Proceedings of the First International Congress on Construction History, Madrid, 20th-24th January 2003, ed. S. Huerta, Madrid: I. Juan de Herrera, SEdHC, ETSAM, A. E. Benvenuto, COAM, F. Dragados, 2003.

The construction techniques and methods for organizing labor used for Bernini's colonnade in St.Peter's, Rome

Maria Grazia D' Amelio

The diary of Pope Alexander VII Chigi (1657-1668) technicaJ knowledge in an osmotic fashion. SLPeter' s is full of references to the ongoing construction work BasiJica and the whoJe area around it were one on St.Peter's Colonnade (1657-1668), and he enormous building site, equipped with avant-garde frequent]y complained that the work was «moving very slowly» and urged the people in charge to work more quickly.' He clearly wanted to see the colonnade finished within the 60 months scheduled for its completion by the Congregazione della Fabbrica di San Pietro, for which Gian Lorenzo Bernini (1598-1680) was paid 60 scudi a month throughout the whole period of construction,2 Figure l. The five years allotted for building this impressive structure (which at the time was compared to ancient Roman buiJdings) was not over optimistic, particu]arly if one considers that the work was originally supposed to be done by the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro. The Fabbrica had been in charge of construction and maintenance in St.Peter' s since the early 16th century.] It was a very efficient organization, with such a highly skilled technical staff that it was able to finish bui]ding SLPeter's cupola in just 22 months, quite a technological feat for the late 16th century. Like many other organizations set up throughout Italy to promote religious architecture, during the 17th century the Fabbrica had an increasingly strong influence on Roman construction in general, in terms of artistic choices, management policies, and spreading architectural knowledge. This was also because the Fabbrica's architects, master bui]ders and highly speciaJized workmen were quite Figure 1 mobile, meaning that they worked on other Giovan Battista Nolli. Vatican afea. Pianta di Ruma (Roma construction sites around Rome, spreading their 1748),23, New York 199J: J. H. Aronson Publisher 694 M. G. D' Amelio

organization and technology, specialized in designing had become dramatically stagnant after pestilence construction machinery and in the synchranized broke out in June 1656. He therefore tenaciously organization of labor. opposed criticism to the project, which some The Vatican area also had plenty of resources. considered unsuitably «grand and ornate» and There were foundries for making building equipment, repeatedly urged the people in charge of the work to stocks of limestone; warehouses full of building procure everything that was needed for the building materials and equipment, and ample space for site: Figure 2. working. The Vatican even had exclusive ownership To speed things up, the Pope also dealt personally of a river, the Aniene, including its riverbanks and the with administrative issues connected with the project old Traspontina port, for shipping travertine to Rome (giving audience to the magister stradorum fram the quarries in Tivoli. Domenico Jacovacci, for example) and with its In spite of this supportive framework and the planning, organizational and economical aspects, careful scheduling of work phases set up right after conferring repeatedly with Bernini, with Mons.Luca Bernini was given the job (July 31, 1656), it took Holstenio, Don Flavio Chigi and Father Virgilio twice as many years to complete this «great . . . Spada.5 Theatre» than had been planned. His impatience was triggered by the knowledge It was a mistaken judgement, one of the few dark that construction work began substantially after the moments of the enterprise, and was the result of some decision to build the colonnade, a time lag clearly unwise decisions made when work began. recorded in the memorandum drawn up (probably in Alexander VII was counting on this building August, 1656) by the Fabbrica foreman, Pietro Paolo project to give new life to Rome's economy, which Drei.6 According to Drei, it took fully three months to

