traditionally invested in the concept of alternative, even though fascism always had a spectral or syncretic quality, extremely apt at combining “positions not typically understood as commensurate.”8 According to the image board lore, the “Cult of Kek” and “Pepe the Frog” sprang from an obsession with numerology, which lead users to suspect divine intervention was looming behind a series of numerical coincidences. Pepe the Frog thus became a modern avatar of an ancient deity, while Kek manifests his presence via meme magic. It was he who––hyperstitionally, to employ a term dear to the alt-right––had Trump elected. Whether or not you believe in the paranormal is beside the point, meme magic operates via attention management: you can advertise a movement into existence.9 But the Pepe/Kek meme also functions mythopoetically, as a form of personication that stems from ction rather than fact. Morgan Quaintance describes this appetite for non-conformist epistemologies as a form of searching, which engenders a cultic milieu, permeated by cyber-obscurantism. Particularly appealing to those “unburdened by histories of oppression,” a “syncretic collection of white supremacism, Egyptology, magic, eugenics and gematria” spawned an aesthetic style “quite capable of accepting the adoption of questionable tendencies,” as “instances of jaded affectation.”10 2 of 7 18/02/03 21:20 Irony and the Alt-right - springerin | Hefte für Gegenwartskunst https://springerin.at/en/2017/4/ironie-und-alt-right/ Though often associated with the 1960s’ counterculture, the cult of transgression has in recent years ––after the left had won the cultural wars––drifted towards the right. While seldom associated with conservative or reactionary movements, the desire to disrupt moral codes is not politically aligned, but contingent on the current consensus. The transgressive ethos is a double-edged sword, which can be tied to either deviancy and queerness, or to masculinity and nihilism; to the literary genre of transgressive ction or to the Manson family murders. Because transgression is an artistic genre, plenty of careers were built on rendering aesthetic experience as a direct extension of moral outrage. The psychology of transgression even spawned a particular persona: the contrarian––the mediascape has an insatiable appetite for misogynistic women, reactionary gay men, and proto- fascist minorities. As a rejection of collective identity and mutuality, transgression is also an economic doctrine, known in nance as “disruption.”11 It is this competitive versus cooperative description of social interaction that allows easy passage to selshness and nihilism, whilst the porous border between white- supremacism, the far-right, and conservative or even liberal ideology facilitates the creeping of fascist tropes into mainstream discourse. Richard J. Herrnstein’s and Charles Murray’s The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (1994), the touchstone for “scientic racism” (aka racial realism), was originally published by The New Republic. Opposing the egalitarian ethos of the post-war years, Herrnstein and Murray sustain that contrasting social outcomes are better explained by low IQ than by exclusion and oppression. When neo-reactionaries argue that socioeconomic status is a “strong proxy for IQ” or that a “genetically self-ltering elite”12 is divorcing itself from those of average and below-average intelligence, they are simply parroting The Bell Curve. The view that Anglo- Protestant cultural norms are superior is also pervasive among educated whites––self-evidently, “everyone wants to go to countries ruled by white Europeans.” Whiteness is thus a political doctrine, which can even “help minorities get ahead.”13 Unsurprisingly, for the neo-reactionaries (NRx’ers) who push this creed to its logical limit, whiteness does not necessitate whites, it can be performed by nerdy Asians, or even by AI.14 Whereas the alt-right pines for ethno-nationalism, NRx would gladly shed the red states, which they consider a drag on the economy. But because they virulently reject egalitarianism, their hatred of democracy easily bleeds into outright racism.15 NRx––a Silicon Valley based form of crypto-fascism––champions an opt-in society or “gov-corp,” run by a CEO-king. Though they do not identify as neo-reactionaries, Balaji Srinivasan, Peter Thiel and Patri Friedman also advocate opt-ins that restrict citizenship rights to investors (stockholders) barring mere stakeholders from representation.16 Instead of democratic rights, people would have the right to leave: NRx envisions competing authoritarian seasteads based on the model of Singapore.17 While in the 60s, cyberlibertarians believed that the convergence of computing and communications would inevitably lead to direct democracy and “turn their non-conformist principles into political fact,”18 NRx 3 of 7 18/02/03 21:20 Irony and the Alt-right - springerin | Hefte für Gegenwartskunst https://springerin.at/en/2017/4/ironie-und-alt-right/ endows the Californian ideology with an authoritarian spin. Their brand of transhumanism has a fascist sheen, anticipating “a powerful leader making use of intelligence enhancement technology to put himself in an unassailable position.”19 In NRx’s incentive-based techno-monarchy “if a person doesn’t produce quantiable value, they are objectively not valuable. Everything else is sentimentality,”20 hence their hostility to attempts to redress injustice, fostering inclusion or solidarity. Though a transhuman hyper-race might seem thus far unlikely, existing technology is already immersing us in the radical disruption proffered by cyberlibertarian doctrine.21 Think how the gig economy skirts the social contract. The Valley is also heavily invested in Bitcoin, a technology whose social and political functions, as David Golumbia argues, far outstrip its technical ones. Economically speaking, Bitcoin is the answer to the wrong question: the problems with value uctuations are not formal but political, they cannot be solved by software engineering: “Without direct regulatory structures,” any nancial instrument can be “used as an investment.”22 Ideologically, however, Bitcoin reects deep-seated anxieties about “foreign” control of the Federal Reserve, and more broadly, an anti-Semitic creep marked by the putative illegitimacy or unnaturalness of nancial capital. Needless to say, there is a rhetorical slippage between the alt-right’s contempt for “cultural Marxism” (code for Jews),23 and what NRx calls the “Calvinist left.” But anti-left sentiment is not the exclusive preserve of the far-right: terms that circulate in wider circles such as “regressive left,”
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