CEU eTD Collection Gay Parenthood through Assisted Reproductive Technologies Assisted Gay Parenthood through inIsrael nprilflileto terqieet o h ereo Mseso Arts In the partialrequirements Masters fulfillment for of the degree of of (Re)conceiving Kinship: Department of Gender Studies Gender of Department Second Reader: Eva Fodor Central European University Supervisor: Judit Sándor Supervisor: Budapest, Hungary Budapest, April Hovav April Submitted to 2011 By CEU eTD Collection over genetic bonds. Israeli society, but also challenges the normativeJewish-Israeli paradigms of kinship by prioritizing social sex couples use reproductive technologies in away that affirms the familyimportance continuity of in discussgay the location parenthood of within this social, legal, and cultural landscape. Iargue that same- culture and is grounded in a bioculturalJewish construction collectiveof identity. In the third chapter, I parenthood. In this chapter, I argue that pronatalism is a dominant Israelidimension political of and social second chapter, I map out the legal, social, and cultural context in which gay men navigate their course to such technologiesuse of provides an additional perspective from which to explore these issues. Inthe reproductivestudies of technologies focus on infertile heterosexual couples, studying how gay men make kinship and situate my study within anthropological approaches to this question. I argue that while most feminist debates about the reproductivepotential of technologies to challenge normative paradigms of understandingsparenthood, ofand views on assisted reproductive technology. In the first chapter, I review interviews I conductedof in Israel in 2011,the spring Idiscussof gay men's reproductive decisions, Abstract In this thesis I explore reproductivethe use of technologies by gay men in Israel. Based on aseries ii CEU eTD Collection Bibliography Appendix:Interviewees List of Conclusion Chapter 3: Gay Parenthood in Israel Pronatalism Israeli of 2: Elements Chapter Chapter 1: The PoliticsAssisted Reproduction of Introduction Acknowledgements 3.7 Conclusion 3.6 New Approaches to Family and ARTs 3.5 Challenging Dominant ParadigmsKinship of 3.4 “Mis-recognition” 3.3 Societal GayAcceptance Parenthood of 3.2 Adoption 3.1 Legal Perspectives on Gay Parenthood in Israel 2.9 Conclusion 2.8 Single Motherhood in Israel 2.7 Posthumous Reproduction 2.6 Adoption vs ART Policies in Israel 2.5 Embryo-Carrying Agreements Law (the Surrogacy Law) 2.4 Kinship in Court: Nahmani vsHealth Minister of 2.3 The Jewish Collective Identity as a Biocultural Construct 2.2 Technology and Ethics 2.1 Attitudes Towards Reproductive Technology in Israel 1.3 Limitationsthe Study of 1.2 Methodology 1.1 Theoretical Framework Table of Contents iii 51 50 48 47 43 40 37 33 30 28 28 27 26 24 24 22 19 17 15 14 13 12 iv 9 5 4 1 CEU eTD Collection and a bit of curiosity.and a bit of with wise words and strong coffee. From you I have learned that the key to eternal youth is an open mind listened patiently as I talked through my ideas for hours on end, and who continuously encouraged me incredible grandmother, Deborah Zeelim, who sat beside me as I drove to interviews all across Israel, who course,and my of interviewees for trusting me with their stories. I would like dedicate this thesis to my also like to thank everyone who helped me in finding interviewees, my friends and family for their support, the thesis process: my supervisor Judit Sándor, Eva Fodor, Allaine Cerwonka, and Elissa Helms. Iwould I would like to thank my professors at Central European University who assisted me with throughout Acknowledgements iv CEU eTD Collection herself with hormones,herself an Israeli doctor peers through amicroscope to decide which sperm to implant specializes in transnational surrogacy. The film spans three continents as an donor egg in Tennessee injects whose daughter was born to a surrogate in the United States and who founded screening of thescreening documentary of film like them were missing. Israel, the more questions I had, and the more I noticed that the Dan,voices his partner,of and gay men transnational options now available, and the new means through which gay men were becoming parents in the twins?plight The of more I read about the legislative limitations onsurrogacy in Israel, the become such a gay friendly society? Was the backlash against the judge really about gay rights or about the judge's decision and even the Israeli prime-minister intervened on his behalf, Iwondered, when Israel had unfolded,my questions most of remained unanswered. When Dan'scrowds supporters of protested the across the screen every evening? Why did the government require a DNA test anyway? As the story to have children through asurrogate? Does he haveso, partner? why If is it only Dan's name flashing judge for his homophobic decision,questions a number cameof to my mind. Why had Dan gone to India Goldberg's lawyer, call for the children to be brought to Israel and civil rights organizations deride the Goldberg story, which made the evening news every night that month. As I listened to Irit Rosenblum, 2011, Isat in my grandmother's living room in Petach Tikva, a town nearby to Tel Aviv, fascinated by the Liron were in fact his biological children, and thus make them eligible to be naturalized in Israel. In March refused to give him the legal papers necessary to conduct a DNA test which would prove that Itai and Goldberg, an Israeli citizen, planned to bring his children home but was blocked by a Jerusalem judge who Introduction A few months later, I sat in a room filled with my peers at Central European University for a In March 2011, Itai and Liron Goldberg were born to asurrogate in Mumbai. Their father, Dan Google Baby . The film follows Doron Mamet, a gay Israeli entrepreneur 1 Tammuz, a company that CEU eTD Collection pronatalism in Israel and specifically theimportance attributed to biological kinship in the Jewish-Israeli mydescription methods ofand interviewees. In chapter 2, I map out the legal and social terrain of the employingstrengths of an anthropological approach to these questions. The chapter also includes a within contemporary debates about the influencereproductive of technologies on kinship. I also discuss disrupt kinship norms and its limitations. to add another dimension to the ongoing discussion about the reproductivepotential of technologies to are used and understood. Through gaythe stories Israelis of andJewish-Israeli analysis of society, I hope innovations can both reinforce and displace dominant kinship,paradigms of depending on the way they kinshipexplorationthe meaning in Jewish-Israeliof of society, and the way in which technological parenthood. Thus, what began as an inquiry into the gaystrategies men seekingof parenthood became an framework that led couples to this complexbaby-making process of and colors their understanding of made and the way they negotiated life as gay parents in Israel. In this thesis, I map out the social and legal through asurrogacy arrangement, and learned about the context in which their reproductive decisions were process in order to have children. In this thesis, I hope to at least begin to fill that gap. parents. I wanted their perspective. Iwanted to understand why they would undergo such acomplex perhaps makes the process seem even colder and more mechanical, is the perspectivethe intended of schooled in Western liberal, human rights scholarship. But what is notably missing from the film, which jarring about watching fragmented, medicalized, and globalized reproduction, at least to an audience the room, I mysaw peers many staring, of wide-eyed and open-jawed, at the screen. There is something create new reproduction.processes of The film provokes a strong emotional reaction. As I looked around from Japan. The film focuses on how advanced technologies have been combined with outsourcing to the donated egg with, and a surrogate in Dr. Nayna Patel's clinic in India births a white baby for a couple In the first chapter, I discuss the theoretical foundationsmy research of and locate my argument Ilistened to a gaynumber men in Israel,of some who like Dan had gone India to have children 2 CEU eTD Collection different impacts on normative paradigms such as kinship. actors employing these strategies, as the same technologies are used with varying intentions and thus Through my analysis, Iaffirm the need for nuanced reproductivestudies of technologies that focus on the parents challenge the normativebiological notion of kinship that is pervasive in Jewish-Israeli society. that while Israeli pronatalist sentiments enable and even encourage gay parenthood to some extent, gay context. In chapter 3, I explore gaythe parenthood place of within this specific cultural context. I argue 3 CEU eTD Collection 1 the populationof in Israel, I believe that their parenthoodrhetoric exposes of the cultural embededness of couples. While gay couples who use reproductive technologies to have children constitute a small portion identify the tensionmain arena as ofthe biogenetic kinshipconstruction and of its destabilization by gay parents, the government, and mainstream society despite a general social gayacceptance parenthood. of I gay parenthood to be a socially salient option. Then I will look at the tensions that exist between gay first discuss thereproductiveculture of technologies and the extreme pronatalism in Israel which enables institutions and gay parents, and mis-recognitionproblems of in society. To illustrate my argument, I will departure is far more radical than their sexual identity and leads to tensions between government bloodimportance lines ofto the Israeli understandingkinship and of to the Jewish collective identity, this emphasize traditionalkinship concepts such of as biology and genetic connections. Considering the interviews, Ilearned that gay couples in Israel, unlike their heterosexual counterparts, tend not to the intentions and consequencesreproductivetheir use of of technologies are different. From my than destabilizing traditional concepts, ultimately reinforces them. ultimately the policy makers, practitioners, and consumers engage in complex choreography that rather while traditional understandingskinship are of challenged byreproductive the use of technologies, today as it was then. Mostassisted studies reproductive of technologies (ARTs) in Israel conclude that Western world, and perhaps even more so in Israel, the biologicalkinship basis appears of just as strong routinized, but family,the concept of and thekinship construction has of not changed dramatically. In the subject. Today, over 30 years after this technological revolution, in-vitro fertilization (IVF) has become discussed the way this new technology would change understandingkinship, of family, and the human Chapter 1: The Politics of Assisted Reproduction For example, see the studies in the most recent collection of scholarship on the use of reproductive technologies in technologies on the use of of scholarship reproductive in collection see the studies most the recent Forexample, among Jewish Israelis. Israel: Birenbaum -Carmeli, Daphna, and Yoram S.Carmeli, eds. When the first “test-tube baby” was born in 1978 social theorists, religious authorities, and ethicists (New York: Berghahn Book,2010). 