J'ouvert in Brooklyn Carnival: Revitalizing Steel Pan and Ole Mas Traditions Author(S): Ray Allen Source: Western Folklore, Vol

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J'ouvert in Brooklyn Carnival: Revitalizing Steel Pan and Ole Mas Traditions Author(s): Ray Allen Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 58, No. 3/4, Studies of Carnival in Memory of Daniel J. Crowley (Summer - Autumn, 1999), pp. 255-277 Published by: Western States Folklore Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1500461 Accessed: 22-04-2015 17:46 UTC

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This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'ouvertin Brooklyn Carnival: Revitalizing SteelPan and Ole Mas Traditions'

RAY ALLEN

The rumbleof distantdrums rolls across ProspectPark, breaking the pre-dawntranquility that envelopes central Brooklyn on Labor Day morning. Mywatch says 4 a.m.-theJ'Ouvert celebration must be underway.Qui- etlyslipping out of myapartment into the cool of the night,I note the ironyof being late forCarnival, an eventthat by naturedefies time. Still, I quicken mypace, cuttingacross the park,drawn towards the percussive din and faintstrains of steelpan. Emergingnear the zoo entranceon Flat- bush Avenue, I come face to face witha group of devils.Cheap plastic hornsadorn heads smearedin red paintand facespowdered with white talcum. The ghoulishrevelers have surroundedthe Pantonicssteel orchestra, a band of fiftysteel pan playersand percussionistsmounted on two-story moveable racks.The devils,along withhundreds of less elaboratelyclad partygoers,are 'jumping up" and "winingdown" to the Pantonic's ren- dition of the popular calypso "In My House." The band and dancers pulse as one, inching down the road towardEmpire Boulevard,then bumpingup againstthe Adlib Steelband and merginginto a mile-longsea of humanity.The scene turnssurreal as I pass a huge bank of temporary lightsthat cut throughthe thickpredawn mist, illuminating the fervent crowd and the scores of police who line the streetand look on with greatdisinterest. For the next twohours I ease myway toward the frontof the "parade," passinga dozen steelbands and thousandsof merrymakers,some dressed as devils,ghosts, witches, African warriors and unrulyslaves, others in old ragssmeared with grease, mud, and paint.Many of the partygoers,dressed

WesternFolklore 58 (Summer/Fall,1999):255-77 255

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 256 WESTERN FOLKLORE in plain streetclothes, simplyline along the sides, sipping beers and sodas, enjoyingthe steelbandmusic and ole mas costumes,and dodging overzealousdevils who occasionallysling mud or paintinto the crowd.As the nighttimeslips into dawn,the J'Ouvert procession lurches down Nos- trandAvenue, past Gloria'sRoti Shop and Alan's Caribbean Bakery,and finallybegins to winddown. I catchmy breath, and likethousands of other participants,wonder if I willhave the energyto makeit up to EasternPark- waylater that afternoon for the main Carnivalevent.

For more than a centuryJ'Ouvert2 "break of day" processionshave markedthe opening of Carnivalin Trinidad.Held in the predawnhours of CarnivalMonday, J'Ouvert evolved from 19th century Canboulay fes- tivals-nighttimecelebrations where ex-slaves gathered to masquerade,sing, and dance in commemorationof theiremancipation.3 When the tradition was incorporatedinto Trinidad's pre-Lenten Carnival, J'Ouvert became an arena forAfrican-derived percussion, witty satire singing, sardonic cos- tuming,and, more recently,lively steelband music (Hill 1972: 84-99; Stuempfle1995: 203-204). In contrastto the bright,fancy pageantry of Mondayand Tuesdayafternoon Carnival, Jouvert's gruesome devils and mud-coveredrevelers personify what folkloristStephen Stuempflehas called the "underworlddimension of Carnival...grimand sinisterchar- acters, dirtyand coarse costumes,and aggressiveverbal and physical action" (Stuempfle1995: 204). Historically,J'Ouvert's demonic and satir- ical masquerading,coupled withdense percussionand steel pan music, manifestCarnival's deepest challenge to order and authority,and for Trinidadian novelistEarl Lovelace, the essence of the "Emancipation spirit"(Lovelace 1998: 54). In Brooklyn,home to the largestWest Indian communityoutside the Caribbeanand hostto a Labor Day Carnivalthat draws close to twomillion participantseach year,J'Ouvert is a relativelynew phenomenon.Over the pastdecade Brooklyn'sJ'Ouvert has grownfrom small groups of Dimanche Gras (Fat Sunday) revelersto a massivepredawn celebrationattracting nearly100,000 steelband and old mas enthusiasts.This inquirywill trace the emergenceof Brooklyn'sJ'Ouvertfestival in the largercontext of New YorkCarnival, and considerthe event'srole in the revitalizationof older Carnivaltraditions in Brooklyn'sTrinidad-American community.4

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TRINIDAD CARNIVALIN HARLEM AND BROOKLYN Throughoutthe late 1920s and early1930s indoor Carnivalballs and danceswere common in Harlem'ssmall West Indian community,but itwas not until the mid-1930sthat two homesickTrinidadians, Rufus Gorin andJesseWattle, began organizingoutdoor Carnival parties. In 1947,Wat- tle managed to get an officialpermit to close Lenox Avenue for a Trinidad-styleCarnival parade featuringfancy costumed mas (masquerade) bands. In deferenceto the New Yorkclimate, the celebrationwas held in early September,on the Monday of Labor Day weekend, ratherthan duringthe traditionalmid-winter, pre-Lenten Carnival season (Hill 1994: 48-9;Kasinitz 1992: 140-141). The earlyHarlem parade, was,by Trinidadian Carnival standards, rel- ativelyconventional. Throughout the 1950s,the NewYork Amsterdam News describedthe HarlemCarnival as an orderlyprocession of politicians,dig- nitaries,beauty queens, floats,and costumeddancers.5 Police barricades separatedparade spectatorsfrom marchers, with the formeroften num- beringover 100,000.6Panman Caldera Caraballo (1996) recallsthat the event was "a restrictedparade, not reallya Carnival,"as only invited guests,masquerade bands, and communityorganizations were allowed to march. Music was provided by conventionalAmerican-style marching bands and by Trinidadianbrass (calypso) bands perched on floatsand small trucks.Calypso singerslike MacBeth the Great frontedthe brass bands, projectingtheir voices withthe aid of a microphoneand a small public addresssystem. Band leader RudyKing claims to havebrought the first steelband to the Harlem Carnival,sometime in the mid-1950s(King 1995). The crowdon Lenox Avenuewas, according to King,quite delighted,and began spon- taneouslydancing around the orchestraas the panmen moved up the avenue. By the late 1950s, King's band wasjoined on Lenox Avenue by Lawrence "Pops" MaCarthy'sHarlem All Stars and Caldera Caraballo's Moderneres.These steelorchestras were not officiallyaffiliated with a masquerade band, nor were theyformally invited by the parade organizers. King (1995) recallsjust "showingup, in the spiritof Carnival."Caraballo (1996) claimsthe Carnivalofficials were concerned that steelbands might disruptthe otherwiseorderly event: 'You see thiswas a real parade thatwas tryingto startat point A and end at point B," he recalls,"and the steelbands could sloweverything down, with all the people comingout on the streetand dancing around us. So theykept us in the rear."But the steel bands were toleratedby the organizersbecause theywanted to showcase authenticTrinidadian culture, and pan had become, by the late 1950s,a

