Frank Barajas Cesar Chavez Presentation
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The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers
Black and Brown: The United Colors of Low-Wage Workers By Stephen Lerner onventional wisdom holds that tensions between Black and Latino workers are on the rise as the two ethnic C groups compete for the same low-wage service sector jobs in many of our nation’s big cities. But recent success- ful efforts by both groups of workers, to form unions and organize for pay increase and health insurance, show that workers and leaders from both communities are crossing racial lines to help improve the very jobs that they are supposed to be fighting over. In high-profile strikes this year by Service behind the bleak economic outlook are not other Employees International Union (SEIU) janitors in ethnic groups, but the large corporations that are Houston and Miami, Black and “brown” national driving our nation’s service economy. leaders united to support a largely immigrant A lot of attention is given to the fact that the workforce. Dozens of African American leaders— service sector currently drives the overall American many of them veterans of the civil rights movement economy, but what is often ignored is the fact that of the 1960s and leaders in the ongoing struggle the real estate sector drives the service economy. The 33 against racism and discrimination, such as Rev. entities that own, control, and invest in office James M. Lawson and Charles Steele, Jr.—lent their buildings and shopping malls—companies like support to help mostly Latino workers win better Goldman Sachs and JP Morgan Chase—either jobs, using many of the same non-violent, civil dis- directly or indirectly control the jobs of more than obedience tactics that helped spur the civil rights nine million service workers (janitors, security movement. -
FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 Credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019
1 Ethnic Studies 357: FARMWORKER JUSTICE MOVEMENTS (4 credits) Syllabus Winter 2019 Jan 07, 2019 - Mar 15, 2019 Contact Information Instructors Office, Phone & Email Ronald L. Mize Office Hours: Wed 11:30-12:30, or by Associate Professor appointment School of Language, Culture and Society 541.737.6803 Office: 315 Waldo Hall Email [email protected] Class Meeting: Wednesdays, 4:00 pm - 7:50 pm, Learning Innovation Center (LINC) 360, including three off- campus service/experiential learning sessions. The course is four credits based on number of contact hours for lecture/discussion and three experiential learning sessions. Course Description: Justice movements for farmworkers have a long and storied past in the annals of US history. This course begins with the 1960s Chicano civil rights era struggles for social justice to present day. Focus on the varied strategies of five farmworker justice movements: United Farm Workers, Farm Labor Organizing Committee, Pineros y Campesinos Unidos Noroeste, Migrant Justice, and the Coalition of Immokalee Workers. This course was co-designed with a founder of PCUN, Larry Kleinman, who actively co-leads the course as his schedule allows. The course is structured around the question of the movement and its various articulations. Together, we will cover some central themes and strategies that comprise the core of farm worker movements but the course is designed to allow you, the student, to explore other articulations you find personally relevant or of interest. This course is designated as meeting Difference, Power, and Discrimination requirements. Difference, Power, and Discrimination Courses Baccalaureate Core Requirement: ES357 “Farmworker Justice Movements” fulfills the Difference, Power, and Discrimination (DPD) requirement in the Baccalaureate Core. -
The Heart of an Industry: the Role of the Bracero Program in the Growth of Viticulture in Sonoma and Napa Counties
THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES by Zachary A. Lawrence A thesis submitted to Sonoma State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF ARTS in History Copyright 2005 By Zachary A. Lawrence ii AUTHORIZATION FOR REPRODUCTION OF MASTER’S THESIS I grant permission for the reproduction of parts of this thesis without further authorization from me, on the condition that the person or agency requesting reproduction absorbs the cost and provide proper acknowledgement of authorship. Permission to reproduce this thesis in its entirety must be obtained from me. iii THE HEART OF AN INDUSTRY: THE ROLE OF THE BRACERO PROGRAM IN THE GROWTH OF VITICULTURE IN SONOMA AND NAPA COUNTIES Thesis by Zachary A. Lawrence ABSTRACT This study examines the role of the Bracero Program in the growth of Sonoma and Napa County viticulture in an attempt to understand how important bracero labor was to the industry. While most histories of the Bracero Program are nationwide or statewide in scope, this study explores the regional complexities of how and why the program was used in Sonoma and Napa Counties, how both the growers and laborers in the region felt about it, and how this was different from and similar to other regions. Government documents provided the statistics necessary to determine the demographic changes in the region due to the Bracero Program. Important primary source material that provided the human side of the story includes a number of oral history interviews I conducted, the collection of Wine Industry Oral Histories, and various regional newspaper articles. -