4 Kin, Gene, Community: Reproductive Technologies 1 However, when used by gay couples, CEU eTD Collection 4 3 technologies have a “defamiliarizing impact.. through whichthe most many deeplyof taken-for-granted offer a unique position from which to explore the highly contested reproduction.politics of Reproductive visibility of a significantvisibilitylate-twentieth- of site of century cultural contestation.” As Sarah Franklin and Helen Ragone argue, technological interventions have “contributed to the increasing economics, and therefore always the andistribution aspect powerof in ofany society.” various fields have “recognized reproduction as systematically organized, sensitive tochange in domestic supposedly apolitical arena, and expose the power dynamics involved in reproduction. Feminists working in 2 base” power to manipulate reproductivethe capacity less powerfulof in order to increase and/or maintain their own dominant political and economic forces, be they based on class, race, ethnicity, sex, or nationality, attempt inIsrael,Policy patriarchalpower. structures of As Jacqueline Portugese states in the her openingbook, page of critically analyzing the reproductionpolitics of in order to understand its complex relationship to combating men's control over women's sexuality and bodies, feminist scholarship has also led the way in feminist movement has championed reproductive freedom asempowering a means of women and 1.1 Theoretical Framework culturaltechnological meaning of practices is constructed. expected from reproductive technologies but have been usurped by the normative paradigms in which the traditional assumptions about kinship, and thus has the potential to challenge norms in ways that many Sarah Franklin and Helena Ragone, eds., Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp, “The Politics of Reproduction,” Jacqueline Jacqueline Portugese, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998), 9. Publishers, 1998), 1. Of particularlate interestOf isreproductive the ofrole of technology in the reproduction.politics of The reproductionThe politics hasof beeninterest an area to manyof feminist scholars. While the 2 Feminist scholarship has sought to both problematize the naturalnessreproduction, of as a “studies about the reproductionpolitics attemptof to shed light on the ways in which Fertility Policy in Israel: The Politics of Religion, Gender, and Nation Reproducing Reproduction: Kinship,Power, and Technological Innovation 5 Annual Review of Anthropology 4 Reproductive technologies (Westport: Praeger 3 20 (1991), 313. Fertility CEU eTD Collection as opposed to adoption, puts on the geneticparenthood. basis of medicalization is mostly absent in the Israeli-Jewish context. has improved women's lives dramatically. As I will discuss in the following chapter, this resistance to freedoms, others, especially in places with high mortality rates associated with giving birth, medicalization by women around the world. While many feminists in the West see medicalization as an attack on women's subject to object in the birthing process.” male medical establishment and constitute the finishing stroke in the transformationwomen from of that reproductive technologies “finalizewomen's the the transfercontrol reproductiveof of power to the 6 in more reproductionaspects of and “reduce women to living laboratories.” even more apparent intechnologies the use of for assisted conception, when medical institutions take part struggles that feminists identify in the medicalizationpregnancy, of such as forced Caesarean sections, are often maintain the power to override women's wishes in the supposed best the interestchild. Theof power reproduction has shifted control over theprocreation process fromof women to medical institutions, who 9 8 7 5 centered medical institutions that exercise control over women's bodies. and Gena Corea, view reproductive technologiesthe “colonization as partthe womb”of of by male- process which has been met with duress by feminist scholars. Some feminists, such as Nancy Ehrenreich technology and its use bring cultural assumptions about reproduction into stark focus. technologies cause a fragmentation in material procreative acts and actors, decisions around reproductive assumptions about the 'naturalness'reproduction of are displaced.” Nancy Ehrenreich, “The Colonization “The of Nancy Ehrenreich, Colonization the Womb,” in For example, see Joan Mahoney “Adoption as a Feminist Alternative to Reproductive in Technology” as to Reproductive a see Mahoney Feminist Alternative “Adoption Joan Forexample, Portugese, Gena Gena Corea, Franklin and Ragone, Legal Theory to Women's Lives, Ethics, andEthics, the Law Press, 1987), 38. Many feminists are concerned by the emphasis assisted that the use reproductive of technologies, Reproductive technologies a thelonger aremedicalization historypartprocreation, of of of a Fertility Policy, Fertility Man-Made Women:How New Reproductive Technologies Affect Women ed. by Joan Callahan, Reproducing Reproduction, 11 ed. Kellyed. Weisberg (Philadelphia: Temple University 1996).Press, (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), pg-pg. 8 However, the medicalizationpregnancy is viewed of differently 5 Sex, Violence, Work andReproduction Application ofFeminist 6 9 While technologies allow for more 5 Not only do reproductive 6 The medicalization of 7 Thus, some feminists argue (Bloomington: Indiana University Reproduction, CEU eTD Collection gn f social change;agent of people are” and thus it is crucial to investigate how people and make use of decontextualizedthe accounts 'impact'new technologies.” of of Helena Ragone employ an ethnographic approach in response to “overly speculative, abstract, and 14 innovations are understood within a specific cultural context. In the privilegedheterosexual terrain of couples. today for single women and homosexuals to procreate and experience parenthood, which has long been bound women to their reproductive functions. Withtechnology, the help of more options are available technologies can subvertingbe a way of normativefamily paradigms and kinship, of which have long parenthood while simultaneously reinforcing valuesbiological of kinship and family. contradictions, Helena Ragone argues that reproductive technologies challenge the normative narrative of in which normative links between biology and parenthood are socially constructed. whether this should lead feminists to oppose reproductive technologies is highly contested. who see connections between genetic prioritization and biological determinism and racist eugenics, 13 can have to his child at birth.” (original emphasis) culture has probably overemphasized genetic connection because it is the connectiononly kind a of regards to the emphasis on genetic parenthood, Tong notes that feminists often agree that “our patriarchal 12 11 10 biologicalimportance of parenthood, thus making involuntary childlessness more problematic.” Ginsburg and Rapp argue, “technological 'cures' for infertility renew a Western cultural emphasis on the reproductive options, they may also increase the pressure to bear and beget biologically related children. As Franklin and Ragone, Franklin Helena Ragone, “Incontestable Motivations,” in Motivations,” “Incontestable Ragone, Helena John Lawrence Hill, “What does it Mean to Be a 'Parent'? The Claims of Biology as a Basis for Parental Rights,” Rosemarie Tong, “Feminist Perspectives and Gestational Motherhood: The Search for a Unified Legal Focus,” in Focus,” Legal a Unified for Search The Motherhood: Gestational and Perspectives Tong, “Feminist Rosemarie Ginsburg and Rapp, “The Politics of Reproduction,” 315. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998). York University Law Review Reproduction, Ethics, and the Law Anthropologicalreproductive studies of technologies have focused on how technological Legal studies regarding surrogacy contracts indicate that reproductive technologies expose the way Reproducing Reproduction 66 (1991). ed. Joan Callahan (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1995), 68. Reproducing Reproduction , 5. 11 While this concern is voiced feministsby a range of 7 14 Reproducing Reproduction, Reproducing They They argue that “technology is not an eds. Sarah Franklin and Helena Ragone Helena and Franklin Sarah eds. 12 13 Confronting these Reproductive Sarah Franklin and 10 In father New CEU eTD Collection Reconceiving the Second Sex: Men, Masculinity, and Reproduction. 