Introduction Contact Information

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

Introduction Contact Information Introduction National Farm Worker Ministry (NFWM) is a faith-based organization committed to justice for and empowerment of farm workers. NFWM educates, equips and mobilizes people of faith to support farm worker led efforts to improve their living and working conditions. NFWM began in the 1920’s as a ministry of charity and service, providing food, clothing and day care to farm workers. When United Farm Worker founder, Cesar Chavez, began organizing in the 1960ʹs, he called on the religious community to change its emphasis from charity to justice. NFWM became the vehicle for people of faith to respond to that call. NFWM brings together national denominations, state councils of churches, religious orders and congregations, and concerned individuals to act alongside farm workers to achieve fundamental change in their living and working conditions. NFWM has also built a fundamental youth following through our Youth and Young Adults (YAYA) network. YAYA is a national network of young people actively working to change the oppressive social, political and economic conditions faced by farm workers in the United States. NFWM’s current campaign support includes The Fair Food Program with the Coalition for Immokalee Workers, Reynolds Tobacco Campaign with the Farm Labor Organizing Committee and the Darigold and Gerawan campaigns with the United Farm Workers. NFWM also works with a number of community projects such as the Campesinos’ Garden project alongside the Farmworker Association of Florida, with various organizations for immigration reform and was a founding member of the Equitable Food Initiative. Contact Information Physical Address: 112 Cox Ave Lindsay Comstock, Executive Director Suite 208 Email address: [email protected] Raleigh, NC 27605 Cell Phone: 919-302-9581 Mailing Address: Website: nfwm.org PO Box 10645 Facebook: facebook.com/nfwministry Raleigh, NC 27605 Twitter: twitter.com/nfwministry Phone: (919) 807-8707 Executive Director Rev. Lindsay C. Comstock, an ordained Baptist minister and former human- trafficking specialist, serves as Executive Director of the National Farm Worker Ministry. Comstock has served congregations in Virginia and Massachusetts as well as four years as a human-trafficking specialist in Southeast Asia. She is a former Board of Directors member for the Alliance of Baptists and a doctoral candidate at Louisville Presbyterian Theological Seminary. Comstock holds a bachelor’s degree in Religion and Philosophy from Chowan University in Murfreesboro, N.C., and a Master of Divinity degree from Baptist Theological Seminary of Richmond. Member and *Supporting Organizations Agricultural Missions Sisters of St. Francis of Assisi Alliance of Baptists Society of the Sacred Heart California Church IMPACT Orange County Interfaith Committee to Aid Catholic Migrant Farmworker Network Farm Workers Church of the Brethren Farm Worker Ministry of the Northwest Church Women United in Illinois Unitarian Universalist Migrant Ministry Church Women United of South California UCC Justice and Witness Ministries and South Nevada UMC General Board of Church and Society Cumberland Presbyterian Church UMC General Board of Global Ministries Christian Church (DOC), Disciples Farm United Methodist Women Worker Ministry Dominican Sisters of Peace Gainesville’s Interfaith Alliance for Episcopal Church Immigrant Justice Evangelical Lutheran Church in America North Carolina Council of Churches Franciscan Sisters of Little Falls Our Lady of Victory Missionary Sisters The Loretto Community Ravensworth Baptist Church, Annandale NFWM Florida Advisory Council Sarasota-Manatee Farm Worker Pinellas Support Committee of the NFWM Supporters Presbyterian Hunger Program, PC (USA) Southeast Conference of the Mennonite School Sisters of Notre Dame Church Sisters of Charity, BVM Southern California Ecumenical Council Sisters of Charity of Nazareth Westminster Presbyterian Church United, Sisters of the Humility of Mary Gainesville Farm Worker Partner Organizations: Farm Worker Unions Farm Labor Organizing Committee (FLOC) In the mid-60s, Baldemar Velásquez began organizing farm workers in northwest Ohio; this became FLOC. In 1986, following an 8-year boycott of Campbell Soup Company, FLOC negotiated the first three-way contracts in U.S labor history. In this type of labor agreement, the company pays more for the crop they purchase from the farms, which resulted in increased wages, a grievance procedure and improved housing for the workers while effectively lowering the farmers’ cost of such improvements. FLOC negotiated another three-way agreement in 2004 following a boycott of the Mt. Olive Pickle Company. This was the first collective bargaining contract for