Figure 2 Yiew of SI. Peter's. (Roma, Gabinetto Comunale delle Stampe, Palazzo Braschi. Edited by J. Connors and L. Rice, 1991. Specchio di Roma Barocca. Una Guida inedita del XVII secolo, 28, Roma: Edizioni dell'Elefante) The construction techniques and methods used for Bernini's colon nade 695 lay in stores of tools and construction equipment. He Thc project had to be «weIl built, otherwise his design cIearIy favored the initial decision to start working in would not be successfuj,>.lo On that oecasion Louis an area where no demolitíon would be necessary, the XTV's minister, lean Baptiste Colbert, remarked that northem sectíon of the co]onnade, towards Porta this method produced an uncertain output, so that Ange]ica. He also suggested that, when calculating construction cou]d not foIlow a scheduIe , when workmen are not long it would take to cIear out the houses which paid on a time basis but according to production. would have to be tom down to make space for the But, retuming to the coIonnade, Drei's concluding southem sectíon of the colonnade. These houses were remark was that aIl these various aspects of the aJl in the SteJl etta and Arci pretato areas and building site would have to be decided quickJy, expropriatíng them had cost just over 50.000 scudi, a because «we must make the most of favorable very large sumo (By comparison, the Fountain of the seasons, and particularly of next autumn, because Four Rivers in Piazza Navona cost «onJy» 30.000 once it is over, the beginning of the year will be scudi). The Fabbrica managed to recover some of the difficult and we wiIl have lost an opportunity for money by seJling materials left over from the employing many poor people». demo]ished buildings, either as partíal payment to the Ttwas a prophetic remark, since work began on]y a master masons or e1se to third parties. This is what year later. This long and compJex project had just happened with the tufa stone taken from Raphael' s begun, an enterprise, which was to transform the famous palace (which was knocked down in April, square (considered «outside of every rule in 1671) and the wood from Ferrabosco's tower architecture», into the Church's tangible embrace of (demo]ished in 1660).7 the faithful,11 Figure 3. Pietro Pao]o Drei (an architect who had lthough the project itself had stiIl not been considerab]e experience in supervising bui]ding completely defined at that point (the fina] details were projects, since he had worked on the Fountain of the decided late in 1657), on May 28, 1657 the architect Four Rivers and San!' Agnese in Agone) assumed that Marcantonio De Rossi notified the Fabbrica treasurer the construction site would be completeJy controIled by the Fabbrica, using excIusiveJy Fabbrica workmen. He therefore suggested that buying the freestone from the merchants, and compeIling them by contract to provide a specific quantity of material each year, would give the best results. The quality of the travertine would al so be specified in the contract. The blocks of stone would be transported from the quarries in a rough]y cut state and then be worked on the construction site by crews of Fabbrica stone masons who, since work for them was scarce at that moment, were «idle» and «100king around for something to do». The finished pieces would then be lifted and put in place by the Fabbrica workmen, known as «sampietrini».g Alexander VII shared this view of how the work should be structured. He was initiaIly against the contracting system, because he believed that «work done cheapJy is always less well done».9 Bernini was also convinced that workmen paid on a daily basis Figure 3 produced better quality work and actually defended Carlo Fontana, 1694. Section ofthe Colonnato di San Pietro. this theory in 1665, when discussing work In Tel11plul11vaticanul11 et ipsius origo, 105, Roma: ex management for his never realized Louvre project. typographia Jo. Franeisci Buagni 696 M. G. D' Amelia that «the first boatload of travertine» had arrived».12 The large ilex rulers used to measure the plan were paid for on July 13;" while on July 23 Cardinal Barberini was asked to buy the equipment and materials needed to «start work on the portico» and Bernini was asked to increase the number of workmen (known as scoccioni) employed in the travertine quarries.14 By that date the system for organizing labor on the building site had already been outlined in the «Nota delle provvisioni che si devono fare per li PortiÓ», '5 which reutilizes a method already used successfully on the Fountain of the Four Rivers a few years previously.'