18 normative paradigms. Does reproductivethe use of technologies expose cultural assumptions or does it and theirkinship impact changes of when the users are not infertile heterosexual couples, but gay men. 17 are used by the infertile. bythe used are intersectionreproductive of technologies and kinship, almost every study assumes that these technologies reproductive technologies are used in family formation. While many books have been written on the parenthood. Likewise, investigating ARTs from the perspectivegay men challenges of assumptionshow of stronghold on multiple levels. Gay men challengeboth gender and norms of sexuality in their quest to alternative families deviate from traditional models in multiple ways, thus challenging the normative rare. are phenomenon this of studies the fact that journalists have noted the increasereproductive use of technologies by gay men, academic 16 regarding reproduction in Israel, but gay men are mostly absent from this literature. men, Judaism, or Israel. In the twenty years since,books dozens and articlesof have been written reproduction. Their review, which includes 378 entries, does not contain a single study focused on gay kinshipimpact can onlyof be understood within a culturally and historically specific context. 15 understand new technologies. Marcia Inhorn and Frank VanFrank and Inhorn eds., Marcia Balen There There are several books that look at gay men becoming parents through adoption, such Kath Weston's Some of the most recent books in English are: Susan Martha Kahn, Martha Susan are: English books in recent most ofthe Some Franklin and Ragone, Franklin Books,Inhorn, 2009; Marcia, Tine Tjørnhøj-Thomsen,Helene Goldberg, and Maruska la Cour Mosegaard, eds. Inhorn, eds. Reproductive Technologies that focuses onthis particular group. Surrogacy: The Transitionto Parenthood.” Choose Publishers, 1998) 2010); Jacqueline Portugese, S. Carmeli eds. Carmeli S. Palestinian Women inIsrael Conception in Israel I locate my work within debates about the reproductivepotential of technologies to challenge Families with two fathers and no mother are becoming more common, but more importantly these In 1991, Rayna Rapp and Faye Ginsburg reviewed anthropological contributions on the politics of and Gerald P. Mallon's Assisting Reproduction, Testing Genes: Global Encounters with New Biotechnologies. Kin, Gene,Community: Reproductive Technologies among Jewish Israelis (Durham: Duke University Press, 2000); Rhoda Kanaaneh, Reproducing Reproduction 18 In this thesis, Iask how the conclusions drawn about reproductive technologies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002.); Daphna Birenbaum- Carmeli and Marcia (Berkeley: University of California Press,2002); Daphna Birenbaum- Carmeli and Yoram Fertility Policy in Israel: The Politics of Religion, Gender, and Nation 15 Gay Men Choosing Parenthood I follow reasoningthis line inof my inquiry, affirming that technology's 17 Infertility Around theGlobe: New on Thinking Childlessness,Gender, and Journal of GLBT Family Studies , 5. 8 . Kim Bergman et al “Gay Men Who Become Fathers via Reproducing Jews: ACultural Account ofAssisted New York:Berghahn Books, 2009. 6 (2010): 111–141. isone of few the studies Birthing the Nation: Strategies of (New York:Berghahn Book, 16 Meanwhile, despite New York:Berghahn (Westport: Praeger Families We CEU eTD Collection understandings of the use of reproductiveunderstandingsthe use of of technology by same-sex couples in Israel by exploring the in dominant local conversations about bioethics” part to shed light on the perspectivespeople whose of “experiences may be rendered structurally invisible historically and culturally specific practices. I chose to conduct an ethnographicgay studyparents inof ethnographic approach toreproductive the study of technology that looks at reproductive practices as carefully specified interpretative frames” 22 and Ragone's collection fits within the methodological frameworkscholarship of on reproductive technologies such as Franklin f studies that of seek empirically togroundreproductive accounts of techniques technologies on kinship and social organization and cultural understandingsparenthood.” of 1.2 Methodology placed on genetics, which is essential to the constructionthe Israeli of state as a Jewish collective. encourage reproductive technologies and even gay parenthood, they also reinforce the normative value 21 20 19 tensions between the government and citizens in their definitionskinship. of national priorities and the state's constructionits national of subjects, this particular case also exposes the technologies without reifying biological kinship? While a country's attitude towards ARTs tells a lot about couples who can not hide reproductivethe use of technologies? Can they construct families using these reinforce biologicalkinship? meanings How of does this debate differ when in reference to same-sex Don Seeman, “Ethnograpy, Exegesis, and Jewish Ethical Reflection: The New Reproductive Technologies in Israel”, in Israel”, in Technologies New Reproductive The Reflection: Ethical Jewish and Exegesis, “Ethnograpy, Seeman, Don Franklin and Ragone, Franklin Ginsburg and Rapp, “The Politics of Reproduction,” 313. Here I discuss the “state” in the way that it appears to be understood by my interviewees: as an entity that delineates and delineates that anentity as by interviewees: my beto understood itappears way that inthe “state” the I discuss Here S. Carmeli S. Kin, Gene,Community: Reproductive Technologies among Jewish Israelis, limits their reproductive choices and somehow functions separately from society. from separately functions somehow and choices reproductive their limits For my analysis, Iuse an anthropological approach to investigate thenew “impactreproductive of (New York: Berghahn Book,2010), 351. Reproducing Reproduction, Reproducing Reproduction, Reproducing 21 (original emphasis). Like Franklin and Ragone, I argue for an 5 which the author's describe in the introduction as a “series 22 In this study, I look at culturally and historically specific 9 eds. Daphna Birenbaum -Carmeli and Yoram and -Carmeli Birenbaum Daphna eds. 19 While Israeli policies Israeli While as a cultural practice a cultural as 20 Mystudy within CEU eTD Collection participants were found independentlyone another. of the of most but others, to me forwarded myinterviewees of Some media. Israeli in the featured Facebook messages directly to people who I knew to be gay parents, usually because they had been family living in Israel who forwarded along my request for interviewees and I also sent emails and mishpahot hakeshet personal contacts in Israel as well as through Facebook groups for alternative parenthood in Israel such as 26 lesbians andthe seven interviews wereof with self-identified gay men. was largely due to the availabilitythe interviewees. of Twothe interviews of were with self-identified raising their children with a spouse. Thedecision to conduct interviews with one parent rather than both were conducted with couples, while the other seven interviews were with one parent, whomfive are of 25 24 women with whom they jointly raise children, and one couple adopted children. having childrenof through asurrogacy arrangement, and two men are in co-parenting partnerships with men I interviewed, two couples have children that were born via surrogacy, two couples are in the process identified gay men and lesbian women who are parents or in thebecoming process parents. of the gay Of perspective on the issues around same-sex parenthood in Israel. I conducted nine interviews with self- reproductive technology to have children, I interviewedpeople in a range orderof to get a broader 23 Israelis. legislative, social, and religious constraints that impact and colorreproductive the use of technology by participant observation and interviews. I chose to include the interviews conducted with lesbians because while from a legal and medical perspective their perspective andmedical a legal from while because lesbians with conducted interviews the include to Ichose While my focus is on gay men who have children via a surrogacy arrangement, I interviewed a range of gay parents to ofparents gay arange Iinterviewed arrangement, via asurrogacy children who gay have men on my is focus While A complete list of my interviewees is included in Appendix 1 Inthis thesis I focuses mostly onJewish-Israeli society as gay parenthood is not a recognizable phenomenon amongst alternative kinship formations in Israel. situation isvery different, my interviewees had a lot of insight into the challenges of establishing socially-recognizable understand contextthe in which gay men make reproductive decisions and the position of gay parents in Israeli society. minorities in Israel merits its owncomprehensive analysis which is beyond the scope of this religiousthesis. minorities in Israel. Likewise attitudes towards technology and alternative family structures amongst religious 23 I spent one month in Israel in 2011the spring conducting of ethnographic research including (rainbow families) (rainbow and 24 Whilemy the researchfocus of is gay men in Israel who use horaut aheret (different parenthood). I sent emails to friends and 10 26 Ifound participants through my 25 Twothe interviews of CEU eTD Collection same-sex couples and their rights. In 2010, New Family was in the Israeli news frequently for their marriage and family rights and has challenged the government numerous times in court cases regarding Rosenblum, the directorNew Family of organization which has fought discrimination in all areas of plans events every other weekend, alternating between Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. I also met with Irit the event, which was designed specificallyalternative for children of families in Israel. The organization was asked not to approach parents or to record the event, I was able to conduct participant-observation at the remainder were conducted in Hebrew. ages ranged from 35 to 50. Interviewees with the American immigrants were conducted in English while the other with the Reform movement, both are also immigrants from North America. The participants’ the participants are active in religious organizations; one identifies with the Conservative movement and gatherings and identify as Jewish, but do not follow Jewish law ornecessarily believe in God. Only two of them described themselves with the Israeli term community) in Northern Israel. When asked about religion, the participants responses varied but most of lives in Hadera, a working class Telcity north Aviv,of and another live in a were born and raised in Israel.the participantsMost of live in either Tel Aviv or Jerusalem, but one couple emigrated from Eastern Europe, one from Central Asia, and one from Western Europe. The remainder