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The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers
Black and Brown: The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers By Stephen Lerner onventional wisdom holds that tensions between Black and Latino workers are on the rise as the two ethnic C groups compete for the same low-wage service sector jobs in many of our nation’s big cities. But recent success- ful efforts by both groups of workers, to form unions and organize for pay increase and health insurance, show that workers and leaders from both communities are crossing racial lines to help improve the very jobs that they are supposed to be fighting over. In high-profile strikes this year by Service behind the bleak economic outlook are not other Employees International Union (SEIU) janitors in ethnic groups, but the large corporations that are Houston and Miami, Black and “brown” national driving our nation’s service economy. leaders united to support a largely immigrant A lot of attention is given to the fact that the workforce. Dozens of African American leaders— service sector currently drives the overall American many of them veterans of the civil rights movement economy, but what is often ignored is the fact that of the 1960s and leaders in the ongoing struggle the real estate sector drives the service economy. The 33 against racism and discrimination, such as Rev. entities that own, control, and invest in office James M. Lawson and Charles Steele, Jr.—lent their buildings and shopping malls—companies like support to help mostly Latino workers win better Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase—either jobs, using many of the same non-violent, civil dis- directly or indirectly control the jobs of more than obedience tactics that helped spur the civil rights nine million service workers (janitors, security movement. -
FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
1 Ethnic Studies 357: FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019 Contact Information Instructors Office, Phone & Email Ronald L. Mize Office Hours: Wed 11:30-12:30, or by Associate Professor appointment School of Language, Culture and Society 541.737.6803 Office: 315 Waldo Hall Email [email protected] Class Meeting: Wednesdays, 4:00 pm - 7:50 pm, Learning Innovation Center (LINC) 360, including three off- campus service/experiential learning sessions. The course is four credits based on number of contact hours for lecture/discussion and three experiential learning sessions. Course Description: Justice movements for farmworkers have a long and storied past in the annals of US history. This course begins with the 1960s Chicano civil rights era struggles for social justice to present day. Focus on the varied strategies of five farmworker justice movements: United Farm Workers, Farm Labor Organizing Committee, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos Noroeste, Migrant Justice, and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. This course was co-designed with a founder of PCUN, Larry Kleinman, who actively co-leads the course as his schedule allows. The course is structured around the question of the movement and its various articulations. Together, we will cover some central themes and strategies that comprise the core of farm worker movements but the course is designed to allow you, the student, to explore other articulations you find personally relevant or of interest. This course is designated as meeting Difference, Power, and Discrimination requirements. Difference, Power, and Discrimination Courses Baccalaureate Core Requirement: ES357 “Farmworker Justice Movements” fulfills the Difference, Power, and Discrimination (DPD) requirement in the Baccalaureate Core. -
The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause
Religions 2015, 6, 451–475; doi:10.3390/rel6020451 OPEN ACCESS religions ISSN 2077-1444 www.mdpi.com/journal/religions Article The Partisan Trajectory of the American Pro-Life Movement: How a Liberal Catholic Campaign Became a Conservative Evangelical Cause Daniel K. Williams Department of History, University of West Georgia, 1601 Maple St., Carrollton, GA 30118, USA; E-Mail: [email protected]; Tel.: +1-678-839-6034 Academic Editor: Darren Dochuk Received: 25 February 2015 / Accepted: 3 April 2015 / Published: 16 April 2015 Abstract: This article employs a historical analysis of the religious composition of the pro-life movement to explain why the partisan identity of the movement shifted from the left to the right between the late 1960s and the 1980s. Many of the Catholics who formed the first anti-abortion organizations in the late 1960s were liberal Democrats who viewed their campaign to save the unborn as a rights-based movement that was fully in keeping with the principles of New Deal and Great Society liberalism, but when evangelical Protestants joined the movement in the late 1970s, they reframed the pro-life cause as a politically conservative campaign linked not to the ideology of human rights but to the politics of moral order and “family values.” This article explains why the Catholic effort to build a pro-life coalition of liberal Democrats failed after Roe v. Wade, why evangelicals became interested in the antiabortion movement, and why the evangelicals succeeded in their effort to rebrand the pro-life campaign as a conservative cause. Keywords: Pro-life; abortion; Catholic; evangelical; conservatism 1. -
The Heart of an Industry: the Role of the Bracero Program in the Growth of Viticulture in Sonoma and Napa Counties
THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES by Zachary A. Lawrence A thesis submitted to Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Copyright 2005 By Zachary A. Lawrence ii AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in its entirety must be obtained from me. iii THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES Thesis by Zachary A. Lawrence ABSTRACT This study examines the role of the Bracero Program in the growth of Sonoma and Napa County viticulture in an attempt to understand how important bracero labor was to the industry. While most histories of the Bracero Program are nationwide or statewide in scope, this study explores the regional complexities of how and why the program was used in Sonoma and Napa Counties, how both the growers and laborers in the region felt about it, and how this was different from and similar to other regions. Government documents provided the statistics necessary to determine the demographic changes in the region due to the Bracero Program. Important primary source material that provided the human side of the story includes a number of oral history interviews I conducted, the collection of Wine Industry Oral Histories, and various regional newspaper articles. -