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 258 WESTERN FOLKLORE central component of the Carnival celebrationback home in Port of Spain. Worriesabout disruptivebehavior became a realityduring the 1961 Harlem parade when a fightbroke out betweena panman and a parade spectator.According to an eyewitnessreport in the New YorkAmsterdam News,a steelbandmarcher crashed his pan againstthe head of an over-zeal- ous parade-goerwho was attemptingto grab his instrument.Band members and spectatorsbegan to shoveone anotheras bottlesand bricksflew. Duringthe ensuingscuffle ten people werearrested for disorderly conduct. The 9 September 1961 headline of the New YorkAmsterdam News pro- claimed "WestIndian Day Parade Ends in Riot." Meanwhile,tensions surrounding the burgeoningcivil rights movement weremaking local authoritiesincreasingly wary of largegatherings of black people. Memoriesof the 1961 disturbance,coupled witha rock-throwing incidentat the 1964 Harlem Carnival,led to the revocationof the Lenox Avenue parade permit. Rufus Gorin moved to Brooklyn,where he attemptedto reestablisha Labor Day Carnival.Following the 1965 immi- grationreforms, central Brooklyn was rapidlybecoming the hub of West Indian culturein New YorkCity. For severalyears Gorin's Carnivalcele- brationstook the formof huge block partiesand spontaneousparades in Brooklyn'sCrown Heights and BedfordStuyvesant neighborhoods. At some pointin the late 1960san energeticyoung man of Trinidadianparentage, CarlosLezama, tookthe reinsfrom Gorin and formedWest Indian Amer- ican Day Association(later renamed the WestIndian AmericanDay Car- nivalAssociation, or WIADCA) (Hall 1999). In 1971 Lezama obtained a permit to hold Carnival on Eastern Parkway,Olmstead's magnificent boulevardthat extends eastward from Brooklyn's Grand Army Plaza, past the growingWest Indian neighborhoods in Crown Heights and Flat- bush.7 Throughoutthe late 1960s,prior to the establishmentof the Eastern Parkwayroute, steelbands played informallyat Carnivalblock partiesin Crown Heights. In 1971, approximatelysix steelbands turned out for the EasternParkway Carnival "parade." Several, like Rudy King's Tropicans, were relativelysmall ensembles (twenty to thirtyplayers) whose members stillwore singlepans strappedaround theirnecks (King 1995). But Win- stonMonroe (1996) recallsthat his Panmastersfeatured seventy-five players, manyof whom played multiplepans stackedon racks and wagons whichwere in turn"pulled" up theparkway by fans and costumeddancers. The bands playedlively calypso tunes with heavy percussion accompani- ment,and providedmusic for the variousmasquerade bands whosemem-

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYN CARNIVAL 259 bers 'jumped up" (danced) as theyprocessed up the parkway.While steelbandswere the main source of music,Monroe recallsseveral lightly amplifiedcalypso brass bands on flatbedtrucks. Herman Hall, WIADCA's public relationscoordinator in the early1970s and todaythe publisherof Everybody'Magazine, remembers a truck-mountedHaitian pop band, as well as Panamanian and Costa Rican streetbands at the firstEastern Parkway Carnival(Hall 2000). Like its Harlem predecessor,the originalEastern ParkwayCarnival attemptedto followa prescribedparade route.But the huge Brooklyncel- ebrationproved harder to control,and eventuallyexhibited more of the chaotic revelrythat characterizedCarnival in Trinidad. The New York AmsterdamNeas, 7 September1974, reportedan "unstructured"event in which"the spectator is at timescelebrant; the celebrantspectator." Based on the Trinidadianmodel, earlyEastern Parkway Carnival had become a wild spectacle of fancymasquerade bands and steel orchestrasjammed togetherwith thousands of dancing spectators(see also Hill 1994: 62-64, Kasinitz1992: 140-159and Nunley1988: 166-170). In additionto the Mondayafternoon Eastern Parkway parade, WIADA establisheda seriesof Carnivalrelated stage-shows behind the Brooklyn Museum (located near the head of EasternParkway) over the Labor Day weekend. The 1971 programincluded performancesby the Sunlander Steelband,a calypsoorchestra led by Dapane Weekes,and a Caribbean dance theaterensemble, as well as a parade of Carnivalqueens (NewYork AmsterdamNews, 11 September1971). By the mid-1970swell publicized calypsoand reggaeconcerts, a Carnivalking and queen costumecontest, a steelpan competition("Panorama"), and a Sundaynight Dimanche Gras extravaganzawere drawinghuge crowdsto the BrooklynMuseum (Hill 1994). A "KiddieCarnival" was added on Saturdayafternoon to attractfam- ilies. Buoyedby surging West Indian immigrationinto central Brooklyn, the entireCarnival celebration grew rapidly. Estimates vary, but bythe parade's thirdyear the NewYork Amsterdam News reported that a crowdof 800,000 spectatorswatched while "severalthousand Caribbean nationals gaily dressedin a varietyof colorfulcostumes strutted proudly down the Park- wayto the rhythmof steelbands"(8 September1973). In 1975 theNew York Timesreported the Carnivalattracted a crowdof 300,000 (2 September 1975); a 1977 articleproclaimed that 750,000 to a millionrevelers were "dancingin the streets"at "Brooklyn'sWest Indian Fete" (NewYork Times, 6 September1977). Carnival continued to expand in the 1980s, with Lezama and the