The Chicano Movement
The Chicano Movement By Fawn-Amber Montoya, Ph.D. The Chicano Movement represented Mexican Americans’ fight for equal rights after the Second World War. The rights that they desired included equality in education and housing, representation in voting, equal conditions in labor, and the recognition and celebration of their ethnic heritage. The Chicano Movement includes leaders such as Cesar Chavez, United Farm Workers (UFW) who worked to achieve better sanitation and wages for farm workers. Chavez advocated non violent action as the best method of achieving the goals of the UFW. He encouraged striking, boycotting, and marching as peaceful methods to achieve one’s goals. While the UFW was formed in California Chavez encouraged and participated in boycotts and strikes throughout the Southwestern United States. In New Mexico, Reyes Lopez Tijerina fought to regain lands that had been taken from Hispanics after the Mexican-American War. Tijerina believed that if the government and Anglo land owners failed to return lands unlawfully or unethically taken from Mexican Americans after the war in 1848, then Chicanos should use force. In Texas, Jose Angel Gutierrez assisted in the formation of La Raza Unida party which encouraged Mexican Americans to participate in voting, and to run for local, state, and national positions of leadership. La Raza Unida brought together Chicanos throughout the Southwest, but was most successful in Crystal City Texas, where the party was successful in electing local Chicanos to the school board. Rudulfo “Corky “ Gonzalez assisted in establishing the Crusade for Justice in Colorado. The Crusade aided high school and university students in gaining more representation at Colorado universities and establishing Chicano Studies courses and programs in high schools and universities. -
The United Farm Workers: a Translation of American Idealism C
The United Farm Workers: A Translation of American Idealism c.1973 John R. Moyer In 1962 a former migrant farm worker, naval veteran of World War II, and past organizer and director of California’s Community Service Organization moved his family to asmall town in the center of the San Joaquin Valley and began knocking on the doors of the run- down houses of farm workers. As people came to the door he told them that the only way farm workers could gain justice and human dignity was to unite in an organization strong enough to enable them to bargain with their employers. He asked them to help him build such an organization, requested a small contribution of money for operating expenses as a sign of their commitment, and promised them nothing except years of hard work. Many told him to “go to hell.” Many more shrugged their shoulders. But every now and then someone would join him in his effort. The town was Delano. The man was Cesar Estrada Chavez. Today, after ten years of struggle against the most incredible odds, Cesar Chavez is the leader of an organization of more than thirty thousand farm workers who, within the coming year, will hold their founding convention, elect officers, and officially become the first successful union of agricultural workers in the history of this nation. The forces arrayed against this small union are as formidable as ever. Thirty thousand members represent a strong and viable organization, but they are a small percentage of the one million farm workers throughout the country who struggle to gain a living at a time when agriculture has become big business and is steadily replacing people with machines. -
United States Farmworker Fact Sheet
UNITED STATES FARMWORKER FACT SHEET Who are Farmworkers?1 A migrant farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is seasonal agriculture and who travels and lives in temporary housing. Nearly 40% of migrant workers are “shuttle migrants,” who “shuttle” from a residence in Mexico, for example, to do work in one area of the US. Seventeen percent are “follow-the-crop migrants” who move with the crops. Most migrant workers are foreign-born.9 A seasonal farmworker is an individual whose principal employment is agricultural labor but who is a permanent resident of a community and does not move into temporary housing when employed in farm work. Forty-four percent of farmworkers are seasonal farmworkers, and the majority of these are US-born.9 Demographics Income and Poverty 11 X There are 2-3 million farmworkers in the US. X Over 3/5 of farmworkers are poor, and this is increasing. 75% 2 earn less than $10,000 annually. The purchasing power of X The proportion of foreign-born workers rose from10% in 1989 9 9 farmworkers has dropped more than 10% from 1989 to 1998. to 81% in 1998. X The average wage earned by farmworkers in 1997-98 was $5.94/ X Over time, the farmworker population has become increas- hour. More than 1 in 10 of all workers earned less than the mini- 9 ingly male (now 80%). In the late 1980s, 25% of farmworkers mum wage. were women; by the mid-1990s, the percentage had dropped 2 to 19%. X Few farmworkers have assets. 44% own a vehicle. -