interviewees immigrated to Israel from North America and one from South America. Two participants collar managers. Most, butthe notparticipants, all of have post-secondary education. Twothe of lower and upper middle class. Professions ranged from entrepreneurs and academics to nurses and blue- and approach to religion. Judging from their jobs and where they live,the participants most of are between 28 27 Mishpahot Hakeshet All of the translations are my own. well as workshops for intended parents and also participates in advocacy on behalf of alternative families. ofalternative behalf on advocacy in participates also and parents intended for workshops as well While in Israel, Ialso attended an event run by The The mydemographics participants of were variedprofessions, in terms of education, birth place, is an organizationfor alternative and gay families which holds bi-weekly events forchildren as 27 hiloni'im 11 mishpahot hakeshet (secular). Hiloni'im (rainbow families). (rainbow usually take part in holiday part take usually kibbutz (commune-type 28 Although I CEU eTD Collection 31 30 were forthright in their responses, not feeling that their answers warranted anonymity. interesting to peopleIsrael.” outside of me “What are you going to write about? I don't think there is much to say. I guess, maybe it will be 29 have nothing to hide.” and some even asked to be identified. answers would sound to others. myIn fact, intervieweesmost of were not concerned at all with anonymity, critique.stave off However, overall, my interviewees did not seem terribly concerned with how their warmly about the surrogates to demonstrate awarenessthe ethical of concerns surrounding surrogacy and exploitation. Thus, the men who had children though surrogacy may have spoken more cautiously and aware that as a female student in gender studies, I have been schooled in feminist critiquessurrogacy as of have tried to portray Israeli society in certain way to outsiders. Likewise, my interviewees were probably my academic background. Knowing that my research would be readIsrael, outside my of interviewees may my interviewees answered my questions. myAlmost interviewees all of asked me about my research and conclusions about all gay parents in Israel. Also, my position as a researcher may have influenced the way sample and thus the generalizations Imake based on my interviews are not intended as sweeping of1.3 Limitations the Study lecture series launched in response to the studenthigh level interest of in her organization. involvement in the Dan Goldberg case described earlier. My meeting with Irit Rosenbluma was part of Interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. Ayelet Schnur, interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, April 27, 2011. People that are referred to by first name only as pseudonyms,while first and last name indicates that they did not wish to be anonymous. There are several limitations to my research. My interviewees are by no means a representative 30 Another interviewee, after what I thought was a very interesting discussion, asked 29 As Ayelet Shnur explained, “I prefer that you use my real name. I 31 These comments lead me to believemy that intervieweesmost of 12 CEU eTD Collection 34 33 that taken as a whole constitute an 'unofficial' policy designed to increase the Jewish fertility rate.” an the officiallack of policy on national fertility, the Israeli government has introduced numerous measures within Israel. within began exploring Israel's pronatalist culture, including its roots and its manifestations in gender relations Beginning in the 1980's Israeli feminist scholars, like Nira Yuval-Davis, Dafna Izraeli, and Yael Yishai Israel to paint thea socialpicture andof legalreproductive landscape of politics in Israel. pronatalism, looking at government policies, court cases, and scholarship on reproductive technologies in the social and legalreproductive landscape of politics in Israel. In this chapter, I explore Israeli supreme court cases, and scholarshipreproductive on the use of technologies in Israel to paint a picture of disadvantages gay families. In this chapter I explore Israeli pronatalism, looking at government policies, in many other societies, but also reinforces the biological and genetic kinship meaning in a of way that unilateral concern with increasing the Jewish population enables gay parenthood to an extent inconceivable 32 Israel, pronatalist policies are explicitly concerned with increasing the beliefs or economic concerns. Often pronatalist policies target certain groups and exclude others. byreligious limited or be agenda, national the on items other than lower or higher rank might acountry of state does in a different manner, based on cultural and political priorities. Likewise, thepronatalist agenda Chapter 2: Elements ofIsraeli Pronatalism Portuguese, “Fertility Policy,” Introduction x. Nira Yuval-Davis, “The Jewish Collectivity and National Reproduction in Israel in For example in Europe pronatalist policies often intended to exclude the Roma population while in the United States (London: TransactionPublishers, 1993). Journal Zed1987); Books, Yael Yishai “Abortion inIsrael: SocialDemand Politicaland Responses Israel” in among whites. historically African-Americans were targets of anti-natalist policies at the same time that reproductionwas encouraged Much of the existingMuch of gender scholarship on Israel identifies it as an extremely pronatalist country. Many states employ strategies to increase or decrease thetheir birthrate populations, of but each 7 no. 2(1978); Amzon, Yael and Dafna N. Izraeli eds. 33 More recently, in the book, Fertility Policy in Israel 13 Women in Israel Jacqueline Portuguese argues that “despite Jewish Studies of Israeli Society. Vol. 6. Society. of Israeli Studies Women in the Middle East population. I argue that the Policy Studies 32 34 (London: In Inher CEU eTD Collection 38 37 36 35 I begin this study with a discussionIsrael's “unapologetically of pronatalist” ART policies. well as broader notions aboutthe statethe role in encouragingof orimpeding novel family forms” ART-related disputes should be mediated, reflect both specific attitudes toward family and parenthood, as Technologies (ART) policies, “Choices regarding how ART should be regulated and funded, as well as how 2.1 Attitudes towardsReproductive Technology inIsrael married and having children is something close to their national duty.” reproduce. Or in more colloquial terms, “it is the constant drumbeat inIsraelis the ears thatof getting that confirms what every Israeli,race, regardless class, of religion, even sexuality, feels: strong pressure to These various elements have been discussed at length by numerous scholars creatingliterature a body of nation, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the on-going demographic struggle that accompanies it. the Holocaust, Israel's militaristic culture and the perceived need to bear soldiers for the protectionthe of biblical injunction to “be fruitful and multiply,” pressure to repopulate aftersix-million the death of Jews in scientists, historians, and anthropologists, have studied the societalIsrael's causes pronatalistof culture. Jewish reproduction. While Portuguese focuses on state fertility policy, many scholars, including political with the demographicIsrael, layout to demonstrate of the government's interest in and encouragement of study, Portuguese looks at government policies and documents that illustrate the government's concern Waldman, “Cultural Priorities,” 68. Ellen Waldman,“Cultural Priorities Revealed: The Development and Regulation of Assisted Reproduction in the United Lee Walzer, Some of the key works on this subject are States and Israel,” 2000), 179. Womanhood in the LegalDiscourse in Israel” University of California Press, 2002); and Wang,and 1993 As Ellen Waldman states in her comparativeUS and study Israeli of Assisted Reproductive Israel's deeply pronatalist culture has been attributed to a circumstancesnumber of including the Between Sodom and Eden: A Gay Journey Through Today's Israel ); Rhoda Kanaaneh, Health Matrix 16 (2006): 67. Birthing theNation: Strategies of Palestinian Women in Israel Nitza Berkovitch “Motherhood as a National Mission: The Constructionof Tom Segev, Women's Studies International Forum The 7 14 th Million: The Israelis and the Holocaust 36 (New York: Columbia University Press, 20 5-6no. (1997): 605– 619. (Berkeley: 38 (New York:Hill 37 Thus, 35 CEU eTD Collection Jewish Context,” 42 use of technology procreationfor use meansof of is not problematized in Jewish-Israeli society. While Israeli 2.2 Technology Ethics and fertility, and more specificallynew aculturereproductive of of technologies.” technological intervention is necessary. Thus Israeli culture has been described as “a national culture of atmosphere in which having children is not only encouraged, but practically mandated, even if 41 are only covered by insurance under specific circumstances. financial incentives to have children. In contrast,contraceptives the cost of is not covered and abortions fertility treatments. Likewise parents receive child allowances, tax benefits per child, and numerous other posthumous reproduction are all legal. Employees are also entitled to sick leave for absences related to children. fertilization treatment completely paid for by the national health insurance up untiltwo the birth of treatments anywhere else in the world. In Israel, every woman is eligible for unlimitedin-vitro rounds of fertility treatmentsof by the national healthcare system in Israel far exceeds state funding for fertility 40 Israel also has the highest children percentage born of through in-vitro fertilization in the world. consistently, over the past 15 years, been the country with fertilityhighest usage treatments of in the world. reproductive technologies. Israel has the largestfertility number clinicsof per capita in the world and has 39 Yael Hashiloni- Dolev, “Between Mothers, Fetuses, and Society: Reproductive Genetics in the Israeli in the Genetics Reproductive Society: and Fetuses, Mothers, Dolev, Yael “Between Hashiloni- While abortions are legal in Israel, their cost is only covered