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WIADCA fendingoff efforts of rivalfactions to move the parade to Man- hattan (Kasinitz1992: 142-3). The parade did, however,become increas- inglypoliticized, as Cityofficials sought to appeal to the growingWest Indian votingblock. Ethnic tensions occasionally boiled overbetween the West Indian communityand the Hasidic Jewsof the Lubavitchersect whose worldheadquarters is located along the EasternParkway Carnival route. In 1991, followingthe Crown Heights riots,and again in 1994 when Labor Day and Rosh Hashanah fellon the same date, the Hasidic leaders unsuccessfullytried to cancel Carnival (Kasinitz1998: 105-110). For threedecades Lezama and WIADCA have adroitlynavigated Car- nivalthrough the treacherouswaters of New YorkCity's ethnic politics. By the mid-1990sBrooklyn Carnival was being hailed as the largestethnic parade in America (CaribNews, 3 September1996), drawinga crowdof over twomillion spectators, and generatingmillions of dollarsin business forNew YorkCity (Noel 1994). Bannersproclaiming corporate sponsorship of masquerade bands and floats-bothfrom local businessesand larger companies such as WesternUnion, Mobil, and AT&T-have become more prominentalong the Parkwayroute, and live televisioncoverage (beginningin 1995) has promptedorganizers to stickto a tightersched- ule and to keep participantsfrom drifting off the parade route (Pierre- Pierreand Sengupta 1998). While the basic Trinidadianmodel of largemasquerade bands dancing to popularcalypso music has prevailedfor thirty years, there have been sig- nificantchanges in the styleand transmissionof thelatter. In thelate 1960s and early 1970s, nearlyall of the music on Eastern Parkwaywas provided by live steelbands which were hired by individual masquerade bands,or whojust "showed"up withtheir own followers. But thisbegan to change by the mid-1970swith the emergenceof soca, a new Trinidadian pop stylethat fused traditional calypso singing with elements of black Amer- ican soul and disco music. Like Jamaican reggae,which was becoming increasinglypopular among Brooklyn'syounger West Indians in the early 1970s,soca's heavybass lines and mechanical drum rhythmsreflected a new, high-volumemusical sensibility.Record-spinning deejays, broad- castingover powerfulsound systems,produced loud, bass heavydance music that no conventionalsteelband could come close to matching. When mounted on flatbedtrucks, the new sound systemswere easily integratedinto Carnival street processions. The resultswere devastating for acousticsteelbands that could not take advantageof the new technology, and followingtrends in Trinidad,Brooklyn's masquerade bands turnedto truck-mountedsound systemsfor their Carnival music.

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The transitionfrom acoustic steel pan to deejay and heavilyamplified liveband musicwas gradualbut unrelenting. Anthropologist Don Hill,writing about his experienceson EasternParkway in the mid-1970s,reported a mix of steelbands and amplified combo/brass bands mounted on trucks,with the latterplaying Jamaican reggae, Trinidadian soca and calypso,Bajan spooge, and Haitian "pop meranges"(Hill 1981: 35). In 1982 Herman Hall, in a lengthyCarnival review for his Brooklyn-based Everybody'Magazine, observed steelbands, and truck-mounteddiscos, the latter"blasting" the latestsoca hits(Hall 1982: 21). When thisauthor first began attendingCarnival in 1984, the musicwas evenlydivided between steelbandsand truckswith deejays or amplifiedlive bands. By the late 1980s sociologist Philip Kasinitz noted that mas bands were more likelyto employ deejays with loud sound systemsthan traditionalsteelbands (Kasinitz 1992: 145). EthnomusicologistGage Averillcomplained that the steelband he was followingat the 1990 Carnival could hardlybe heard over the din of amplifiedsoca (Averill1998: 117). The New York Times,in a 3 September1991 accountof Carnival,reported "A succession of flatbedtrucks carried bands and enormousloudspeakers" down Eastern Parkway.Writing for the CaribNews in 1994, Michael Robertsconcluded thatthe steelbandson the Parkwayhad been "upstaged"by deejayswith high-techsounds systems(1994: 61). Newspaperaccounts of the Parkway celebrationin the mid and later1990s increasingly focused on deejaysand sound systemsrather than steelbands: And EasternParkway will be the scene of the deejay clash as huge speakers,state-of-the-art amplified sounds and high-techsystems willblast the soca music to the delightof millionswho willbe chip- ping down Eastern Parkwayfor Labor Day. Without the deejays thereis no party(Carib News, 7 September1999:27). By the late 1990s pan had nearlydisappeared from the Parkway.8 The declineof steelbandson EasternParkway, as in Trinidad,is due primarilyto competitionfrom the sound systemsand amplifiedbrass bands.9 As Martin Douglas of the Invaders Steel Orchestraput it: "The steelbands just can't get fitin between the deejays and theirheavy electric equipmentany more; after your ears acclimateto the loudness,there is no wayyou can hear steelpan" (Douglas 1998). But Herman Hall pointsout thatpolitical tensions between Brooklyn's steel orchestrasand WIADCA date back to the early1970s when some of the bands were caughtin the crossfirebetween Lezama and rivalswho soughtto set up an alternative Carnival.The panmen,Hall recalls,never felt included in WIADCA, and

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 262 WESTERN FOLKLORE at timeswere not totallywelcomed on the Parkway,where some critics claimed they"slowed down" the parade-whichof course,in the spiritof Carnival,they did (Hall 2000). Such attitudes,coupled withlack of ade- quate financialcompensation from WIADCA or the mas bands,have, over the years,fostered a sense of ambivalenceon the partof manypan players towardthe Parkwaycelebration. As Brooklyn'ssteelbands were gradually pushed out of theEastern Park- wayparade, theyturned their focus to the WIADCA's big Panorama con- testthat was held behind the BrooklynMuseum on the Saturdayevening priorto Labor Day. Tensionsbetween the pan communityand WIADCA notwithstanding,Panorama, with its lure of competitionand prizemoney, flourishedduring the 1990s,attracting nearly a dozen bands annually.'0The successof Panoramadid not,however, satiate the desires of manypan players and theirfollowers to bringsteelband music back to the streets.The driveto reunitepan and "playingmas" eventuallyled to the emergenceof a new componentfor Brooklyn Carnival, the predawn J'Ouvert celebration.

J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYNCARNIVAL There are reportsdating back to the late 1970s of informalgroups of Dimanche Gras revelers,playing cuatros and percussion instruments, processingthrough the streets of Flatbush, moving from one late-nightSun- dayfete to the next (JCIBooklet 1997). But itwas not untilthe mid-1980s, claims panman Earl King, thatsteelbands became involvedin J'Ouvert activities.According to King,it was duringthe earlyhours of Labor Day morning(perhaps in 1985) when a fewmembers of the Pan Rebels Steel Orchestraventured out fromtheir pan yardon WoodruffStreet near Flat- bush Avenueand began playingon the sidewalk,attracting a crowdof all- nightpartygoers (King 1996). TonyTribuse, a memberof Pan Rebelsband thatparticipated in the firstJ'Ouvert,recalls thata group of fifteenpan playersand masqueradersdressed in pajama costumes began moving downFlatbush Avenue. Tribuse claims the group picked up otherlate-night revelersfrom neighborhood parties and dance halls,and returnedto their pan yard with a crowd of nearly100 (Tribuse 1998). The Pan Rebels repeatedthe performancefor several years, and eventuallywere joined by the Golden StarsSteel Band, the MetroSteel Orchestra, and theJuJuJam- mers mas band. By the late 1980s, a small group of steel and mas bands were processingaround Flatbushand BedfordAvenues early Labor Day morning,staking out an informalroute throughthe heartof Brooklyn's WestIndian community. As the impromptuJ'Ouvertcelebration grew in size,organizers realized