H2A guest workers and for farm workers in North Carolina. FLOC’s current campaign is with Reynolds American Tobacco to improve the working and living conditions for tobacco farm workers in the Southeast. United Farm Workers (UFW) Founded in 1962 by Cesar Chavez, the United Farm Workers of America is the nation's first successful and largest farm worker union and continues to organize in major agricultural industries across the nation. Recent years have witnessed dozens of key UFW union contract victories, among them the largest strawberry, rose, winery and mushroom growers in California and the nation. The UFW’s most active campaigns are with Gerawan Farming in Fresno, California and Darigold in the Pacific Northwest. Pineros y Campesinos Unidos del Noroeste (PCUN) Based in Woodburn, Oregon, the center of Oregon's agricultural industry, PCUN is Oregon's farm worker union and the largest Latino organization in the state. PCUN's fundamental goal is to empower farm workers to understand and take action against systematic exploitation and all of its effects. PCUN is active in comprehensive immigration reform, stopping wage theft and training future farm labor leaders through CAPACES Leadership Institute (CLI). Farm Worker Associations and Coalitions Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) The Coalition of Immokalee Workers (CIW) is a worker-based human rights organization internationally recognized for its achievements in the fields of corporate social responsibility, community organizing, and sustainable food. The CIW began organizing in 1993 as a small group of workers meeting weekly in a room to discuss how to better their community and their lives. CIW’s Fair Food Program highlights injustices faced by tomato pickers in Florida and calls on corporations and businesses to join the program and protect farm workers in their supply chains. Farmworker Association of Florida (FWAF) The Farmworker Association of Florida, with roots in Hispanic, Haitian, and African-American communities across Central and South Florida, was formed in 1984. FWAF works to build power among farm worker communities to respond to and gain control over the social, political, workplace, economic, health, and environmental justice issues that impact their lives. Current FWAF projects include Campesinos Gardens, the Lake Apopka Project, disaster response, and support for comprehensive immigration reform. Food Justice Equitable Food Initiative (EFI) NFWM is a founding member of the Equitable Food Initiative. The Equitable Food Initiative is a unique partnership among businesses and organizations that have come together to develop standards, training processes and a certification to protect farm workers and produce safer, healthier food. This approach creates additional value and quality throughout the food system, benefiting workers, growers, retailers and consumers alike. NFWM educates and equips faith communities in support of EFI efforts. .
Recommended publications
  • The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers
    Black and Brown: The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers By Stephen Lerner onventional wisdom holds that tensions between Black and Latino workers are on the rise as the two ethnic C groups compete for the same low-wage service sector jobs in many of our nation’s big cities. But recent success- ful efforts by both groups of workers, to form unions and organize for pay increase and health insurance, show that workers and leaders from both communities are crossing racial lines to help improve the very jobs that they are supposed to be fighting over. In high-profile strikes this year by Service behind the bleak economic outlook are not other Employees International Union (SEIU) janitors in ethnic groups, but the large corporations that are Houston and Miami, Black and “brown” national driving our nation’s service economy. leaders united to support a largely immigrant A lot of attention is given to the fact that the workforce. Dozens of African American leaders— service sector currently drives the overall American many of them veterans of the civil rights movement economy, but what is often ignored is the fact that of the 1960s and leaders in the ongoing struggle the real estate sector drives the service economy. The 33 against racism and discrimination, such as Rev. entities that own, control, and invest in office James M. Lawson and Charles Steele, Jr.—lent their buildings and shopping malls—companies like support to help mostly Latino workers win better Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase—either jobs, using many of the same non-violent, civil dis- directly or indirectly control the jobs of more than obedience tactics that helped spur the civil rights nine million service workers (janitors, security movement.