by insurance in certain cases such as rape, incest, for incest, rape, as such cases incertain by insurance only covered is cost their inIsrael, legal are abortions While Kahn, Susan Martha Kahn, women over 40 or under 17, or when carrying the pregnancy would endanger the health of the woman of the health the endanger would pregnancy the carrying when or 17, under or 40 over women second country, Denmark in terms of IVF cycles per capita. per cycles ofIVF terms in Denmark country, second 1998,Since the use of fertility treatments has risen exponentially Israel.in In 2003 Israel remained far aheadof the of fertility treatments in Israel was 6 times the world average and double that of the second country, the Netherlands. Press, 2000), 2; Carmel Shalev and Sigal Gooldin, “The Uses and Misuses of In Vitro Fertilization: Some Sociological Some and Fertilization: Vitro Ethical of In Considerations,” Misuses and Uses “The Gooldin, Sigal and Shalev 2; Carmel 2000), Press, Scholars like Susan Kahn,Yael Hashiloni-Dolev, and Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli argue that the One of the clearestOne manifestationsof Israel's pronatalist of policy is in thegovernment's support of 40 Reproducing Jews Israel the isfew countriesone of where surrogacy contracts, postmenopausal pregnancy, and Nashim: A Journal of Jewish Women's Studies and Gender Issues Reproducing Jews: A Cultural Account of Assisted Conception inIsrael , 2. Women, continue treatments up to age 44,or 51with use the of egg donation Nashim: Journalof Jewish Women's Studies and Gender Issues 15 41 These factors combine to create an 12 42 (2006): 130. (Durham: Duke University 12 (2006): 151; In 1998use 39 Funding CEU eTD Collection restrictions, selective abortions, which are often necessary in in-vitro fertilization processes, are not strictly to Jewish Law heavily regulatereproductive theuse of technology due to a religiousnumber of status... therefore they may be discarded, frozen, or used” for research purposes. 48 doctrine are irrelevant in the Jewish Israeli context. the ethical concernsof that surround reproductive technologies in societies influenced by Catholic 47 system and Jewish doctrine understand culturally acceptable life to begin after birth” 46 understood, and thus theconcern level with ofwhich embryos are regarded. important human task: reproduction. World is absent in Israel. Technology is simply consideredhelping a means people of with their most technology, and especially reproductive technologies, is met and the images it a conjuresBrave of New 45 44 almost completely in Israel, and the public is generallyscience.” trustful of explains, “whereas other post-industrial societies are characterized by a pervasiverisk, discourse this is of 43 Europe. especially when compared with the extensive debates surrounding this topic in the United States and there seems to be little concern in Israel about thetechnological ethics of interventions into procreation, feminists have started to discuss the health impact onenduring women multiple of fertility treatments, Somfai, Bela.,“Religious Tradition and Stem Cell Research,” in andStem Research,” Cell Tradition Bela.,“Religious Somfai, The legal status of the fetus in Jewish law comes from a Biblical story in which a pregnant woman is beaten and Hashiloni- Dolev, “Between Mothers,” 143. While there is a concept of quickening in modern interpretations of Jewish interpretations modern in quickening of a concept is While there 143. Mothers,” Dolev,“Between Hashiloni- In fact the word for fetus and embryo is the same word in Hebrew: Hashiloni-Dolev, “Between Mothers,” 139. Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli, “Genetic Relatedness and Family Formation in Israel: Lay Perceptions in the Light ofState Light in the Lay Perceptions Israel: in Formation Family and Relatedness “Genetic Birenbaum-Carmeli, Daphna Genetic Era, arguably thus more emotionally difficult. within the first 30died daysinfant an life,when but thispracticed even not rulewere has been rituals challenged mourning Traditionally, by births. born some as infantof still cases in mortalitypracticed not has becomeare less common and considered not is murder, since miscarriage it resulting is decidedthe but that woman lifethe beginsassaulting atfor birth, charged is not in the womb. perpetrator The Due to this miscarries. distinction,consequently mourning rituals fetuses and embryos do not carry the kind of weight attributed to them in Catholicism. Law differentiatingthus betweenpre-quickening and post-quickening abortions and justificationsthe needed foreach, Policy.” I believe this marked difference also stems in part from the way in which prenatal “life” is 43 In discussing the unquestionedreproductive place of technologies in Israel, Hashiloni-Dolev New Genetics and Society ed. Judit Sandor (Budapest: Central European University Press, 2003), 86. 29 (2010):no.1 73–85. 47 In fact “extra-corporeal embryos have no human 16 Society and Genetic Information: Codes and Laws in the Ober . 44 The skepticism with which 45 “Both the Israeli legal 48 While those who adhere 46 and therefore many CEU eTD Collection 52 51 is matrilineal in that thea Jewish child of woman is Jewish, and the the religionfather is of irrelevant for 50 ethnicity rather than just areligion, and thus a group that one is born into not that one chooses. Jewish. Judaism is conceived by many Jewish people, including secular and religious Israelis alike, as an and cultural adherence to biology/genetics as the kinshipmarker is at defining of the basewho of is national subjectsof are Jewish subjects, and Judaism is determined through genetic parenthood. The legal national subjects, but also the reproductionthe rightnational of kind subjects. of In Israel the right kind blood conceptties. of Like many pronatalist state policies, there is a push not only for reproduction of Construct a Biocultural as Identity 2.3 The Collective Jewish point: unquestionably used in theparenthood. pursuit of ethical concerns surrounding reproductive technology, enabling these technologies to be almost 49 considered problematic. This is made clear through the difficulty and stringency with which conversion to Judaism is undertaken. Jews are not Jewsare undertaken. is Judaism to conversion which with stringency and difficulty the through clear made is This Portuguese, This does not, however, mean that abortions are always allowed by Jewish law. Abortions are not considered murder as murder considered not are law. Abortions by Jewish allowed always are abortions that mean however, doesnot, This While there is no consensus amongst Rabbis about the proper use of reproductive technology, several issues dominate issues several technology, of use reproductive proper the about Rabbis amongst consensus no is there While religious beliefs. oftheir regardless roots genetic Jewish with anyone persecuted who Nazis by the employed also was Jewishness of only prohibited from recruiting new members, conversion to Judaism was historically frowned upon. This understanding Mordechai, and and YeruchimPrimer, Mordechai, Be Fruitful and Multiply: Fertility Therapy and the Jewish Tradition McKenny. multiply.”and For more befruitful “to on Jewish commandment the ethics to anaffront and considered reproductive are abortions technologies“unnecessary” but aperson, see not is fetus Andrewthe B. Lusting, Baruch A. Brody, Gerald P. Meanwhile discussions about the use of or disposal of embryos are notably absent from these debates. these from absent notably are ofembryos disposal ofor use the about discussions Meanwhile Rabbinical discussions about reproductive technology, particularly the laws of adultery and Through Israel is strongly pronatalist, this is limited to some extent by a strong adherence to the human life has no place in the Jewishthings. scheme of with be fruitful and multiply. Thus, medical treatments for infertility, provided that they do not clash The guiding principle behind Judaism's approach to NRTs is to honor God's commandment to Altering Nature II: Religion, Biotechnology, and Public Policy halacha, Fertility Policy Fertility are not only tolerated but encouraged. The Catholic sin against tampering with 49 The lack of significance The lack of attributed to embryos in Jewish law minimizes the , 156. Medicine, Ethics, and Jewish Law 50 Jacqueline Portuguese eloquently summarizes this 17 (Jerusalem: Genesis Press, 1994); Halperin, (Jerusalem: Schlesinger Institute 1996). 51 (New York:Springer, 2008);Richard Grazi, niddah or ritual purity. 52 Judaism CEU eTD Collection Jewish thought “implications for kinship relations tend to loom so much larger than abstractthe kinds of women.”of identified typical Jewish genetic formations and claims that all Jews have descended from a small number the Jewishessence of collective in genetic terms, continues with “recent genetic findings that have 58 57 56 55 shared biological origin to all Jewish Israelis.” motivated by an effort to shape and ratify the emergent Jewish national identify by genetically proving a end of the nineteenth century.” nineteenth the of end understandingJudaism asa of biological essence becameZionist an integral thought part of towards the 54 dismayed members.” Jewishtracing ancestry.of Jewishness was thus constituted as inborn and sometimes even imposed on exile. Quite often “natural” components were central in these definitions, climaxing in the Nazi pedantic Carmeli explain, “Jewish collective definition has been largely dictated from the outside during centuries of from Jewish doctrine, it was also reinforced through antisemitism. centuries of As Birenbaum-Carmeli and 53 identity.” Blood relations are “constitutivethe Jewish of collectivity” and a “unifying vehicle in Israeli Jewish can be seen in thereligious rhetoric of parlance in which Jews are referred to as the “childrenIsrael.” of this determination. Birenbaum- Carmeli and Carmeli, “Adoption,” 139. Halishoni- Dolev, “Between Mothers,” 142. Halishoni – Dolev, “Between Mothers,”142. 