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYN CARNIVAL 263 theywould need to create a more formalstructure to avoid conflictwith the authorities.In 1994 Earl King establishedJ'Ouvert City International (JCI), a not-for-profitorganization meant to coordinate the J'Ouvert event.With the assistanceof local politiciansand the police of Brooklyn's 67th Precinct,the organizationwas grantedpermission to parade from WoodruffStreet up Flatbush Avenue, across LeffertsAvenue (later changed to Empire Boulevard), and down NostrandAvenue to Linden Boulevard, beginning at three o'clock on Labor Day morning (King 1996) .11 In order to attractmore pan and mas bands, King and his associates establishedJ'Ouvert competitions. In 1994 viewingsights were set up along the routein frontof sponsoringbusinesses (Alan's CaribbeanBak- ery,Scoops Ice Cream Parlor,and Mike's InternationalRestaurant), and trophyawards were given for the best steelband calypso, "bomb" tune (non- calypsopop tunearranged with a calypsobeat), and mas costume.The fol- lowingyear small cash prizes were offered.In 1997 first,second, and thirdplace cash awardswere given for best calypsotune, bomb tune,mas band costume,and individualmale and femalecostumes. In 1998 a special "old" calypsocategory was establishedfor steelbands. The allureof late night/earlymorning revelry with steelbands and mas competitionshas led to an explosive increase in the size of Brooklyn J'Ouvertover the past few years. The 1994 eventwas large enough to attract pressattention. A CaribNews 5 September1995 review,boldly headlined 'J'OuvertIs Alive!",reported that eleven ole mas bands and nine steelbands participatedin J'Ouvert1994. In 1996 I observeda dozen hand-pushed steelbands,each surroundedby mas bands or groups of individualmas- queraders.JCI listsfifteen steel and fifteenmas bands in its 1997 program book, and I saw roughlythat number at the 1998 and 1999 gatherings. Crowdsize estimatesvary, ranging from official police figuresof 50,000for the 1996 and 1997 events,toJCI's claim of 150,000.The NewYork Times, coveringJ'Ouvert for the firsttime on 2 September1997, estimatedthat 50,000Carnival-goers participated in earlymorning "rogue parades known as Ole Mas."JCI estimatedthe 1998 and 1999J'Ouvertcrowds exceeded thoseof 1996 and 1997,and the BoroughCommunity Affairs Department of the BrooklynNYPD offeredcrowd estimates of 80,000-100,000in 1998 and close to at 200,000 in 1999. Brooklyn'searly morningJ'Ouvert celebration, like the EasternParkway spectacle, reflectsthe chaotic revelryof Carnival while attemptingto maintainsome semblanceof a parade witha prescribedroute. Bands and individualsslowly wind theirway through the streetspacked withdancing

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 264 WESTERN FOLKLORE spectator/participants.The atmosphereis loose and the processionhas no officialbeginning or end. However,there are importantdifferences betweenthe EasternParkway and Flatbushevents. JCI's officialpolicy, as statedin theirannual programbook, is "steelpan musiconly." The DJ'sand sound trucksthat dominate Eastern Parkway are explicitlybanned fromJ'Ouvert--only unamplified steelbands are allowed to registerand participate."We allow no deejaysatJ'Ouvert,"JCI's public relationsofficer Yvette Rennie told the CaribNews in a 7 September1999 interview."We want to preservethe traditionofJ'Ouvert and ole mas. This eventhas alwaysbeen accompaniedby steelband music."JCI founder Earl King elaborates:'"J'Ouvert puts pan in the spotlight.You see, pan got lost on the Parkwaywhen the big sound systemsand deejaystook over.So we were determinedto do somethingto preservepan, to let our children knowwhere Carnivalreally comes from.So in J'Ouvertit's just pan and mas bands, no deejaysinvited. Now people are rememberingthe joy you can get bytaking your time and playingmas with a steelband,just inching up the road, pushingpan. We're tryingto revivethat whole thing"(King 1996). A similarmessage was articulatedby VinettePryce of the New YorkAmsterdam News (9 September 1998, p. 16): "For many folks,the daytimeparade has become too overburdenedby sound systems.They favorlive pan music.For a fewyears now the panmen have boycottedthe Eastern Parkwayevent for the same reason. J'Ouverthas become the alternative." The steelbandsplay a varietyof tunesduring the four-hourJ'Ouvert procession.Each band willlikely play, in additionto itsPanorama selection (a carefullyarranged contemporary calypso or soca number),a bomb tune, and one or more old calypsos.The J'Ouvertbomb and old calypsoselec- tionsare structuredaround relativelysimple verse/chorus arrangements thatare oftenpulled togetherin a singlepractice session.12 While J'Ouvert steelbandsare usuallysmaller than their Panorama counterparts, they gen- erally feature an expanded percussion section-often augmented by friendsand J'Ouvertmerrymakers beating cowbells, bottles, iron break- drums,and varioushomemade instruments.The resultis a loose, densely percussivesound meantto propelstreet dancers. The J'Ouvertstyle is more "free spirited" and "less regimented" than what one would hear at Panorama,observed panman MartinDouglas (1998). The Brooklyn'sJ'Ouvert costumes I observedin 1998 and 1999 wereless elaborate, cheaper, and more traditionalthan those of the big "fancy bands" on EasternParkway.13 In keepingwith the J'Ouvert traditions of humorand the macabre,numerous individuals played mud mas (covering

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYN CARNIVAL 265 theirbodies with mud), dressedin old rags,painted their faces, bodies and costumes,and coveredthemselves with white powder and flour.Many indi- vidualsmasqueraded as devils,witches, ghosts, and goblins,while others donned satiricaloutfits and carried signswith humorous politicalcom- mentary.Tubs of mud wereactually wheeled down Flatbush Avenue, with revelersstopping every so oftento smearfresh muck on each otherand on innocent bystanders.Buckets of paint also appeared and creativecos- tumeswere splatteredon the spot. Organized mas bands portrayedspecific themes or characterssuch as devils(red and black),Indians, master/slaves, and Africanwarriors. A band called Then and Now dressedin shredsof newspaperand carriedplacards withheadlines for a "Read All about It" mas. Two bands played unruly dogs,a referenceto AnselmDouglas's popular calypso, "Who Let theDogs Out?" The JuJuJammers,accompanied by a dense percussionensemble, alwaysplay Africa themes. Informaldramas were occasionallyenacted. An "EmergencyRoom" band dressed in doctor and nurse scrubs carried a maniacal, paint- smeared patient through the crowd, stopping occasionallyfor "treat- ment."Suddenly the patientwould jump up and grabone of the nursesin a vulgarembrace while the restof the medicalteam shook theirheads and waggedfingers in disapproval.In anotherinstance a witchand a she-wolf- both playedby men--chased each otheraround the streetand engaged in lengthybouts of ritualcombat. The most wittypolitical commentarycame froma band called the WingateOriginals, led by designerVictor Mungo. In 1998 theyplayed a masterfulsatire mas, "Clinton Tun de White House Red!" A wagon- mounted model house bearing the inscription"Scandal in the White House" was wheeled along byband memberssmeared in red paint.Men, cross-dressedas Monica Lewinsky,carried lewd placardsproclaiming "Bill and I had an oral arrangement"and "I neverinhaled, I onlysmelled it." In 1999 the Wingatespresented "We're Not Takin Dat," whichfeatured bit- ing commentaryon currentevents including the Abner Louima torture case; theAmadou Diallo "41 bullet"shooting; the brutal dragging death in Jasper,Texas; the Columbine,Colorado school shooting;and racial pro- filingon the NewJersey Turnpike. Several members demonstrated their discontentwith the healthindustry by wheeling a fakecorpse through the crowd on a portable bed, surrounded by paint-smeareddoctors and nurseswho continuedto prescribebeer and liquor to the victim. Perhapsthe mostinnovative costumes were designed by Roy Pierre, who has won theJ'Ourvert costume competition for the past threeyears. In