ó This fountain was built in the years right before the 1650 Jubilee, a period when construction Figure 4 was going on throughout Rome at a hectic rateo The View of Sto Peter's. (Wolfenbüttel, Herzog August- ] churches of SUohn Lateran, Santi Luca e Martina, Bibliothek, codo Guelf. 36, Extrav., fa 27. Edited by H. Sant'lvo alla Sapienza and the Cornaro Chapel in Hibbard, 1971. Car/o Muderno und ROInan Architecture Santa Maria della Vittoria were all being worked on 1580-1630,53 b, London: A. Zwemmer LId) in that period, along with Palazzo Pamphilj, the Basilica of St.Peter's and other, more ordinary buildings. process, before they were fired. Therefore, they could The Nota provides guidelines for making sure that only start production in the spring of 1657, which provisions of construction material s would be further delayed the start of work on the colonnade. continuous, a crucial issue if the work schedule was This had already happened in 1656. to be respected. To save time, the Fabbrica A monopoly was also established for the tufa representatives ordered that employees should go to blocks (u sed for the walls and foundations), for the the Tivoli quarries as soon as possible to choose the pozzolana and for al!, and I stress al!, of the lime travertine blocks, then have them shipped to Rome, produced in Rome and Tivoli during that space of where they would be measured and cataloged. time. Finally, travertine blocks left over from other lncidentally, the lime was delivered as quicklime in construction work, which were stored in Piazza Santa clumps, and then slaked in a big pit dug in the square, Marta (behind the Basilica), were to be moved out near the fa¡;ade, where it was «more convenient for into the square, so that workmen could start finishing the work». The method used to slake the lime them, Figure 4. involved transporting enormous amounts of water The Fabbrica likewise decided to build shelters in into that area of the construction site. For example, it front of St.Peter's so that the stone masons could took 1700 liters of water to hydrate 500 kilograms of continue working in all weather conditions. This was quicklime, and this would produce just one cubic a mediaeval tradition, which can also be seen in meter of lime putty.17 Apart from this notable amount Renaissance and Baroque iconography. of water, the building site also needed water to wet The Fabbrica also established a monopoly on brick materials before using them, to mix mortar, plaster, supplies, so that the bricks that had already been pigments and sjzing, to cut and polish stones and to made could not be sold to any other construction site, grind down t10ors. The water was provided by a since the estimated time for making al! the bricks special connection to the Acqua Paola aqueduct. necessary for building the colonnade was four The Nota ends with an order to procure the wooden months. In any case, the brick kilns (which were all planks (known as «piane») used for the noor systems concentrated in the area behind Porta Cavallegeri, of the provisional structures, and also to procure all of near St.Peter's) were mostly active in the summer the implements needed by the workmen.J< The wood months, when the heat speeded up the bricks' drying and implements were unusually easy to obtain, The construction techniques and rnethods used for Bernini's colonnade 697 because in 1657 very few construction sites were open in Rome.19 An estimate of costs for contracting the travertine quarries was also drawn up in 1657. This «Nota della spesa» calculates what it would cost to hire a crew of men to quarry one thousand cartloads of travertine j.., (about 335 cubic meters of stone).20 The estimate for six months' work was around 1.100 scudi. This " included all of the equipment (hoes, pickaxes, poles and sledgehammers of every size, ropes and pulJeys, different cuts of wood for provisional structures, and a pump for removing water from the pits) and the wear and tear it would be subjected to, plus animals for transport, renting the quarry, trips to Rome and back to bring the necessary