138. “Adoption,” and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli Halishoni – Dolev, “Between Mothers,” 142; Daphna Birenbaum -Carmeli and Yoram S. Carmeli, “Adoption and “Adoption and Yoram -Carmeli S. Carmeli, Birenbaum Daphna 142; Mothers,” –Dolev,“Between Halishoni Some argue that this law was intended to guarantee the genetic/biological Jewishness of the child as one's mother was Berghahn Book, 2010),139. Reproductive Technologies among Jewish Israelis Assisted Reproduction Technologies: A Comparative Reading of Israeli Policies,” in mistakenly be added to the community. child is Jewish and therefore the child is, there would be no way to verify that andalways someone known whobut one's is not fatherJewish wascould not necessarily. Forexample, if a non-Jewishwoman claimed that the fatherof her The The biologicalJewish basis collective of identity can be seen in Jewish attitudes towards ART. In The The understandingJudaism of as an ethnicity and the Jewish collective as a large kinship network 54 But this ascriptiona biological of essence to the Jewish collective identity does not just come 58 53 This understanding Jewishness of is essential to Israeli configurationskinship. of 55 Rather than repudiate this understanding Jewishness of as inborn, “the 56 When the goal of a WhenJewish the goal of state was realized, “many scientists were 57 This type of research, This type identifyingwithof the goal of the eds. DaphnaBirenbaum -Carmeli and YoramS. Carmeli 18 Kin, Gene, Community: (New York: CEU eTD Collection f Health to haveof the theIVF cost treatmentsof covered by their health insurance. They won the case and the United States. Although surrogacy was not legal in Israel at the time, the Nahmanis sued the Minister reproductive technologies. Nahmani which received considerable media attention and strongly influenced Israeli sentiments towards discussing the commission, its findings, and the legislation that followed, Iwill recount Rutithe case of court cases and aspecial government commission on in-vitro fertilization (IVF) and surrogacy. Before 2.4 Kinship in Court: Nahmani vs Minister of Health based collective identity and its manifestations through ananalysisseveral of Israeli policies. kinship above social kinship. In the following sections, Idemonstrate the ramificationsthis biologically of and societal norms operate on the a assumptionbiological of Jewish identity, which thus ranks biological 62 61 mixed withthe male the sperm ofpartner's sperm artificialin cases insemination.of biogenetically related offspring.” consumers, Israel's policy makers have consistently prioritized treatments that aim to generate introduction to their book on kinship, genetics, and ARTs in Israel: “Together with physicians and prioritizationbiological of over social kinship as Birenbaum-Carmeli and Carmeli explain in the destabilizingARTs, potential of while sustaining traditional biological kinship.” “illustrate the extensive effort – policyon the makers, part of professionals, and individuals – to avert the 60 59 concerns evinced by the Catholic Church” Birenbaum- Carmeli and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli and Carmeli, Seeman, “Ethnography,” 349. require a paternity test, even though it does when children are born abroad. born are children when does it though even test, a paternity require In 1988, Ruti and Dani Nahmani began IVF treatments in order to have children via a surrogate in The current regulations regarding reproductive technology in Israel are the anumberproduct ofof 61 Kin, Gene, Community, Kin, Gene, Community, Kin, Gene, Community The The IsraeliHealth's Ministry evenof recommends that donor sperm be 59 Meanwhile ARTsthe studiesuse ofin Israel,of consistently 19 24. , 24. Interestingly enough, the government does not then 24. 60 This in turn leads to a 62 Both state policies CEU eTD Collection 66 65 biologycentrality in the kinship.”construction of of the 'unnaturalness'the process” wasof absent from the discussions, which instead “focused on the period “concern over the commodificationreproductive of capacities, exacerbationclass disparity, of or unquestioned. Although the Nahmani case was consistently covered by the Israeli media over a three year court.” wasbiological the view of motherhood as superior to alternatives that ultimately won her the case in adoption orchildlessness resounded throughout the public discourse. According to Birenbaum-Carmeli, “it genetic parenthood and the technology.proper use of The prioritizationgenetic parenthood of over Dani and Ruti's supporters agreed on, or rather did not dispute, two important topics: the importance of while there waspublic a supportlot of for Ruti, Dani also had advocates.a number of However, both Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli's analysis on the media discourse surrounding the Nahmani case shows that sympathetically as “poor, barren Ruti” and whose victory was celebrated in the major newspapers. limit, namely, when it intrudes on another party's interest not to have children, that is not the case in Israel. 64 63 ruled inthe objecting favor of party. EuropeanHuman RightsCourt of (Evans v UK) and six state supreme courts in the United States have remarkable givensimilar the history cases of in various jurisdictions. In almost identical cases, the his consent. After a long court battle, the Israeli Supreme Court, ruled in Ruti's favor. This ruling is surrogate, Dani and Ruti divorced. Ruti wanted to go ahead with the implantation, but Dani refused to give the resulting embryos were frozen at a hospital near Tel Aviv. Before the embryos were implanted in a Birenbaum- Carmeli, “Contested Surrogacy,” 203. Birenbaum -Carmeli, Daphna, “Contested Surrogacy and the Gender Order in Israel,” in Kahn, Waldman, “Cultural Priorities,” 101 York: Berghahn Books, 2009), 201. Genes: Global Encounters with New Biotechnologies, 65 According to Susan Kahn, public opinion in Israel generally sided with Ruti, who was described Meanwhile,complex the use technologies of to achieve “natural” genetic parenthood was Reproducing Jews, 70. 63 While in other jurisdictions the right to biological parenthood has a eds. Daphna Birenbaum-Carmeli and Marcia C. Inhorn (New 20 66 Thediscourse around the Nahmani case “reflects Assisting Reproduction, Testing 64 CEU eTD Collection 73 72 70 71 68 up trump in all cases, so long as it conforms with Jewish Law.” jurisprudence: the parenthood.value of As the Nahmani “is like taking away that person's soul.” 69 67 means necessary but also popular attitudes toward reproductive technology in Israel.” not only an unquestioned popularthat childlessness belief is a pitiable state that must be 'cured' by any surrogate mother agreements on the condition that they receive prior approval, before conception from a would not have had wide public support in Israel. The Commission's recommendation was “to allow towards Ruti Nahmani and her undying quest for motherhood shows, legislation prohibiting surrogacy States, and many countries had prohibited surrogacy arrangements altogether. As public sentiments time, no country had expressly permitted surrogacy, though it was practiced in several states in the United agreements.” and legalthe treatment aspectsmethods ofofrelated to in-vitro fertilization, including surrogacy commission, known as the Aloni Commission, was appointed to examined “the social, ethical, parenthood.”of existential value, bothfor the individual and society as a whole. In contrast, there is no value to the absence Judge Tsvi Tal explained the majority decision as such: “The interest in parenthood is a basic and emphasizes strongly that no value is absolute.” which generally “propounds the view that it is always necessary to balance conflicting interests, and Shalev, “ Halakha D. Kelly Weisberg, Shalev, “ Carmel Shalev,Carmel “ Kahn, Kahn, Review 32 Following the first lawsuit by the Nahmanis against theHealth, Minister a professional of public According to legal scholar, Carmel Shalev, this ruling was “notIsraeli typical jurisprudence.” of Reproducing Jews, Reproducing Jews, is the hebrew word forJewish Law Halakha Halakha no.51 (1998): 98 73 Surrogacy agreements were the most controversialthe commission's aspect of task. At the 69 Halakha Another justice asserted that Dani taking away Ruti's chance at (biological) parenthood and and Patriarchal Motherhood,” 78. and and Patriarchal Motherhood,” 98. The Birth of Surrogacy inIsrael 68. and Patriarchaland Motherhood – An Anatomy Newof the Israeli Surrogacy Law,” 69. 70 It appears then that one value is absolute in the Israeli 68 But this was clearly not the case in the Nahmani ruling. (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 2005), 86. 21 case made evident, in Israel “motherhood comes 71 67 Israel Law halakhic , 72 CEU eTD Collection to contract asurrogate. recommended by the Aloni Commission, including the limitation that only heterosexual couples be allowed Agreement Law, which includes numerous restrictions to surrogacy arrangements that were not date. Israel,population yet ofthe Orthodox political parties haveevery been government part of coalition to 79 78 formal political sphere.” political formal system, amongst other factors, the Orthodox parties “hold a disproportionateleverage amount inof the 77 which, “it would not be possible to pass legislation in the Knesset.” “political considerations” in this context is the “the theconsent rabbis and of religious parties” without 76 74 political considerations, is the kinshippreservationthe accordingrules of of to Jewish based onprivacy notions andof autonomy, “the guidingthe principle statute, of which was dictated by Shalev, a leading scholar on surrogacy in Israel, unlike the Commission's recommendations which were added to surrogacy arrangements due to political pressure from religious groups. According to Carmel subsequent Embryo Carrying Agreements Law was ratified in 1996,restrictions anumber of had been 2.5 Embryo-Carrying Agreements Law(theSurrogacy Law) Commission, in large part due to political pressure from Orthodox groups. in the next section, the final legislation regarding surrogacy was far stricter than recommended by the Aloni statutory committee that would exercise discretion in reviewing each single agreement.” 