    [Show full text]
  • FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
    1 Ethnic Studies 357: FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019 Contact Information Instructors Office, Phone & Email Ronald L. Mize Office Hours: Wed 11:30-12:30, or by Associate Professor appointment School of Language, Culture and Society 541.737.6803 Office: 315 Waldo Hall Email [email protected] Class Meeting: Wednesdays, 4:00 pm - 7:50 pm, Learning Innovation Center (LINC) 360, including three off- campus service/experiential learning sessions. The course is four credits based on number of contact hours for lecture/discussion and three experiential learning sessions. Course Description: Justice movements for farmworkers have a long and storied past in the annals of US history. This course begins with the 1960s Chicano civil rights era struggles for social justice to present day. Focus on the varied strategies of five farmworker justice movements: United Farm Workers, Farm Labor Organizing Committee, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos Noroeste, Migrant Justice, and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. This course was co-designed with a founder of PCUN, Larry Kleinman, who actively co-leads the course as his schedule allows. The course is structured around the question of the movement and its various articulations. Together, we will cover some central themes and strategies that comprise the core of farm worker movements but the course is designed to allow you, the student, to explore other articulations you find personally relevant or of interest. This course is designated as meeting Difference, Power, and Discrimination requirements. Difference, Power, and Discrimination Courses Baccalaureate Core Requirement: ES357 “Farmworker Justice Movements” fulfills the Difference, Power, and Discrimination (DPD) requirement in the Baccalaureate Core.
    [Show full text]
  • The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause
    Religions 2015, 6, 451–475; doi:10.3390/rel6020451 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause Daniel K. Williams Department of History, University of West Georgia, 1601 Maple St., Carrollton, GA 30118, USA; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-678-839-6034 Academic Editor: Darren Dochuk Received: 25 February 2015 / Accepted: 3 April 2015 / Published: 16 April 2015 Abstract: This article employs a historical analysis of the religious composition of the pro-life movement to explain why the partisan identity of the movement shifted from the left to the right between the late 1960s and the 1980s. Many of the Catholics who formed the first anti-abortion organizations in the late 1960s were liberal Democrats who viewed their campaign to save the unborn as a rights-based movement that was fully in keeping with the principles of New Deal and Great Society liberalism, but when evangelical Protestants joined the movement in the late 1970s, they reframed the pro-life cause as a politically conservative campaign linked not to the ideology of human rights but to the politics of moral order and “family values.” This article explains why the Catholic effort to build a pro-life coalition of liberal Democrats failed after Roe v. Wade, why evangelicals became interested in the antiabortion movement, and why the evangelicals succeeded in their effort to rebrand the pro-life campaign as a conservative cause. Keywords: Pro-life; abortion; Catholic; evangelical; conservatism 1.
    [Show full text]
  • The Heart of an Industry: the Role of the Bracero Program in the Growth of Viticulture in Sonoma and Napa Counties
    THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES by Zachary A. Lawrence A thesis submitted to Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Copyright 2005 By Zachary A. Lawrence ii AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in its entirety must be obtained from me. iii THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES Thesis by Zachary A. Lawrence ABSTRACT This study examines the role of the Bracero Program in the growth of Sonoma and Napa County viticulture in an attempt to understand how important bracero labor was to the industry. While most histories of the Bracero Program are nationwide or statewide in scope, this study explores the regional complexities of how and why the program was used in Sonoma and Napa Counties, how both the growers and laborers in the region felt about it, and how this was different from and similar to other regions. Government documents provided the statistics necessary to determine the demographic changes in the region due to the Bracero Program. Important primary source material that provided the human side of the story includes a number of oral history interviews I conducted, the collection of Wine Industry Oral Histories, and various regional newspaper articles.
    [Show full text]
  • Farm Labor, Reproductive Justice: Migrant Women Farmworkers in the US
    Galarneau Charlene Galarneau, PhD, AM, MAR, is Assistant Farm labor, reproductive justice: Professor in the Women’s and Migrant women farmworkers in the US Gender Studies Department at Wellesley College, Wellesley, Charlene Galarneau MA, USA. Abstract Please address correspon- dence to the author, at: Little is known about the reproductive health of women migrant farmworkers in the Women’s and Gender Studies US. The health and rights of these workers are advanced by fundamental human Department, 106 Central rights principles that are sometimes conceptually and operationally siloed into three Street, Wellesley College, approaches: reproductive health, reproductive rights, and reproductive justice. I focus Wellesley, MA, USA 02481, on the latter framework, as it lends critical attention to the structural oppression email: cgalarne@wellesley. central to poor reproductive health, as well as to the agency of communities organiz- edu. ing and leading efforts to improve their health. I review what is known about these women’s reproductive health; identify three realms of reproduction oppression affecting Competing interests: None their reproductive health: labor/occupational conditions, health care, and social rela- declared. tions involving race, immigration and fertility; and then highlight some current efforts at women farmworker-directed change. Finally, I make several analytical observations Copyright © 2013 Galarneau. that suggest the importance of the reproductive justice framework to broader discus- This is an open access article sions of migrant worker justice and its role in realizing their right to health. distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Introduction Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecom- Summer 1978 in rural Colorado: Luz was 14 years old, working in the melon mons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), fields, and pregnant.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chicano Movement
    The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities.