Farm Labor, Reproductive Justice: Migrant Women Farmworkers in the US
Galarneau Charlene Galarneau, PhD, AM, MAR, is Assistant Farm labor, reproductive justice: Professor in the Women’s and Migrant women farmworkers in the US Gender Studies Department at Wellesley College, Wellesley, Charlene Galarneau MA, USA. Abstract Please address correspon- dence to the author, at: Little is known about the reproductive health of women migrant farmworkers in the Women’s and Gender Studies US. The health and rights of these workers are advanced by fundamental human Department, 106 Central rights principles that are sometimes conceptually and operationally siloed into three Street, Wellesley College, approaches: reproductive health, reproductive rights, and reproductive justice. I focus Wellesley, MA, USA 02481, on the latter framework, as it lends critical attention to the structural oppression email: cgalarne@wellesley. central to poor reproductive health, as well as to the agency of communities organiz- edu. ing and leading efforts to improve their health. I review what is known about these women’s reproductive health; identify three realms of reproduction oppression affecting Competing interests: None their reproductive health: labor/occupational conditions, health care, and social rela- declared. tions involving race, immigration and fertility; and then highlight some current efforts at women farmworker-directed change. Finally, I make several analytical observations Copyright © 2013 Galarneau. that suggest the importance of the reproductive justice framework to broader discus- This is an open access article sions of migrant worker justice and its role in realizing their right to health. distributed under the terms of the Creative Common Introduction Attribution Non-Commercial License (http://creativecom- Summer 1978 in rural Colorado: Luz was 14 years old, working in the melon mons.org/licenses/by-nc/3.0/), fields, and pregnant. -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
The United Farm Workers: a Translation of American Idealism C
The United Farm Workers: A Translation of American Idealism c.1973 John R. Moyer In 1962 a former migrant farm worker, naval veteran of World War II, and past organizer and director of California’s Community Service Organization moved his family to asmall town in the center of the San Joaquin Valley and began knocking on the doors of the run- down houses of farm workers. As people came to the door he told them that the only way farm workers could gain justice and human dignity was to unite in an organization strong enough to enable them to bargain with their employers. He asked them to help him build such an organization, requested a small contribution of money for operating expenses as a sign of their commitment, and promised them nothing except years of hard work. Many told him to “go to hell.” Many more shrugged their shoulders. But every now and then someone would join him in his effort. The town was Delano. The man was Cesar Estrada Chavez. Today, after ten years of struggle against the most incredible odds, Cesar Chavez is the leader of an organization of more than thirty thousand farm workers who, within the coming year, will hold their founding convention, elect officers, and officially become the first successful union of agricultural workers in the history of this nation. The forces arrayed against this small union are as formidable as ever. Thirty thousand members represent a strong and viable organization, but they are a small percentage of the one million farm workers throughout the country who struggle to gain a living at a time when agriculture has become big business and is steadily replacing people with machines. -
United States Farmworker Fact Sheet
UNITED STATES FARMWORKER FACT SHEET Who are Farmworkers?1 A migrant farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is seasonal agriculture and who travels and lives in temporary housing. Nearly 40% of migrant workers are “shuttle migrants,” who “shuttle” from a residence in Mexico, for example, to do work in one area of the US. Seventeen percent are “follow-the-crop migrants” who move with the crops. Most migrant workers are foreign-born.9 A seasonal farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is agricultural labor but who is a permanent resident of a community and does not move into temporary housing when employed in farm work. Forty-four percent of farmworkers are seasonal farmworkers, and the majority of these are US-born.9 Demographics Income and Poverty 11 X There are 2-3 million farmworkers in the US. X Over 3/5 of farmworkers are poor, and this is increasing. 75% 2 earn less than $10,000 annually. The purchasing power of X The proportion of foreign-born workers rose from10% in 1989 9 9 farmworkers has dropped more than 10% from 1989 to 1998. to 81% in 1998. X The average wage earned by farmworkers in 1997-98 was $5.94/ X Over time, the farmworker population has become increas- hour. More than 1 in 10 of all workers earned less than the mini- 9 ingly male (now 80%). In the late 1980s, 25% of farmworkers mum wage. were women; by the mid-1990s, the percentage had dropped 2 to 19%. X Few farmworkers have assets. 44% own a vehicle. -
Childhood During the Great Depression