75 Shalev, “ Portuguese, Portuguese, Shalev, “ Shalev,“ Shalev, “ 78 This has undoubtedly impacted Israelimuch legislation, of including the Embryo Carrying From the time that the Aloni Commission published their report regarding IVF in 1994 until the Halakha Halakha Halakha Halakha Fertility Policy, Fertility Fertility Policy, Fertility and Patriarchal Motherhood,” 79. Motherhood,” Patriarchal and and and Patriarchal Motherhood,”81 and Patriarchal Motherhood,” 82n25. Motherhood,” Patriarchal and and and Patriarchal Motherhood,” 82. 79 77 The The Orthodoxpercentage Jewishof Israelis hovers aroundthe Jewish 20% of 47. 47. 22 76 Due to Israel's multiparty political multiparty to Israel's Due halakha. 74 As I will discuss ” 75 The CEU eTD Collection the Jewish-Israeli context, is understood through biological ties. and restrictions placed on them are based in preserving traditional definitions of surrogacy law, we see that the contradictions between the government's alternativeacceptance of families extremely threatened, the state reverts to a conservative approach.” families otherwith the NRTs,help of but in surrogacy, where the definitions of Teman concludes that the “state may be willing to aid single and lesbian women in becoming alternative Punctuating this concern is the criminal statue protecting the anonymity children ofborn to surrogates. surrogacy exposes the “ambiguitythe mother”concept in of a wayof that other technologies do not. donation is always anonymous in Israel, thus preserving perceptionsa “natural” family.of Meanwhile, stems from the fact that “the social constructionkinship categoriesof is exposed in surrogacy.” but regulated through its own law. Teman argues that the relative restrictivenesssurrogacy in Israel of review the surrogacy law, which is the only reproductive technology not included in the general Health Law 85 84 remains the “lastthe outpost nuclear of family.” many services have been extended to single women and same-sex couples over the past decade, surrogacy surrogacy agreements can only be made between heterosexual couples and an unmarried woman. While challenged. While single women are given full access to IVF, egg donation, and other fertility treatments, avail. Teman discusses several cases in which the restrictionsurrogacy to heterosexualof couples was the surrogacy law was introduced the limitations included have been challenged numerous times, to no 83 82 81 categories of argues that the restrictions on surrogacy have more to do with preserving thethe integrity traditional of 80 Teman, “The Last Post,” 120. Seeman, “Ethnography,” 355. Teman, “The Last Post,” 118. This is especially true when one considers that Jewish status is conferred through the through conferred is status Jewish that considers one when true 118.especially is This Post,” Last “The Teman, Teman, “The Last Post,” 117. Teman, “The Last Post,”105. Teman, Elly, “The Last Post of the Nuclear Family: A Cultural Critique of Israeli Surrogacy Policy,” in gestational rather than the genetic mother. (New York:Berghahn Book,2010),117. Community: Reproductive Technologies among Jewish Israelis, Elly Teman, another Israeli scholar who has studied the developmentIsrael's surrogacy of law, motherhood and family than with appeasing the religious minority. 81 Through every challenge, the courts have declined to 23 eds. Daphna Birenbaum -Carmeli and Yoram and Carmeli S. -Carmeli Birenbaum Daphna eds. 85 Through thisthe analysis of 80 In the past 15 years since mother mother and of and family, Kin, Gene, family 82 Gamete which, in which, are so are 83 84 CEU eTD Collection is conceived as a positive of right in that one has the right to state assistance in becoming a parent. interferencefree inof one's choice to become or not to become a parent, in Israel, the right to parenthood 2.7 PosthumousReproduction blood relatedness in terms of itself familial in the name and of national bio-survival.” government's uneven ARTpromotion over of adoption “tellsa collectivity the story of trying to define kinshipnotions “which of anchors a person's identity to bloodlines.” for adoption. Birenbaum-Carmeli and Carmeli argue that this discrepancy is a Jewish-Israelireflection of 88 87 86 subsidized.” sick leave for medical appointments, “absence from work for adoption-related reasons is not equally international. of Likewise, while women undergoing fertility treatments are untitled to up to 80 days of policymakers privilege biological over social kinship. For one, the government does not subsidize the costs year. A comparison between ARTs and international adoption more clearly shows the way that Israeli internal adoption, as will be explained, is related to the smallchildren number putof up for adoption each biological parenthood over adoption, the discrepancy in Israel is particularly extreme. The relative rarity of policies show a clear hierarchy between genetic and social kinship. While many countries privilege pronatalist stance. When examined side by side, Israeli reproductive technology polices and adoption 2.6 vs Adoption Israel ARTin Policies Birenbaum-Carmeli and Carmeli, “Adoption,” 143. “Adoption,” and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli 138. “Adoption,” and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli 136. “Adoption,” and Carmeli, Birenbaum-Carmeli In contrast to the United States, for example, where the right to parenthood is a negative right to be A comparisonIsrael's ART of and adoption policies reveals more discrepancies in Israel's overall 86 The The government even recommends that couples continue fertility treatments while waiting 24 87 The The authors conclude that the 88 CEU eTD Collection that “children in Israeli-Jewish society are not perceived as autonomous human beings bearing individual I attended nor in the news articles I read regarding this topic. This coincides with Halishoni's argument for their gametes in death. the caseNot ofonce was the interestthe child of raised, neither in the meeting New Family organization has advocated that each Israeli soldier file a biological will, tospecify their wishes common sense determined that posthumous parenthood should not only be allowed but planned for. The ethical boundaries with two words: common sense.” that there might be ethical concerns with posthumous reproduction and answered, “You can sum up our reproduction and thus where she drew the ethical her limitsfamily.advocacy of of She seemed perplexed 91 90 89 continuation... a dream.” rights and advocacyposthumous reproduction.of She described posthumous reproduction as “an idea of other to acknowledging a right to grandparenthood.” their mothergrandchildren, of despite never having met Cohen. This ruling brings Israel “closer than any Keivin Cohen could use sperm extracted after his death to impregnate a woman who agreed to be the posthumous reproduction in even more cases. In 2007, a Tel Aviv court ruled that thedeceased parents of challenged in Israel. In fact, challenges to the country's guidelines have only been in attempt to allow assumption is that they would want genetic continuation posthumously. This assumption has not been unless someone leaves a will specifically stating that they do not want their gametes used posthumously, the wideposthumous embrace ofparenthood but because they are based on presumed consent such that clearly demonstrated in Israel's posthumousacceptance parenthood.of parenthood in Israel is based in a right to the continuityone's family of line. This understanding is most Meanwhile the right not bea parent does not exist, as evidenced in the Nahmani case. The meaning of IritRosenblum, interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 2, 2011. Ibid. “Made in Heaven,” Goldberg, Michelle politics/61835/made-in-heaven/ Irit Rosenblum, and her organization New Family, has been at the forefrontboth gay familyof In 2003, Israel created guidelines on posthumous reproduction, which are notable not only for the 90 In a meeting with her, I askedshe saw ethical if issues with posthumous (accessed June 2,2011). Tablet Magazine, 91 25 March 17,2011. 89 To Irit and the other students at this meeting, http://www.tabletmag.com/news-and- CEU eTD Collection to become a mother is thought to be entirely nature assistance,and deserving of technological or pregnancy via artificial insemination but also by family, friends, and fertility clinic staff, for whom the desire autonomous mothers “are reinforced not only by state policies that permit unmarried women to pursue other subsidies designed to render child-rearing on one salary feasible.” mothers to be socially acceptable in Israel. conception in Israel, Susan Kahn details the legal and cultural framework that allows for unmarried and also for a childless woman who wishes to establish a single-parent family.” funded fertility treatments also extend to “couples who do not have children from their current marriage, be seen inartificialthe use inseminationof and IVF by unmarried women in order to have children. State- inIsrael 2.8 Single Motherhood present throughout Israeli thinking on reproduction. one's family rather than the right to experience parenthoodthe joys ofor raise children. This logic is consideringposthumous the case fatherhood,of this right is clearly about the genetic continuation of only parenthood that is a priority in Israeli society but the continuationone's family of line. When the Cohen family, a concern that the court legitimized by ruling in their favor. 97 96 a basic human instinct and a human right. 95 94 93 92 families.” of asparts rather but rights... Waldman, “Cultural Priorities,” 83. Kahn, Paragraph 6(e) of the Second Addendum to the National Health Insurance Law, Insurance Health National the to Second Addendum of the 6(e) Paragraph Seeman, “Ethnography,” 345. Emshechiut Halishoni- Dolev, “Between Mothers,” 137. Considerations,” Ethical and Sociological Some Vitroof In Fertilization: Misuses Usesand “The Gooldin, Sigal and Carmel Shalev, Another Israel's marker pronatalism of and society's reproductiveacceptance of technologies can Reproducing Jews, translates to continuity, but in this context is understood as the continuation of one's family and blood line. blood and family of one's continuation the as understood is context in this but continuity, to translates Nashim: Journalof Jewish Women's Studies and Gender Issues 62. 