    [Show full text]
  • The United Farm Workers: a Translation of American Idealism C
    The United Farm Workers: A Translation of American Idealism c.1973 John R. Moyer In 1962 a former migrant farm worker, naval veteran of World War II, and past organizer and director of California’s Community Service Organization moved his family to asmall town in the center of the San Joaquin Valley and began knocking on the doors of the run- down houses of farm workers. As people came to the door he told them that the only way farm workers could gain justice and human dignity was to unite in an organization strong enough to enable them to bargain with their employers. He asked them to help him build such an organization, requested a small contribution of money for operating expenses as a sign of their commitment, and promised them nothing except years of hard work. Many told him to “go to hell.” Many more shrugged their shoulders. But every now and then someone would join him in his effort. The town was Delano. The man was Cesar Estrada Chavez. Today, after ten years of struggle against the most incredible odds, Cesar Chavez is the leader of an organization of more than thirty thousand farm workers who, within the coming year, will hold their founding convention, elect officers, and officially become the first successful union of agricultural workers in the history of this nation. The forces arrayed against this small union are as formidable as ever. Thirty thousand members represent a strong and viable organization, but they are a small percentage of the one million farm workers throughout the country who struggle to gain a living at a time when agriculture has become big business and is steadily replacing people with machines.
    [Show full text]
  • United States Farmworker Fact Sheet
    UNITED STATES FARMWORKER FACT SHEET Who are Farmworkers?1 A migrant farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is seasonal agriculture and who travels and lives in temporary housing. Nearly 40% of migrant workers are “shuttle migrants,” who “shuttle” from a residence in Mexico, for example, to do work in one area of the US. Seventeen percent are “follow-the-crop migrants” who move with the crops. Most migrant workers are foreign-born.9 A seasonal farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is agricultural labor but who is a permanent resident of a community and does not move into temporary housing when employed in farm work. Forty-four percent of farmworkers are seasonal farmworkers, and the majority of these are US-born.9 Demographics Income and Poverty 11 X There are 2-3 million farmworkers in the US. X Over 3/5 of farmworkers are poor, and this is increasing. 75% 2 earn less than $10,000 annually. The purchasing power of X The proportion of foreign-born workers rose from10% in 1989 9 9 farmworkers has dropped more than 10% from 1989 to 1998. to 81% in 1998. X The average wage earned by farmworkers in 1997-98 was $5.94/ X Over time, the farmworker population has become increas- hour. More than 1 in 10 of all workers earned less than the mini- 9 ingly male (now 80%). In the late 1980s, 25% of farmworkers mum wage. were women; by the mid-1990s, the percentage had dropped 2 to 19%. X Few farmworkers have assets. 44% own a vehicle.
    [Show full text]
  • Childhood During the Great Depression
    C H I L D H O O D D U R I N G T H E G R E A T D E P R E S S I O N 1 9 3 0 S –––––––––––––––––––––––– Cesar Chavez ––––––––––––––––––––––– During the Great Depression of the 1930s thousands of farmers (and their families) were left bankrupt, jobless, and then homeless. California became the most popular destination for those seeking employment as migrant farm workers. One of these uprooted families was the Chavez family, who left Arizona for California in 1934. In this excerpt, Cesar Chavez (1927–1993), the founder of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), the first union of migratory workers in the country, recalls some of the challenges he and his family faced as Mexican-American migrant workers. T H I N K T H R O U G H H I S T O R Y : Recognizing Bias What factors would you consider in evaluating this document as historical evidence? –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Oh, I remember having to move out of our house. My father had brought in a team of horses and wagon. We had always lived in that house, and we couldn’t understand why we were moving out. When we got to the other house, it was a worse house, a poor house. That must have been around 1934. I was about six years old. It’s known as the North Gila Valley, about fifty miles north of Yuma. My dad was being turned out of this small plot of land. He had inherited this from his father, who had homesteaded it.