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1997 he presenteda Camboulaytheme based on traditionalAfrican and slave motifs.His 1998 costumes deftlycombined Trinidadian folklore characterswith American Halloween themes.Entitling his presentation 'JumbieJamborie," his costumesincluded rainbow jab jabs (devils),moko jumbies, soucousyants(female vampires),diablesses (temptresseswith clovenfeet), and Douens (spiritsof dead children),as wellas witches,black cats,mummies, and Medusa figures.While Pierreis highlyrespected for his visionarydesigns, some questionif his costumeshave become too elab- oratefor J'Ouvert, and wonderif they are not bettersuited for the daytime Parkwayparade (Pierre 1998). Though formalmasquerading was pervasive,the majorityof J'Ouvert revelersopted forless fancifuldisplays-a bit of bodypaint, flour or talcum powder on hair and face, a splatteredtee shirt,a flag bandana, or a funnyhat. Many others, dressed in ordinarysummer shorts and tops,lined the sidewalks,occasionally mingling with the costumed throngin the center of the street.Although there was a slow but steadyprocession along the prescribed route, many people appeared to wander with friends--eating,drinking, dancing, and simplyenjoying the musicand mas. WhileJCI is quickto takecredit for the success of BrooklynJ'Ouvert, his- toryreminds us thatthe festivitybegan as a spontaneousgrassroots movement,emerging from the panyardsand streetsof East Flatbush.It was the panmen,costume makers, and ole mas enthusiasts-notcommunity leaders, governmentofficials, or cultural specialists-who "organized" the earliestJ'Ouvert celebrations. JCI came about somewhatafter the fact, when growingcrowds necessitated an organizationalbody to negotiatea parade permitwith the police. Today Earl King and his associatesremain a loosely organized group with few political connections and limited access to fundingsources. JCI arrangesthe parade route and an approx- imate schedule, and attempts-notalways successfully--to register the mas and steelbands,but the organizationappears to have limitedcontrol overwho participatesand whatactually happens atJ'Ouvert.14In keeping withthe spontaneousspirit ofJ'Ouvert, many musicians and masqueraders simply"show up," unannounced and unregistered,to playmas.

INTERPRETINGBROOKLYN J'OUVERT Assessingthe significanceof any recentlyemerged cultural expres- sion is a riskyand speculativeproject. But here speculationis warranted, givenJ'Ouvert's phenomenal growth over the pastdecade and the increas- inglyprominent role it now plays in BrooklynCarnival. Many factors appear to accountfor the successof the event,and lend insightinto its sig-

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYN CARNIVAL 267 nificancefor the borough's Trinidadian-American community. On theprac- ticalside, J'Ouvert, with its nonamplification, pan-only policy, furnishes a sonicenvironment in whichpan musiccan be heard,literally, free from the blaringsound systemsemployed by deejays and amplifiedbrass bands that now dominateEastern Parkway. J'Ouvert provides pan playersand theirfol- lowersthe opportunityto returnto the streetsand performin a traditional Carnival atmospherewhere the interactionof players,masqueraders, dancers,and spectatorscreates a sense of communalecstasy, something akin to VictorTurner's "spontaneouscommunitas" in whichindividuals interactingwith one another"become totallyabsorbed into a single,syn- chronized,fluid event" (Turner 1982: 48). My own personal experience "pulling"pan inJ'Ouvert (and in earlierEastern Parkway processions) con- firmsthe model: amidstthe denselypacked throngof pan players,per- cussionists,masqueraders, and dancersone can feelthe suspensionof time and a flash of total union with one's fellowrevelers. J'Ouvert affords momentsof deep mas, the essence of streetCarnival. This feeling of communaltranscendence is difficult,if not impossible,to achieveduring the moreformal Panorama competition, a performancesetting where players remainstationary and spatiallyseparated from their audience. Carnival participantscan and certainlydo experience such intense momentsof communalmas in the fancybands thatfollow the sound sys- tem truckson EasternParkway. Indeed the physicalintensity of the ampli- fiedmusic's volume and throbbingbass can surroundand seduce,literally transformingindividual listeners into a singing,dancing throng.But evi- dentlya significantnumber of masqueradersand Carnivalenthusiasts, par- ticularlymiddle-aged and older,prefer 'Jumping up" to pure pan rather than canned deejay music.As costume designerBurtrum Alley reflects: "Steelpan musicin the earlymorning is the best thingto myears; every- thingelse is stilland you'rehearing pure pan-it's like birdsin the forest" (Alley1998). As a result,many of the individualJ'Ouvert mas bands now hire steelbandsto providemusic for their mas, just as the big fancybands did forthe Parkwaycelebration in the pre-soundsystem days of Carnival. In the newlyestablished J'Ouvert celebration Brooklyn's steelbands have foundan unfetteredforum for their art, one thataffords them an imme- diate and directconnection with their audience whilereuniting them with traditionalmas bands. From thisevidence one mightbe temptedto reduceJ'Ouvert to an occasionfor pan enthusiastsand loversof ole mas to pursuetheir passions, or forolder Trinidadianimmigrants to indulgetheir nostalgic desires for some idealized Carnival of theiryouth. Pan passion and nostalgia for

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"old-time"Carnival are undoubtedlyessential motivating factors, but they are only two components of the complex constellationof forces that driveBrooklyn J'Ouvert. At the more symboliclevel, the entireevent represents the revitalization of whatsome see as "endangered"Trinidadian traditions. While Trinida- dian Carnivalcontinues to providethe basic model forthe EasternPark- wayparade, there has been a steadyencroachment of otherCaribbean and African-Americaninfluences. This is not surprising,given the multicultural natureof centralBrooklyn and the diversityof Caribbeangroups partici- patingin Carnival,as wellas the complexnature of New YorkCity's ethnic politicsin whichCarnival has become embroiled.Thus, Carnivalin New York,argues Philip Kasinitz (1998: 102) "vacillatesbetween its Trinidadian rootsand itspan-Caribbean agenda." For some participantsthe ParkwayCarnival has apparentlydrifted too farfrom its Trinidadian moorings into a pan-Caribbeansea. TodayTrinida- dian calypsoand soca competewith Jamaican reggae, Haitian konpas, Mar- tiniquezouk, and the latestpop musicofferings from Grenada, Barbados, and Panama. But thisemphasis on musicaldiversity is not a recentdevel- opment.Herman Hall (2000) recallsthat the first Eastern Parkway parade included,in additionto Trinidadiansteelbands, Haitian, Panamanian, and Costa Rican groups,and thathe encouraged Carlos Lezema to integrate reggaeinto Carnival. Donald Hill (1981: 35) reportsthat by the mid-1970s sound systemsplaying Jamaican reggae lined the easternsections of the parade route, and truckscarrying live Jamaican, Bajan, and Haitian bandswere jockeying with Trinidadian calypso groups for the crowd'satten- tion.In 1975 theWIADCA began to sponsor,alongside its Trinidadian-style calypsoand panorama shows,a specialLabor Day Weekend"Night in the Caribbean" concert that featuredJamaican, Haitian, and Costa Rican traditions(WIADCA Booklet,1975). In the mid-1980s,separate Jamaican and Haitian nightswere added to WIADCA'sofficial pre-Carnival concert festivities.Meanwhile the thousands of vendorswho line the two-mile route hawk foods, crafts,clothing, and recordings from around the Africandiaspora. Carnivalon EasternParkway was nevera carbon-copyof itsTrinidadian predecessor,because it quicklyevolved into an arena for multi-ethnic culturaldisplay and identitynegotiation. While permitting the exhibition of individualisland affiliationthrough music styles,banners, flags, etc., BrooklynCarnival also presentswhat Philip Kasinitz calls "theimagery of a meltingpot" that strivesto turn individualsfrom different English- speaking islands into "WestIndians" (Kasinitz 1992: 150). When the