instruments, and living expenses. The estimate also points out that the cost could be reduced if the contractor decided to manage more than one crew of quarrymen, because in that case a lot of the equipment cou]d be shared. The best quality of travertine came from the Tivoli quarries, but merchants also delivered travertine blocks from Fiano and Monterotondo to St.Peter's. These were considered of inferior quality and Bernini regularJy protested about them in the payments,21 Figure 5. Depending on the season, the travertine blocks were either brought to Rome on carts drawn by a team of buffaloes or shipped on boats pulled by a team of oxen, who plodded along the riverbanks of the Aniene and the Tiber. To facilitate the oxen's' passage, the Fabbrica had the banks of both rivers cJeared of trees all the way up to the Traspontina port. Prisoners were sometimes used to do this kind of maintenance (which was essential for the swift delivery of travertine supplies), serving part of their sentence with the work. Figure5 An enormous quantity of freestone was needed for Carlo Fontana, 1694. The architectural urder uf the the project, considering that it was used for the whole Colonnato di San Pietro. In Ternplum vaticanurn el ipsius origo, 105, Roma: ex typographia ]0. Francisci Buagni architectural order of the colonnade (base, column and entablature) «as welJ as the bases for the statues» and for the statues themselves, according to the life- size model which Bernini had buiJt on the square.22 ]ooked so small that he decided to almost double it in Bernini regu]arJy used these models for his work, size, producing the superb aphorism that distance is «because objects don't appear just as they are, but an enemy, against which one must fight in an open a]so in proportion with the objects next to them, and 1'ie]d».'4 this relationship changes their appearance».23 He was In spite of the virtually synchronized way that the openly imitating Miche]angelo's approach for the various phases 01'construction had been organized, a coping on Palazzo Farnese. Michelangelo «made a kind of impatience with the s]owness 01' the work model, and then put it in place height-wise, where it appears in the documents from the very beginning. 698 M. G. D' Amelio

Alexander VII's diary entries start to have an alternated by sections made up of two pieces. No more imperious tone: «March 28 (1659), Friday, this than two pieces could be used for each of the plinths, evening we have ordered Luigi Bernini (Gian bases and capitals.32 The Fabbrica, on the other hand, Lorenzo Bernini's brother and first assistant) to start committed itself to renting a covered working space work on the Borgia tower as soon as possible and to on the square to Appiani, moving the rough stones and speed up work on the colonnade».25 to transporting and installing the finished blocks." With reason: on September 20, 1658, for example, The quantity of columns in the contract is oddly «24 columns of the Vatican theater» had been raised. variable. Appiani had to produce either eighteen or This meant that in slightly more than a fifth of the twenty columns, and the uncertainty of this figure time allotted to build the colonnade, only one eighth was related to the daily work system used by the of the Porta Angelica side had been completed (since Fabbrica stone masons. As mentioned, this system the work was done in circular sections).26 makes it is impossible for the work to follow a strict One of the system's flaws was providing a schedule. The contract therefore foresees the continuous supply of freestone. Because of this lack possibility that if less than twenty columns «with a of material, two years after work had begun there was diameter of six palmi, eight ancie and one fifth» a surplus of stone masons (<