    [Show full text]
  • The Grapes: Communist Wrath in Delano by Gary Allen
    The Grapes: Communist Wrath In Delano By Gary Allen Gary Allen is a Los Angeles film writer, journalist, and lecturer who has covered for American Opinion such affairs as the Watts insurrection and the pro-Vietcong protests at Berkeley. A graduate of Stanford, he is now employed in the preparation of film-strips on current affairs and is finishing a new book on Communist revolution in the streets. Mr. Allen sends his report directly from the scene in Delano, California, where he has been conducting interviews and investigating happenings there on assignments for American Opinion. An important dramatic event is now being staged for the American public, a play with several acts taking place simultaneously in many parts of the country. While it is all part of the same production, the accent of the players and even the title varies with the locale. In the cities it is advertised as “Civil Rights.” On the campus it is promoted under the title “Peace Demonstrations,” while ini rural areas theater-goers are treated to the “Fruit pickers’ Strike,” based on an old and successful production titled “Agrarian Reform” which has enjoyed a long run from the banks of the Volga to the foothills of the Sierra Maestra. While the play is performed in different geographic areas, the theme remains the same. From Selma, to Watts, to Berkeley, to Delano may look like a circuitous route on your road map, but it is a straight line on the road to revolution. If that is the road you are traveling, you are now in Delano, California.
    [Show full text]
  • Art for La Causa
    Art for La Causa The civil rights era of the 1960s, in which marginalized groups demanded equal rights, dramatically altered American society. Galvanized by the times in which they lived, Latino artists became masters of socially engaged art, challenging prevailing notions of American identity and affirming the mixed indigenous, African, and European heritage of Latino communities. Many artists reinvigorated mural and graphic traditions in an effort to reach ordinary people where they lived and worked. Whether energizing genres like history painting, or creating activist posters or works that penetrated bicultural experiences, Latino artists shaped and chronicled a turning point in American history. The Latino Civil Rights movement began around the same time as the African American Civil Rights movement during the 1960s. The Latino community founds its voice in civil rights activist Cesar Chavez in their quest for equality. Chavez, inspired by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., implemented peaceful protest strategies in the effort to expand civil and labor rights for Latinos. The marches, strikes, and fasts that Chavez and others employed aided in raising awareness of unfair labor practices, such as low wages and poor working conditions facing the Latino community. These issues became compelling motivation for Latino artists to use their talents to raise awareness and engage others for La Causa. Their artwork, which began as an expression of public art forms, fueled ongoing political activism and a greater sense of cultural pride. Political banners and posters carried during marches and protests were some of the first art forms of the movement. While Emanuel Martinez’s Farm Workers Altar is an excellent example of early public art of the movement, Carmen Lomas Garza’s Camas para Sueños exudes cultural pride in depicting a scene of everyday life in a Mexican American family.
    [Show full text]
  • Cesar Chavez Will Speak on the International Grape Boycott; Sponsored by Mecha
    Cesar Chavez will speak on the international grape boycott; sponsored by MEChA April 27, 1987 Media Contact: Sandra Garrett, 534-3120 CESAR CHAVEZ SPEAKS AT UCSD ON GRAPE BOYCOTT Cesar Chavez, president of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO, will speak on the international grape boycott at 4:30 p.m., May 4, in Peterson Hall, room 108 at the University of California, San Diego. Sponsored by MECHA, a Chicano student organization, the talk is free and open to the public. Chavez will also show a brief video on "The Wrath of Grapes." According to Chavez, this slogan has become the theme of the boycott which is trying to bring attention to the potential danger to both vineyard workers and consumers with the application of pesticides by growers. The boycott is also an attempt to pressure grape growers into supporting union certification elections. The 60-year-old Chavez founded and heads the first successful farm workers' union in U.S. history. He served as director of the Community Service Organization, a barrio-based self-help group of California Mexican Americans, during the late 1950s and early 1960s. In 1962, after failing to convince the CSO to commit to farm worker organization, he resigned and moved his family from the San Jose barrio of "Sal Si Puedes" (Get out if you can) to Delano, Calif., where he founded the National Farm Workers Association. During this time Chavez traveled to dozens of farm communities, building a nucleus of farm worker members. In September 1965, Chavez's NFWA, with 1,200 member families, joined the AFL-CIO's Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee in a strike of Delano area table and wine grape growers.
    [Show full text]