By Blanca Alvarado in His 1965 Address to Congress Proposing The
By Blanca Alvarado In his 1965 address to Congress proposing the Voting Rights Act, President Lyndon B. Johnson declared, “At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.” A joining of history and fate for the Latino civil rights movement occurred 13 years earlier during the first unlikely encounter in San Jose between a 25-year old Cesar Chavez and Fred Ross, the San Francisco native who Chavez would later credit with “training me and inspiring me and being my hero [and] best friend.” Governor Brown just announced Ross’ induction into the California Hall of Fame. According to Chavez’s eulogy for Ross in 1992, only seven months before his own death, Ross “was about the last person I wanted to see” in the hard-scrabble eastside San Jose barrio of Sal Si Puedes (Get Out If You Can), where Chavez and his family first came as migrant farm workers in the late 1930s. Ross arrived in Sal Si Puedes during spring 1952 to organize a chapter of the Community Service Organization, a fledgling Latino civil rights group sponsored by Chicago community organizer Saul Alinsky. At first Chavez thought Ross was a gringo university student or professor using Sal Si Puedes for research and posing insulting questions. Still, Ross looked different. He was tall and slender, wore rumpled clothing and drove an old beat-up car. -
515 W. 27Th St | Los Angeles, CA | 90007 Phone (213) 743 0005 | Fax (213) 747 7262
515 W. 27th St | Los Angeles, CA | 90007 phone (213) 743 0005 | fax (213) 747 7262 February 28, 2013 President Barack Obama The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Washington, DC 205090 Dear President Obama, I am writing to urge you to confer the Presidential Medal of Honor posthumously upon Fred Ross, Sr., in recognition of his lifetime commitment to the training and development of leaders and organizers throughout the United States. I first learned of Fred Ross, Sr. in 1972, when I began ministry in East Los Angeles. I’m a Catholic sister, and a member of the Sisters of Social Service of Los Angeles. I began working in East LA as a parish social worker in the early 1970’s, and soon encountered the stories and experiences that brought me to know and respect the work of Fred Ross, Sr. So many of the conversations I had with people in the neighborhoods, communities and churches in East LA were filled with stories of how their East LA communities overcame discrimination and voter suppression as a result of the organizing training they received from Fred Ross, Sr. I learned that Fred had been hired in 1947, by Saul Alinsky of the Industrial Areas Foundation, to come to East Los Angeles and work for the Community Services Organization (CSO). He trained thousands of local Latino leaders in East LA to organize, and taught organizing skills and strategies to many young activists like Cesar Chavez, Dolores Huerta, Eliseo Medina and Cruz Reynosa. Most of these many leaders, both local and national, went on to become champions for economic and social justice issues at home and all across the US. -
Art for La Causa
Art for La Causa The civil rights era of the 1960s, in which marginalized groups demanded equal rights, dramatically altered American society. Galvanized by the times in which they lived, Latino artists became masters of socially engaged art, challenging prevailing notions of American identity and affirming the mixed indigenous, African, and European heritage of Latino communities. Many artists reinvigorated mural and graphic traditions in an effort to reach ordinary people where they lived and worked. Whether energizing genres like history painting, or creating activist posters or works that penetrated bicultural experiences, Latino artists shaped and chronicled a turning point in American history. The Latino Civil Rights movement began around the same time as the African American Civil Rights movement during the 1960s. The Latino community founds its voice in civil rights activist Cesar Chavez in their quest for equality. Chavez, inspired by Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr., implemented peaceful protest strategies in the effort to expand civil and labor rights for Latinos. The marches, strikes, and fasts that Chavez and others employed aided in raising awareness of unfair labor practices, such as low wages and poor working conditions facing the Latino community. These issues became compelling motivation for Latino artists to use their talents to raise awareness and engage others for La Causa. Their artwork, which began as an expression of public art forms, fueled ongoing political activism and a greater sense of cultural pride. Political banners and posters carried during marches and protests were some of the first art forms of the movement. While Emanuel Martinez’s Farm Workers Altar is an excellent example of early public art of the movement, Carmen Lomas Garza’s Camas para Sueños exudes cultural pride in depicting a scene of everyday life in a Mexican American family. -
Cesar Chavez Will Speak on the International Grape Boycott; Sponsored by Mecha