C H I L D H O O D D U R I N G T H E G R E A T D E P R E S S I O N 1 9 3 0 S –––––––––––––––––––––––– Cesar Chavez ––––––––––––––––––––––– During the Great Depression of the 1930s thousands of farmers (and their families) were left bankrupt, jobless, and then homeless. California became the most popular destination for those seeking employment as migrant farm workers. One of these uprooted families was the Chavez family, who left Arizona for California in 1934. In this excerpt, Cesar Chavez (1927–1993), the founder of the United Farm Workers Organizing Committee (UFWOC), the first union of migratory workers in the country, recalls some of the challenges he and his family faced as Mexican-American migrant workers. T H I N K T H R O U G H H I S T O R Y : Recognizing Bias What factors would you consider in evaluating this document as historical evidence? –––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– Oh, I remember having to move out of our house. My father had brought in a team of horses and wagon. We had always lived in that house, and we couldn’t understand why we were moving out. When we got to the other house, it was a worse house, a poor house. That must have been around 1934. I was about six years old. It’s known as the North Gila Valley, about fifty miles north of Yuma. My dad was being turned out of this small plot of land. He had inherited this from his father, who had homesteaded it. -
The Grapes: Communist Wrath in Delano by Gary Allen
The Grapes: Communist Wrath In Delano By Gary Allen Gary Allen is a Los Angeles film writer, journalist, and lecturer who has covered for American Opinion such affairs as the Watts insurrection and the pro-Vietcong protests at Berkeley. A graduate of Stanford, he is now employed in the preparation of film-strips on current affairs and is finishing a new book on Communist revolution in the streets. Mr. Allen sends his report directly from the scene in Delano, California, where he has been conducting interviews and investigating happenings there on assignments for American Opinion. An important dramatic event is now being staged for the American public, a play with several acts taking place simultaneously in many parts of the country. While it is all part of the same production, the accent of the players and even the title varies with the locale. In the cities it is advertised as “Civil Rights.” On the campus it is promoted under the title “Peace Demonstrations,” while ini rural areas theater-goers are treated to the “Fruit pickers’ Strike,” based on an old and successful production titled “Agrarian Reform” which has enjoyed a long run from the banks of the Volga to the foothills of the Sierra Maestra. While the play is performed in different geographic areas, the theme remains the same. From Selma, to Watts, to Berkeley, to Delano may look like a circuitous route on your road map, but it is a straight line on the road to revolution. If that is the road you are traveling, you are now in Delano, California. -
Art for La Causa
Art for La Causa The civil rights era of the 1960s, in which marginalized groups demanded equal rights, dramatically altered American society. Galvanized by the times in which they lived, Latino artists became masters of socially engaged art, challenging prevailing notions of American identity and affirming the mixed indigenous, African, and European heritage of Latino communities. Many artists reinvigorated mural and graphic traditions in an effort to reach ordinary people where they lived and worked. Whether energizing genres like history painting, or creating activist posters or works that penetrated bicultural experiences, Latino artists shaped and chronicled a turning point in American history. The Latino Civil Rights movement began around the same time as the African American Civil Rights movement during the 1960s. The Latino community founds its voice in civil rights activist Cesar Chavez in their quest for equality. Chavez, inspired by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., implemented peaceful protest strategies in the effort to expand civil and labor rights for Latinos. The marches, strikes, and fasts that Chavez and others employed aided in raising awareness of unfair labor practices, such as low wages and poor working conditions facing the Latino community. These issues became compelling motivation for Latino artists to use their talents to raise awareness and engage others for La Causa. Their artwork, which began as an expression of public art forms, fueled ongoing political activism and a greater sense of cultural pride. Political banners and posters carried during marches and protests were some of the first art forms of the movement. While Emanuel Martinez’s Farm Workers Altar is an excellent example of early public art of the movement, Carmen Lomas Garza’s Camas para Sueños exudes cultural pride in depicting a scene of everyday life in a Mexican American family. -
Cesar Chavez Will Speak on the International Grape Boycott; Sponsored by Mecha
Cesar Chavez will speak on the international grape boycott; sponsored by MEChA April 27, 1987 Media Contact: Sandra Garrett, 534-3120 CESAR CHAVEZ SPEAKS AT UCSD ON GRAPE BOYCOTT Cesar Chavez, president of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO, will speak on the international grape boycott at 4:30 p.m., May 4, in Peterson Hall, room 108 at the University of California, San Diego. Sponsored by MECHA, a Chicano student organization, the talk is free and open to the public. Chavez will also show a brief video on "The Wrath of Grapes." According to Chavez, this slogan has become the theme of the boycott which is trying to bring attention to the potential danger to both vineyard workers and consumers with the application of pesticides by growers. The boycott is also an attempt to pressure grape growers into supporting union certification elections. The 60-year-old Chavez founded and heads the first successful farm workers' union in U.S. history. He served as director of the Community Service Organization, a barrio-based self-help group of California Mexican Americans, during the late 1950s and early 1960s. In 1962, after failing to convince the CSO to commit to farm worker organization, he resigned and moved his family from the San Jose barrio of "Sal Si Puedes" (Get out if you can) to Delano, Calif., where he founded the National Farm Workers Association. During this time Chavez traveled to dozens of farm communities, building a nucleus of farm worker members. In September 1965, Chavez's NFWA, with 1,200 member families, joined the AFL-CIO's Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee in a strike of Delano area table and wine grape growers.