Work seemed to progress more rapid]y in this new And on the foJlowing day some oí' the many structure. For example, the stone masons and operations carried out included: bricklayers were very well synchronized, as can be seen in Benedetto Drei's Diario dei iavori dei Partid - finishing the shaft of the second column oí' the circoiari, written between September 4, 1659 and second row of the northern side, towards December 13, 1662.35 Borgo, positioning 9 missing sections; Just to get an idea of what went on work-wise - installing a piece of cornice above the entrance every day, on September 17, 1659 the workmen were in the northern wing and the capitals on two used to pilasters; - positioning the plinth and base of the fourth - Position the last four segments of the shaft of co]umn of the second row, from the Vatican the second column on the second row of the Palace towards the middle oí' the co]onnade; southern side of the colonnade towards Borgo; - instaJling two sections oí' the third column of - move the scaffolding, consisting in wooden the second row, from the Vatican Palace structures composed of vertical elements towards the middIe of the colonnade; (caJled candeie), with many joists on different - assembIing and bracing the antenna, which levels and mounted on wheels, so they could be was about sixteen meters high and made of moved wherever needed (see table X in J wooden beams connected by vertical clamps, castelli e ponti di Mastro Nicoia Zabagiia, with a transversal section caJled the faicone.36 Roma 1743); The antenna was connected to a pulley with a - transport one of the many antenne (a device vertical spindle used to wind up the rope used for raising weights, similar to a modern connected to the object that had to be lifted. crane) used on the building site beside the base of the third column in the third row in the Work therefore continued at an impressive rate, middle towards Borgo: It was to be used to !ift and reading the diary one is amazed at how easily some column segments which the stone masons they shifted about the great construction machines had just finished. Moving the columns with the and mobile scaffo]ding, which were far more versatile antenna was easy because it was not fixed in to use than fixed scaffo]ding, Figure 7. When it the ground but mounted on a thick board with rained, and the bricklayers were therefore unab]e to logs underneath, which functioned Jike wheels work, they were sent to the stone masons' shelters, (see table VII of Zabaglia 1743; the author where they picked up marb]e chips Jeft over from sketch es and describes the antenne used for the working the travertine, which were then sent to the co]onnade ); limekiJns to be melted down. In spite of aJl this - instaJl on the base mentioned above four activity, between late 1660 and earJy 1661 (before the segments of the shaft, reaching the height of 13 southern side of the colonnade was started) there was palmi (about 2.90 meters; each segment weighs still some ta]k oí' how to speed up the work pace. on average about 2 tons); Father Virgilio Spada in particular suggested that - position the capital s of the two pilasters of the the new wing's foundations shouJd be dug second row in the middle towards the Vatican immediately, so that the tinished columns cou]d be Palace; instaJled,«otherwise it would be hard to distinguish - close the brick arch above the architrave of the between the mass of finished and unfinished things in en trance in axis with the obelisk; the square»Y A]exander VII had quite a different - position the base of the last pi]aster of the third opinion (so did Bernini) and wanted the Porta row from the Vatican Palace to the center of the Ange!ica side of the coIonnade to be completed colonnade; before starting work on the other side. But Spada's - install the plinth of the fourth column of the view was snpported by the fact that it wouId take a second row from the Vatican PaIace to the long time to tinish the Porta Angelica wing, «since it center of the colonnade; will be necessary ( . . . ) to secure the waJls so that they don't damage the stability of the palace nearby, 700 M. G. D' Amelio

A contract was 1'inally signed early in 1661 with 1'our master masons, Simone Brogi, Gio Albino Augustoni, Giacomo Pelle and Piero Ostini, who agreed to 1'inish the 1'irst side of the colonnade and to build the new one, providing «all the materials».39 In this kind 01' agreement, the master builders are the legal contractors 01' the work, making a commitment both to do the work and to procure all the materials and equipment needed 1'or the construction,40 Figure 8. These master builders then rented the materials and equipment from the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro. Many construction sites in Rome during the Renaissance and Baroque period did this, because small crews of workmen could not afford to buy and maintain scaf1'olding and machinery, ropes, hardware and cranes. The Fabbrica, as a result of the great