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growingnumber of Haitians and other French-speakingislanders are added to Brooklyn'sCarnival pot, a broader categoryof "Caribbeanpeo- ple" is constructed.To this mix, add membersof Brooklyn'ssouthern African-Americancommunity and the resultmay be, at leastfor an afternoon, a sense of pan-Africanunity. Carlos Lezama and his WIADCA associateshave attemptedto cast this complexcultural diversity issue in a positivelight, carefully proclaiming "we is one." In realitythey walk a fineline, trying to maintainTrinidadian con- trolover Carnival while finding room forother islanders-particularly the large numbersofJamaicans and Haitianswho now livein centralBrook- lyn-to comfortablyparticipate.'5 The officialrhetoric of WIADCA stresses "unity"among all WestIndian and CaribbeanNew Yorkers, and rarelymen- tionsindividual islands.16 Similarsentiments are echoed bythe CaribNews, New York's largest West Indian newspaperthat devotes considerable coverage to BrooklynCarni- val. A 1996 editorialargues thatCarnival "serves as an integrativeforce, bringingtogether the differentnational groups fromthe Caribbean," and goes on to list a dozen islands that have become, in theory,"inte- grated"through Brooklyn Carnival (3 September1996). The broadercul- tural and political implications are made explicit: "The Carnival Celebrationsare a source of pride forBlacks in thiscountry. The creativ- ity,imagination, and splendor reflect the cultural strengthof the Caribbean" (CaribNews 8 September1998). New YorkCity's politicians, always looking for votes, have contributedto the officialdiscourse of unityby proclaiming Carnival a distinctivecreation of New York's rapidlygrowing Caribbean community.In 1992 Mayor David Dinkinsplaced BrooklynCarnival in the contextof the 178 ethnic groups that make up New York City's"glorious cultural mosaic," pro- claimingthat none "shinemore gloriouslythan the segmentrepresented by the Caribbean community"(Newsday 8 September 1992). Mayor Rudolph Giulianialluded to the parade's multiculturalnature by calling it "an ethnicfest that demonstrates the diversityof New York"(Newsday 8 September 1998). In his zeal to broaden the diversitynet to include African-Americanand even whiteNew Yorkers,Brooklyn Borough Presi- dent Howard Golden declared "Youdon't have to be fromthe Caribbean to enjoythis [Carnival]. All Americanscan takepride in what'shappening today.This is a symbolof livingtogether, respecting each other"(Newsday 8 September1992). This persistentemphasis on thepan-Caribbean nature of Brooklyn'sCar- nival,both in public displayand discourse,has apparentlymade some

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Trinidadians,especially those deeplyinvolved in the steeland traditional mas bands, feel squeezed out of what they once perceived as "their" event.Their responsewas to create a new Carnivalperformance setting (actuallyto revivea traditionalsetting that up to thatpoint had been absent fromthe BrooklynCarnival) that would showcase exclusivelyTrinida- dian forms.The centralityof Trinidadianexpression to Brooklyn'sJ'Ou- vertis explicit.In additionto itssteelband-only policy, JCI pronouncedin its 1997J'OuvertProgram Booklet that "the organization's ideology is the preservationof threeCaribbean art forms originating from Trinidad and Tobago: steelband,calypso, and mas."The largermission, "to educate and teachyoung people about the originand historyof our culture,"leaves lit- tle doubt as to whose cultureis in need of preservation,as the 1995 Pro- gramBooklet rhetoric proudly announces thatJ'Ouvert's "sweet steelband music"and old mas costumingmake "FlatbushAvenue resemble Freder- ick Street in Trinidad,"a referenceto a center of Carnival action in downtownPort of Spain. The issue of nationalloyalty is furtherclarified in the 1997 ProgramBooklet which offersthe lyricsto the Trinidad and Tobago NationalAnthem, followed by those of the "Star-SpangledBanner" (both to be sung at the organization'sannual awardsmeeting). Consideralso thegeographic aspects of Brooklyn Carnival. Eastern Park- way,locally referredto as "Caribbean Parkway,"actually forms one of the northernboundaries of the borough'sWest Indian community.East- ern Parkwayis the borderarea wherethe English-speakingWest Indians, Haitians,and HasidicJews of CrownHeights meet theAfrican Americans of BedfordStuyvesant and the Irish,Jews, and Yuppiesof ParkSlope. The J'Ouvertcelebration, on the otherhand, takes place southof EasternPark- way,at the intersectionof the CrownHeights, Flatbush, and East Flatbush neighborhoods,deep in the heartof Brooklyn'sblack WestIndian community.The originalroute, beginning at WoodruffAvenue and running up Flatbush Avenue, across Empire Boulevard, and down Nostrand Avenue,is lined withWest Indian produce stores,roti shops, restaurants, bakeries,social clubs, dance halls, record stores,and SpiritualBaptist storefrontchurches. Half a dozen mas camps are located along the route, and eightpan yardsare withina fewblocks. By moving the actionfrom the Parkway"down" to Flatbush,West Indians in general,and Trinidadiansin particular,have assertedtheir domain overJ'Ouvert.This said, the ethnic mix at BrooklynJ'Ouvert is difficultto pinpointwith any quantitative cer- tainty.Interviews, informal conversations, and personalobservation suggest that the ole mas groups and steelbands are comprised primarilyof Trinidadians and a smatteringof Grenadians, Barbadians, and other