Cesar Chavez will speak on the international grape boycott; sponsored by MEChA April 27, 1987 Media Contact: Sandra Garrett, 534-3120 CESAR CHAVEZ SPEAKS AT UCSD ON GRAPE BOYCOTT Cesar Chavez, president of the United Farm Workers of America, AFL-CIO, will speak on the international grape boycott at 4:30 p.m., May 4, in Peterson Hall, room 108 at the University of California, San Diego. Sponsored by MECHA, a Chicano student organization, the talk is free and open to the public. Chavez will also show a brief video on "The Wrath of Grapes." According to Chavez, this slogan has become the theme of the boycott which is trying to bring attention to the potential danger to both vineyard workers and consumers with the application of pesticides by growers. The boycott is also an attempt to pressure grape growers into supporting union certification elections. The 60-year-old Chavez founded and heads the first successful farm workers' union in U.S. history. He served as director of the Community Service Organization, a barrio-based self-help group of California Mexican Americans, during the late 1950s and early 1960s. In 1962, after failing to convince the CSO to commit to farm worker organization, he resigned and moved his family from the San Jose barrio of "Sal Si Puedes" (Get out if you can) to Delano, Calif., where he founded the National Farm Workers Association. During this time Chavez traveled to dozens of farm communities, building a nucleus of farm worker members. In September 1965, Chavez's NFWA, with 1,200 member families, joined the AFL-CIO's Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee in a strike of Delano area table and wine grape growers. -
Fred Ross Papers M0812
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/tf896nb39b No online items Guide to the Fred Ross papers M0812 Processed by Patricia Mazón; machine-readable finding aid created by Geoffrey Skinner. Updated version created 2015. Department of Special Collections and University Archives 1997 Green Library 557 Escondido Mall Stanford 94305-6064 [email protected] URL: http://library.stanford.edu/spc Guide to the Fred Ross papers M0812 1 M0812 Language of Material: English Contributing Institution: Department of Special Collections and University Archives Title: Fred Ross papers creator: Ross, Fred, 1910-1992 source: Ross, Fred, Jr. Identifier/Call Number: M0812 Physical Description: 25 Linear Feet(48 boxes ; 1 map folder) Date (inclusive): 1920-2003 Abstract: Fred W. Ross, Sr. was a pioneer community and labor organizer who fought racial prejudice and championed the rights of the working poor. His papers include correspondence, memoranda, subject files, press clippings, drafts, unpublished writing, photographs, and audio recordings. Biographical / Historical Fred W. Ross was born August 23, 1910 in San Francisco to Fred W. and Daisy C. Ross. He grew up in the Echo Park neighborhood of Los Angeles and attended Belmont High School until 1929. An English literature and social science major, he graduated from the University of Southern California in 1937. Giving up his original plan to become a teacher because he could not find a job during the Depression, Ross became a caseworker with the state relief administration. In 1939 he became the manager of the Arvin Migratory Labor Camp near Bakersfield, the same camp John Steinbeck drew on to write The Grapes of Wrath. -
The Plight of the Mexican Migrant Farm Worker
Dominican Scholar Senior Theses Student Scholarship 5-2014 Unseen Consequences: The Plight of the Mexican Migrant Farm Worker Amanda Diaz Dominican University of California https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2014.HCS.ST.04 Survey: Let us know how this paper benefits you. Recommended Citation Diaz, Amanda, "Unseen Consequences: The Plight of the Mexican Migrant Farm Worker" (2014). Senior Theses. 10. https://doi.org/10.33015/dominican.edu/2014.HCS.ST.04 This Senior Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Scholarship at Dominican Scholar. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of Dominican Scholar. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Unseen Consequences Diaz 1 Unseen Consequences: The Plight of the Mexican Migrant Farm Worker Department of Humanities and Cultural Studies Senior Thesis 2014 By: Amanda Diaz Reader: Chase Clow Unseen Consequences Diaz 2 Copyright © Amanda Diaz All Rights Reserved Unseen Consequences Diaz 3 Table of Contents Abstract…………………………………………………….. 4 Prologue …………………………………………………… 5 Introduction …………………………....…………………... 7 1. Physical Harm ………………………...…………………… 14 2. Pesticides …………………………………..………….…… 20 3. Culture ……………………………………...……………… 24 4. Conclusion ……………………………………...………….. 28 Unseen Consequences Diaz 4 Abstract The cultural and workforce conflicts facing the Mexican migrant farm worker have been a continuous battle. From the creation and collapse of the US/Mexico Bracero Program to the Cesar Chavez movement, Mexican migrant workers have been fighting for dignified working rights and against the negative stereotypes within American culture. With in-depth photojournalism and self-immersion with a unit of Mexican migrant crop workers, three critical areas of conflicts have risen above all others.