Figure 7 Lievin Cruyl, 1666. View of St. Peter' s. Prospectus Locorum Urbis Romae Insign(ium), Roma: Romae Typis Joannis Baptistae de Rubeis (Edited by J. Connors and L. Rice, \991. Specchio di Roma Barocc'a. Una Cuida in edita del XVII secolo, 17, Roma: Edizioni dell'Elefante)

so we must consider that making this wing is like a slow fever and we must be patient, medicating it bit by bit». During that period Spada was also busy contracting the masonry work, trying to save forty to fifty thousand scudi on the original estimate for the southem side of the colonnade.3R This proved to be quite difficult, because the master builders had strong financial reasons for not wanting to build the colonnade's foundations and Figure 8 roofing. These were, in fact, the least profitable parts Lievin Cruy\, 1666. View of St. Peter's. In Prospectus to build of any structure, and the hard work and poor Locorum Urhis Romae Insign(ium), Roma: Romae Typis pay they required were usually balanced by the more Joannis Baptistae de Rubeis (Edited by J. Connors and L. remunerative solid parts of the building, which of Rice, 1991. Specchio di Roma Barocca. Una Cuida inedita course don't exist in a colonnade del XVII seco lo, 18, Roma: Edizioni dell'Elefante) The construction techniques and methods used for Bernini's colonnade 701 building activity in St. Peter's during the l6'h century, 2; for the sections quoted here, see Morello 1991, owned a huge quantity of equipment, machinery and 321-340. building materials, which were kept either in the 2. BV, codo Chigi H II 22, f. 126. Bernini did not initially receive any extra payment for the work (except for the numerous storerooms inside the Basilica or just nearby. «molding on an arch, which will be used for the whole Equipment consigned to the workmen was portico»), because it was supposed to be pan of his recorded by the Fabbrica steward in the Libro delle duties as Architect of the Fabbrica di San Pietro, a Robe Prestate a list of which inc!uded details such as position he held from 1629. The Fabbrica's foreman quantity, what state the equipment was in and its and steward supervised the construction site (BV, codo estimated value. This equipment was not real!y Chigi H II 22, f. 136-137). «borrowed»: the book actually lists the Fabbrica's 3. According to Moroni Romano 1842,253, «fabbrica» in sale of building materials (lime, pozzolana, wood and ecclesiastical terms means «the revenue used for a freestone) and renting tools and machinery church' s upkeep, covering repairs and ornamentation as (scaffolding, pulleys, hoists and antenne). When well as everything needed for religious ceremonies». these objects were returned, another estimate of their For the Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro. which in the 16lh century was still called the Collegio Fabricae value was made and written down in the book, noting Basilica, see Del Re 1969; Basso 1987; L. Rice 1997, wear and tear caused by use. To the cost of this wear 7-11; Jones 2000, 399-407 and F. Quinterio 1983, and tear was added the full cost of equipment which 361-378. could no longer be used. The master masons paid for 4. For opposition to the portico see BV, codo Chigi H II 22, renting the equipment and for buying materials, and f. 97; for the epidemic, Gigli 1994, 2: 763; for the need the Fabbrica steward sent a note with the sum they to built a colonnade, see Diary, August 27, f. 21 v, col. owed to the Fabbrica accountant, which was then 2. detracted from their earnings.41 5. For how the building site was organized, see BV, codo On March 28 of that year (1661), Drei recorded in Chigi H II 22, f. 102-103. his diary that «We have stopped directly employing 6. BV, codo Chigi H II 22, f. 102-103. The document is dated by Pesco 1988, 45. Drei was the Fabbrica's the Fabbrica stone masons and started contracting the steward from October 1, 1637 to October 30,1638. He work».42 On this date, therefore, the Fabbrica became theFabbrica foreman on November 27 of that completely changed their work system, to resolve same year