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small-islandWest Indians who have traditionallyembraced Trinidadian-style Carnival.But the ethnicityand/or island affiliations of the individualswho constitutethe huge crowdsthat attend J'Ouvert are not easilyidentifiable, because nationalbanners and flagdisplays are not as prominentas on East- ern Parkway.Jamaicans, Haitians, and AfricanAmericans surely participate, but theirnumbers are difficultto estimate.There are, however,noticeably fewerwhite Americans, Asians, and LatinosatJ'Ouvert than on the Park- way.Brooklyn J'Ouvert simply feels more Trinidadian, and less diverse,than itsEastern Parkway counterpart. Reviewingthis evidence might lead to the conclusionthat theJ'Ouvert and EasternParkway celebrations have takenon distinctand perhapsoppo- sitionalconnotations. J'Ouvert is Trinidadian,traditional, and community- based, evoking deep carnival symbolsto reinforcea sense of shared culturalheritage. Eastern Parkway,by contrast,reflects a multi-cultural, modern,and commercialsensibility by showcasing the mostcontemporary pop styles,proclaiming a unityamong diverse Caribbean and African-Amer- ican peoples, and providingNew York'spoliticians and privatebusinesses witha forumto advertisetheir goods and services.However, like many cul- turaldialectics, J'Ouvert and theParkway may ultimately complement each other-in thisinstance by servingtwo distinct community needs: J'Ouvert strengthensinternal cohesion and reinforcesin-group identity, while the Parkwayprovides public displayand culturalvalidation in a largerarena. Many participantssee no contradictionin the two events,and some choose to participatein both.The NewYork Times (5 September1998) pro- fileda middle-agedWest Indian motherwho attendsJ'Ouvertto cheer on her teen-agedchildren who playin the InvadersSteel Orchestra,and later showsup on the Parkwayto playmas witha fancyband. ArddinHerbert, thedirector of the CASYMSteel Orchestra, told me thatmany of theyoung playersin his band enjoythe raucous excitementof beatingpan on J'Ou- vertmorning, and aftercatching a fewhours sleep head to the Parkwayto jump up to soca and reggae spinningdeejays. For these individualsand manylike them,J'Ouvert merely becomes another choice in the kalei- doscope of Carnivalevents (Herbert 1997). The degreeto whichJ'Ouvertrepresents a consciousrevitalization of tradition,or ratherthe finalstep in the naturaldiaspora of TrinidadianCar- nivalto Brooklyn,is difficultto judge fromour presenthistorical position. Moreover,individual motivations for participation vary widely. The event's organizersand theirsupporters see J'Ouvert as a wayof preservingand pro- motingTrinidadian heritage; a numberof middle-agedand olderTrinida- dians undoubtedlycome out of nostalgiafor "old time" Carnival;pan

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players,especially the younger American-born West Indians who have never experiencedJ'Ouvert in Trinidad,enjoy the noveltyof beatingpan in a Carnival streetsetting; and manyyounger West Indians, Haitians, and African-Americansare simplydrawn to the excitementof a rowdy,all-night streetfete. Froma macro-structuralperspective, the recentemergence ofJ'Ouvert in Brooklynunderscores the incredibledynamism of the modern,urban Carnival,and itsnatural tendency to strikea relativebalance betweentra- ditionand change. BrooklynCarnival, like itsTrinidadian parent, is con- stantlyevolving, adapting new elementsof popular culture,while striving to maintainits traditional roots. Social historianLawrence Levine has noted thatAfrican-American musical expressions such as blues and gospel song simultaneouslydemonstrate innovation of styleand revitalizationof tradition (Levine 1977: 189); musicologistSamuel Floyd,Jr. has argued con- vincinglythat the performancepractices and compositionalworks of the mostinnovative 20th centuryblack jazz and concerthall composersare deeplyinformed by an "Africancultural memory" (Floyd 1995: 226-266). In the case of Carnivalthis paradigm can be extended fromindividual stylesto encompassa largercomplex of interconnectedexpressive genres and events.The forcesof modernityand globalizationhave pushed Car- nival to embrace new technologies,the latestpopular music styles,mas themes based on contemporarymedia images, corporate sponsorship and tourism,and the politicsof multi-culturalism;but these forcesare counteredby the urge to reviveand maintaincore traditions.In the case of Brooklyn,the innovationsof the Parkwayare balanced to a degree by the revitalizationof pan and ole mas traditionsin J'Ouvert.Apparently theremust be room in the Carnivalcomplex for deejays blasting high-deci- bel soca and pan playersbeating acoustic calypso,for fancyband masqueraders in space-agedcostumes and J'Ouvertrevelers in muddyrags. This is not to suggestthat in Carnivalinnovative and traditionalpractices mustbe separatedby timeand space-the latteroccurring exclusively at J'Ouvert,the former only on theParkway-for they do existsimultaneously, side byside. Steelbandsoften play original arrangements of the latestsoca hits duringJ'Ouvert, while the contemporary,amplified soca on the Parkwayis deeplyrooted in Afro-Caribbeantraditions of improvisation,call and response,and rhythmicdrive. J'Ouvert's ole mas costumesare often highlyindividualistic creations that comment on contemporarysocial events,and moretraditional ole mas characterssuch as devilsand midnight robbersoccasionally show up on the Parkway.But at thisstage in Brooklyn Carnival'sevolution the more traditionalexpressions seem to be gravitating

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions J'OUVERT IN BROOKLYN CARNIVAL 273 towardthe J'Ouvert celebration, while the Parkwayremains the primary arena forthe emergenceof new forms. The futureof J'Ouvertin BrooklynCarnival is difficultto predict. J'Ouvertand the EasternParkway events are run by independentorga- nizations-JCI and WIADCA respectively.One might expect Carlos Lezama's WIADCA, with its powerfulpolitical connections and hefty fundingresources, to eventuallytake overJ'Ouvert and bring all the majorcomponents of BrooklynCarnival under one umbrellaorganization. But to date,WIADCA has showlittle interest, at leastofficially, in theJ'Ou- vertcelebration.17 Perhaps Carlos Lezama has his hands fullwith running the Parkway,or perhapshe is simplyhappy to have thepan communitydo theirown thingaway from the Parkway.It is not clear whetherEarl King and his grassrootsJCI can continue to musterthe resources to keep J'Ouvertrunning, especially if it continuesto growin size. On the other hand,JCI's marginalposition may makes it well suited to sponsorJ'Ouvert, a celebrationthat by natureopposes structureand lampoons the status- quo. The contentofJ'Ouvert may also be in flux.While Earl Kingand hisJCI associateshave been immenselysuccessful in bringingsteelbands back into streetCarnival, whether they can maintain their "pan only" policy in J'Ouvertis uncertain.As the eventcontinues to grow,it willundoubtedly attractdeejays and theiryoung followers. Long-time Carnival observer Her- man Hall, an earlyarchitect of WIADCA's unityin diversityphilosophy, doubtsthat the hegemonyof Trinidadiansteel pan willsurvive in J'Ouvert. 'The other Islands will come," he muses, "and theywill find a way to expressthemselves" (Hall 2000). Whethersuch expressionwill take the formof reggaesound systemsand amplifiedHaitian pop bands is hard to predict. There is certainlyno shortage of traditionalAfro-Caribbean music in Brooklyn,ranging from Haitian rara bands and Jamaicanburu drummingbatteries to variousAfro-Christian ritual drum ensemblesand folklorictroupes specializing in specificisland traditions. These groupsall playacoustic music on portableinstruments that are easilyadaptable to out- door streetperformance, and all sharestylistic roots in African-derivedper- cussion traditions.By reaching out to such groupsJCI could diversify J'Ouvert withoutthe risk of amplified music overpoweringthe steel orchestras.On the other hand, these bands have littleconnection to Carnivalor Trinidad,and do not fitneatly into JCI's agenda of preserving Trinidad-basedCarnival traditions. For the momentJ'Ouvertremains a grassrootscelebration of Trinida- dian pan, calypso,and ole mas--deep culturalsymbols that offer trans-