and kept the position until the day of his problems which they could not resolve by managing death on November 8, 1656, Archivio della Reverenda the workmen directly.4J With the old system, the Fabbrica di San Pietro (AFSP), armadio 26, ripiano D, Congregazione della Fabbrica had to shoulder costs volume 272 and armadio 26, ripiano E, volume 305. which included paying for eight crews of stone 7. AFSP, armadio 12, ripiano A, volume 63. Raphael's masons, each composed of si x men, for the palace at that time be10nged to the Priorato dell'Ordine brickJayers, for horses to pul! the carts and for the di Malta (AFSP, armadio 1, ripiano B, volume 20). For hoists, for the wear and tear of equipment and the decision to sell salvaged materia1s: AFSP, armadio 11, ripiano G, volume 48. building machinery, for transporting the stone. And . Usually all the material s salvaged from demolished these costs in particular had become unbearably buildings were either recycled or sold on request to heavy, especially in proportion to how slowly the other construction sites. The travenine dismantled from work progressed during the period when the Bernini' s bell-tower, for example. was sold to the «Fabbrica did everything by itself». building sites of the Campidoglio and San!' Agnese in The Fabbrica was admitting to an operational crisis Agone (AFSP, armadio 26, ripiano E, vol 303). which, though it did not greatly affect the works final 8. Payments for the work are listed in the stone masons quality, c!early revealed that, at least in terms of time a1phabetica] account book from May 18, 1657 to ] and costs, the initial planning was a complete failure. October 31, 659 (AFSP, annadio 16, ripiano A, volume 164). 9. BV, codo Chigi H TI 22, f. 351. ]0. Quoted from Chantelou (1665) 1946,89. NOTES 11. For how the project was developed, see Brauer and Wittkower ]931, 64-102; Thoenes (1962) 1998, 11-47; 1. Alexander VII's diary (Diary hereafter) is in the Vatican Haus 1970,7-16; Kitao 1974; BirindeUi 1980; Borsi Apostolic Library (BV), codo Chigi O IV 58, f. 19, col. 1980,64-96; Fagiolo ]982, 117-132; Rietbergen 1982, 702 M. G. D'Amelio

295-358; Haus 1983, 291-315; Krautheimer 1987, foreman of the Fabbrica from March 1, 1657 to July 13, 71-80 e 175-180; Marder 1997,82-105; Marder 1998, 1675, The Diary provides abundant information about 126-150; Roca De Amicis 2000, 283-306. For the the timing of the work, AFSP, armadio 17, ripiano E, chronology and for Mons, Luca Holstenio's role, see volume 29. Pesco 1988. 36. For a description of the antenna see Zabaglia 1743, tav, 12. On September 15 Leonardo Agostini wrote in a 1etter to 1I; tav. VII. Cardinal Leopoldo de' Medici: «Although the 37. BV, codo Chigi H II 22, [ 183. foundations are being 1aid with the greatest speed, the 38. The «Scrittura di monsignor Spada per ]' apula con i final project has still not been decided» Florence State muratori» (BV, codo Val. Lal. 7939, [311-313) is dated Archives, carteggio artisti 17, [35. AFSP, armadio 55, by Pesco 1988, 82. The «Scandaglio di tutta la spesa che ripiano G, volume 336/337, va in fare il Portico dalla parte verso Cesis» is in BV, 13. AFSP, armadio 25, ripiano A, volume 31. codo Chigi H 1122, f. 201. 14. Diary, [ 50v, col. 2. 39. AFSP, armadio 16, ripiano A, volume164; the masons 15. AFSP, armadio 7, ripiano F, v01ume 466. started to work regu1arly on Fcbruary 28, 1661, AFSP, 16. Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei and Corsiniana armadio 27, ripiano A, volume 334; for thc contract for Library, Codice Corsiniano 167. the southern wing, see BV, codo Chigi H TI 22. 17. Manuale dell'Architetto 1962,41. 40. For a typical example of one of the many all-inclusive 18. A piana is a specitic cut of timber (between 270 and contracts «a tutta roba» see «Obbligo di Giuseppe 335 cm long., lO and 20 cm wide and 6 cm thick.), Bucimazzi di Rocca di Mezzo per realizzare le Ischio is a variety of oak, Scavizzi 1983, 37-42. fondazioni per i portici de San Pietro profondi 12 palmi 19, Pietro Paolo Drei writes that this type of equipment con tutti i suoi ferramenti» (AFSP, armadio 7, rip. F, vol «can be found easily, particular1y right now, when many 466), master builders are selling them, because with thc 41. The 1ist of «Munizioni (building materials and present