This content downloaded from 134.74.122.250 on Wed, 22 Apr 2015 17:46:56 UTC All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 274 WESTERN FOLKLORE plantedTrinidadians and theirAmerican-born children the possibilityof connectingacross space to theirnative homeland, and back in timeto their Africanancestors who processed throughthe streetsof Port of Spain with drums and Camboulay torches to celebrate their independence fromslavery. But if novelist and socialcritic Earl Lovelace (1998: 54) is cor- rectin contendingthat the "Emancipation-Jouvayspirit" has the powerto transformofficial Carnival into "a stagefor the affirmationof freedomand the expressionof the triumphinghuman spirit,"then BrooklynJ'Ou- vertmay serve as a source of inspirationnot onlyfor Trinidadian immigrants,but for all Afro-CaribbeanNew Yorkerswho struggleto assert theirhumanity and selfworth in theirnew NorthAmerican home.

BrooklynCollege Brooklyn,New York

Notes

1A shorterversion of thisarticle was presentedat the 1998 WorldConference on Carnivalat TrinityCollege, Hartford, CT, and willappear in the publishedpro- ceedingsof thatconference. The authorwishes to thankLeslie Slater,Herman Hall, and Stephen Stuempflefor their useful criticism at variousstages of this project. 2 In Trinidad,"Jouvay" is the preferredspelling for the predawncelebration that opens Carnival.But in Brooklynthe spelling'J'Ouvert" is used on all public- ityflyers and in coverage by the Caribbean press. I will followthe Brooklyn precedent in thisarticle. 3 The exact connectionbetween Trinidad's Canboulay andJ'Ouvert celebrations warrantsfurther historical clarification. Errol Hill claimsthat Canboulay/emancipation processionswere transferredfrom August 1 to the (Sunday night) opening of Carnivalsometime in the late 1840s (1972:30); J'Ouvert,he con- tends, probably began shortlyafter Canboulay stopped in 1884 (1972:86). Stephen Stuempfle describesJ'Ouvert as a "a reinterpretationof the old Canboulay tradition" (1995: 25). Earl Lovelace argues thatJ'Ouvert grew directlyout of midnightCarnival emancipation celebrations (1998: 54). 4 The descriptions and analysis presented in this article are based on the author'spersonal observationsof the 1996, 1998, and 1999 BrooklynJ'Ouvert celebrations,and interviewswith J'Ouvert organizers and participants. 5 See the followingreviews of the Lenox Avenue Carnivalin the New YorkAms- terdamNews: 8 September1951, 12 September1953, 10 September1955, 7 Sep- tember1957, 13 September 1958, and 12 September 1959. 6 TheNew York Amsterdam News reported crowds of 150,000 (8 September,1951), 165,000 (13 September,1958), and 115,000 (12 September,1959).

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7 The exact chronologyof Brooklyn'searly Carnival years is murky.WIADCA claimsto have run Carnivalin Brooklynsince 1967,but the earlyyears were evi- dentlya continuation of Gorin's block party-stylegatherings (Hall 2000). The firstreport of a full-blown"parade"on EasternParkway appears in the 28 August 1971 edition of the New YorkAmsterdam News, under the headline "BrooklynWest Indians Set Labor Day Parade."A reviewof the parade is found in the 11 September1971 edition.The NewYork Amsterdam News, which covered the Lenox Avenue Carnivalannually in the 1950s and early1960s, makes no mentionof any BrooklynCarnival activities until the 1971 article. 8 In the 1999 Carnivalthe Despers USA Steel Orchestrawas the onlyone of the twelvePanorama bands to appear on Eastern Parkway. 9 It is worthnoting that for a number of years steelbands have been on the decline in Trinidad's Monday and Tuesday Carnival celebrations-thisdue primarilyto the risingstatus of the Panorama contestand increased competitionfrom deejays and sounds systems(Stuempfle 1995: 161-63). In response to concernsabout the disappearanceof pan fromCarnival, Trinidad's National CarnivalCommission, with the blessingof newlyelected PrimeMinister Basdeo Panday,introduced a steelband road competitionin 1996 that succeeded in bringinga number of bands back to the streets(Scher 1997: 192-198;Riggio 1998: 18). To date WIADCA has made no such effortto attractBrooklyn's steelbands back to the Parkway. 10 The historyof Brooklyn'spanorama is discussedin Allen and Slater(1998:125- 127). For an insightfulaccount of the 1998 Panorama see Jon Pareles's "Sound of Steel in a Warm-Upfor Carnival" (1998). 11Following an alleged 1998 shooting incident at the crowded Woodruff Street/FlatbushAvenue intersection,the opening ofJ'Ouvert was moved to Grand ArmyPlaza. The 1999J'Ouvert route began at the plaza, moved south on FlatbushAvenue, east across Empire Boulevard, and south on Nostrand Avenue.According to King the police asked forthe change in order to facilitate organizingand controllingthe event. 12 In contrastto the simple bomb and old calypsoarrangements heard during J'Ouvert,the Panoramaarrangements are workedout overmonths of rehearsal. They featurecomplex melodic and harmonic variations,lead melodic lines rotated among the differentpan sections, and multiple key modulations (Herbert 1997). 13The EasternParkway Carnival is dominatedby large fancybands. The biggest of thesebands, such as Borokeetes,Hawks, and Sesame Flyers,have overa thou- sand memberswho don brightlycolored, sequined, elaboratelydesigned costumes. The larger costumes actuallyresemble small floats. Occasional old mas characters--jabjab devils,midnight robbers, "bad behavior"sailors, etc.- showup on the Parkway,but theyare usuallydwarfed by the large numbersof fancycostumes (see Hill, 1994: 64). For more on the traditionof ole mas cos- tumingin Trinidad Carnival,see Crowley(1956). 14 In termsof controllingparticipation, JCI has been successful,to date, in keep- ingJ'Ouvert free of deejays and amplifiedbands. 15The tensioninherent in tryingto createpan-Caribbean unity among different

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island immigrantgroups has been noted byFrank Manning in his comparative studyof WestIndian Carnivalsin Brooklyn,London, and Toronto (1990: 48- 49). For furtherdescriptions of the London and TorontoCarnivals see Nunley 1988: 171-181. 16For example, WIADCA's 1975 programbook touts steel pan and calypso as "Carribeancultural contributions," in spiteof theirobvious origins in Trinidad. 17Newsday (31 August1996) reportedthat Carlos Lezama would attendthe opening of the 1996J'Ouvert,suggesting his tacitapproval of the event.

Works Cited

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