sacristy of construction sites, the equipment is a equipment) restituite alla R.da Fabbrica di San Pietro [ useless expense», BV, codo Chigi H 1I22, 102-103. dalli capomastri muratori consegnati al Giacomo 20. AFSP, armadio 7, ripiano F, volume 466. Travertine Ba1simelli fattore» in 1666 (AFSP, armadio 12, ripiano was also quarried seasonally, from October to Apri1, to E, volume 6) records the rented equipment and provides prevent the spread of malaria among the quarry measurements of the scatfolding and antenne used on workers, Scavizzi 1983,43, the construction site.. 21. AFSP, armadio 38, ripiano D, volume 40. Contracts for 42. AFSP, armadio 17, ripiano E, volume 29, the travertine were stipulated with Andrea Appiani, 43. «Ragione per qual causa la Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pierleone Naldini, Gio Francesco Ghetti, Carlo Pietro ha dato il restante del lavoro delli portici di Pervisani, Bonifazio Perti, Pietro Grassi and Pietro scalpellino alli 4 mercanti» (<

D' Amelio, Maria Grazia. 2002, Il ruolo della Reverenda Manuale dell'Arehitetto. 1962. Edited by del Consiglio Fabbrica di San Pietro nei cantieri di Roma tra Nazionale delle Ricerche. 41. Spoleto-Roma: Arti rinascimento e barocco. Romisehe Historisehe Grafiche Panetto & Petrelli. Mitteilunge, 391-422,44. Mercantini. Maria. 1981. Due disegni inediti herniniani per del Pesco, Daniela. 1988. Colonnato di San Pietro «Dei pia¿¿a S. Pietro, Citta di Castello: Societa Tipografica Portiei antiehi e la loro diversita». Con un 'ipotesi di Editorial e cronologia. Roma: Il universita di Roma. Morello, Giovanni. 1981. Bernini e i lavori a San Pietro nel Del Re, Nicola. 1969. La Sacra Congregazione della «diario» di Alessandro VII. in Bernini in Vatieano. Reverenda Fabbrica di San Pietro. StUdi Romani, Exhibit book-catalougue Roma Braccio di Carlo Magno, 288-301, XVII-3. 321-340, Roma: De Luca Editore. Fagiolo, Marcello. 1982, Arche-tipologia della piazza di S. Moroni Romano, Gaetano. 1840-1861. Dizionario di Pietro. In Immagini del Baroeco. Bernini e la Cultura del erudizione storieo-eeclesiastica da san Pietro sino ai seicento, edited by G. Spagnesi and M. Fagiolo Roma, nostri giorni, XXII: 253, Venezia: Tipografia Emiliana. 117-132, Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia Treccani. Quinterio. Francesco. 1983. lntroduzione al cantiere Gigli. Giacinto. 1994. Diario di Roma (1608-/670), edited berniniano. In Cian Lorenzo Bernini Architetto e by M. Sarberito, 2: 763. Roma: Editore Colombo. I'architettura europea de/ Sei-Settecento. edited by G. Haus, Andreas. 1970. Der Petersplatz in Rom und sein Spagnesi and M. Fagiolo, 1: 361-378, Roma: Istituto Statuensehmuck. Neue Beitriige, Freiburg i. Sr.-Berlino della Enciclopedia Treccani. Haus Andreas. 1983. Piazza S. Pietro. Concetto e Forma. In Rietbergen Peter. 1983. Pausen. Prelaten. Bureaucraten: Cian Lorenzo Bernini Architetto e I'arehitettura europea Aspeeten van de geschiedenis van het Pausschap en de del Sei-Settecento, edited by G. Spagnesi and M. Fagiolo, Pauselijke Staat in de 17e Eeuw, 295-358, Nijmegen: 291-315. Roma: Istituto della Enciclopedia Treccani. Rice, Louise. 1997. The Altars and Aitarpieces (lf New St. Jones. Iris. 2000. L'archivio della Fabbrica di San Pietro. In Peter' s-Outfitting the Basilica. /62/-1666, 7-11, La hasiliea di San Pietro in Vaticano, edited by A. Cambridge:University Press. Pinelli, 399-407, Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini. Roca De Amicis, Augusto. 2000. La Piazza. In La Basiliea Kitao. Timothy Kitao. ]974. Circle and Oval in the square di San Pietro in Vaticano, edited by A. Pinelli. 283-306, ofSaint Peter's, NewYork: Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini. University press. Scavizzi, Paola C. 1983. Edilizia nei seco/i XVII e XVIII a Krautheimer, Richard. r1985J 1987. Roma di A/essandro Roma, 37-42; 43, Roma: Ministero per i Beni CultUrali e VII. /655-1667, 71-80; 175-180. Roma: Edizione Ambientali. dell'Elefante. Thoenes, Christoph. [1962] 1998. StUdi sulla storia di piazza Marder, Tod A. 1997. Cian Lorenzo Bernini, 82-105. Hong San Pietro. In idem, Sostegno e adornamento. 11-47, Kong: Rizzo]i. Mi]ano: Electa. Marder, Tod A. 1998. Bernini' s Sca/a Regia at the Vatiean Pulace. 126-150, Cambridge: University Press.