92 Throughout the meeting Irit described 93 96 The continuitytheir “line” of was also the primary concern of Single parents “receivetax, a seriesmortgage, rent,of and 26 97 S.H. Kahnargues that the efforts of 12 (2006): 156. no. 1469 (1994): 183 quoted in 94 95 This indicates that it is not In assistedher study of emshechiut, or continuity,or as CEU eTD Collection Jewish understandingskinship. of even through extraordinarytechnological means of interventions, so long as it does not interfere with that Israel's pronatalist culture, rather than ostracizing same-sex couples, encourages their reproduction collective but also informs the reproductive decisionsJewish-Israelis. of In the following chapter, I argue a strong attachment to biological identity constructs whichof not only delineates belonging in the Jewish the reproductive my decisions interviewees. of Israeli society is marked by extreme pronatalism, but also by 2.9 Conclusion the gayacceptance parenthood, of even through complex technological means, is not such afar stretch. parenthood forms of that rely on technological innovations and deviate from the idealized nuclear family, Given the acceptabilityintentional of single motherhood through in-vitro fertilization, acceptanceother of unmarried women also includes lesbians, for whom state-funded fertility treatments are equally available. 99 98 but as a life choice consistent with argument, Waldman writes that in Israel, “single parenthood is not seen as fraying the nation's moral fiber, mother, through artificial insemination, is encouraged on many levels simultaneously. Confirming this solution to a terrible problem, namely, childlessness. According to Kahn, the decision to become asingle conventionskinship in of Israel, such as marriage, and how technology is considered an unproblematic otherwise.” Waldman, “Cultural Priorities,” 83. Kahn, In this chapter, I presented the a picturesocial andof legal landscape that surrounds and informs Reproducing Jews, 98 Kahn's study demonstrates both the way in which the desire for children trumps other 62. regnant social values that support child-bearing.” 27 99 Kahn's study of CEU eTD Collection as more lesbians and gay men are choosing to have children. that pronatalism and gender has received from feminist scholars, but it is becoming increasingly important pronatalism and the LGBT community in Israel has not been subject scholarlyto the kind interrogationof on pronatalismthe impact of on gay and lesbian Israelis are mostly anecdotal. The relationship between 102 101 100 enthusiasm for child-bearing cuts across allfamily categories structure. of Legal and financial support for 3.1 LegalPerspectiveson Gay Parenthood in Israel parents challenge the biological essentialism that predominates Jewish-Israelikinship. notions of pronatalism hasof generally lead to societal lesbiansacceptance and gayof men as parents, but that gay my interviews as well as previous research on related topics, Iargue that the Israel's culturally specific form certain norms and challenge others. In the following chapter, I discuss gay parenthood in Israel. Based on described above that gay couples navigatereproduction the terrain of and in doing so both reinforce understanding the meanings attributed to technological interventions. Thus, it is within the context Following an anthropological approach to ARTs, I consider the culturalits contextuse essential of to biological essentialism togive anthe overview cultural kinshipof meaning inof the Jewish-Israeli context. pronatalist attitudes, Jewish approaches to reproductive technologies, and state policies that reinforce Chapter 3: Gay Parenthood inIsrael separately from, or additionally to, more general discrimination regarding sexuality. 2011). http://www.newfamily.org.il/en/1906/israel-a-paradise-for-gay-families-by-nathalie-hamou-in-israel/ PergamonPress, 1991). of genderequality see Barbara Swirski and MarilynSafir, eds. Maternity,Modesty, and Militarism in IsraeliSociety I am not arguing that homosexuality is generally accepted in Israel, but that gay parenting is not problematized Nathalie Hamou, “Israel, A Paradise forGay Families,” New Family Organization Fora study of Israeli pronatalism from the perspective of women's health see SusanSered, In her comparativeUS and studyIsraeli of ART policies, Ellen Waldman concludes that “Israeli Many scholars have discussed the repercussionsIsrael's of pronatalism on women, (Hanover: Brandeis University Press, 2000). 28 Calling the Equality Bluff: Women in Israel 101 Inthe previous chapter I explored Israeli What MakesWomen Sick: From the perspective (accessed June 2, June (accessed 100 but writings (New York: 102 CEU eTD Collection 106 107 105 108 heterosexuals in adopting children. year, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that homosexual couples should receive the same rights as also ruled that they could legally adopt their foster child. to be officially registered as foster parents. It took over ten years, but eventually, the Israeli Supreme Court 111 109 104 103 single and gay-headed families is robust.” 'maternity' leave for a male couple” aftertheir the childbirth of via surrogacy in India. this time without even a court battle, “The National Insurance Institute authorized Israel's first-ever Tal Yarus-Hakak won a petition allowing her lesbian partner to adopt her biological children. 110 partners as heterosexual partners. Court ruled that El Al, an Israeli airline, was required to extend the same partner benefits to homosexual issues” onfamily-related activists have centered lesbian and gay Israeli of successes thebiggest that accident gay-headed families. and gay men, these statements underscore the fact that family rights have been extended in many ways to homosexualchildren parents of per capita in the world.” http://www.ynetnews.com/articles/0,7340,L-3684109,00.html http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/ag-okays-wider-adoption-rights-for-same-sex-couples-1.239054 adopt. June 2, 2011). As will be discussed later, the court ruling has not actually made it significantly easier forgay couples to parents. 2011). According to Israeli policies, one parent can take a 12 week paid leavehttp://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/first-israeli-gay-man-gets-maternity-leave-1.272164 after the birth of theirchild but not both Sociolinguistic Analysis of New-Type Families,” Walzer, Walzer, Z'cuyot Hamishpaha, Vered Luvitch, “Gay Couple Granted Adoption forFosterSon,” Yuval Yoaz,“AG Okays Wider Adoption Rights forSame-Sex Couples,” Walzer, Me': A and for Legal aTitle Created Not Has Language Hebrew Tamir,“'The Michal and – Amitay Cahana Dalia Waldman, “Cultural Priorities,”105. Tomer Zachrin, “First Israeli Gay Man Gets 'Maternity' Leave,” 106 Within thisa pronatalist context of society that embraces reproductive technologies, it is “no One of the first One victoriesof for the gay rights movement came in 1995 when the Israeli Supreme Between Sodom and Eden Between Sodom and Eden Between Sodom and Eden 105 orfamily rights is a legal category in Israeli jurisprudence. , 184. , 183. , 191. 107 111 Thesame year, Uri Ezen and Amit Kama became the first gay couple For tax and legal purposes homosexual couples and families receive 103 Some have even argued that “Israel has the highest number of Journalof Gender, SocialPolicy, and Law the 29 108 (accessed June 2, 2011). 104 Another major victory came in 2005, when Dr. Haaretz News Source, Y-Net News, While Israel is far from a utopia for lesbians Haaretz News Source, March 10,2009. March16, 2009. (accessed June 2, June (accessed 17 no.3 (2009): 547. February 11, 2008. 110 And, in the same 109 In2008, (accessed CEU eTD Collection impossible for gay couples to adopt, despite their legal entitlement. Withinadoption the area there of are situation further, I will now briefly describe the adoption system in Israel and why it is difficult,not if children, he is willing to take on the challengesa system thatof discriminates against him. To explain the originally, heknew that it was unlikely that he would get achild through adoption. Now that he already two twins through surrogacy now wants to adopt a child. He explained that while he had wanted to adopt people as well that is was an avenue that wasn't going to lead us anywhere.” experience.” After not monthshaving of their messages returned, Aaron told me, “we learned from other partner had looked into adoption, callingadoption a number agencies, of but it “was a very frustrating length about the options he considered before turning to surrogacy. First, he explained that he and his fact, all the couples that used surrogacy tried adoption first, but were unsuccessful. Ispoke with Aaron at 3.2 Adoption any other married couple with children.” simpler here. In Israel, we are registered as a married couple with children and have all the same benefits as United States explained to taxesme, inand terms otherof bureaucratic concerns “everything is much 112 the same benefits as heterosexual families. 114 113 Propaganda War,” generally condemned by Palestinians. For more on this perspective on gay rightsparenthood in Israel, in ofgay Israel see is acceptance likely Jaspir Likewise to Puar,only dramatically. effect rate “Israel's the Jewish reproduction population Gay Palestinian the growth as influencing homosexuality, not while rate letalonereproduction gay Jewish the parenthood, increases Israel is in surrogacy, and insemination artificial fertilization, in-vitro like technologies, reproductive sperm donationwere cases is in necessary.especially services, these Similarly, use to likely as not are they surrogacyIsrael, in living is not condoned Palestinians to available amongstlegally Palestinians in Israel. Thus, the embrace of Jewish beyond is rights gay certain enabling for the scope of this motivation thesis, it is important government's to the note thatWhile community death. by acceptance forgay parentinghomosexuality is punish tied to importance which of of many countries, to Arab comparison in “Western” as itself mark and conflict, Israeli-Palestinian the from attention divert argued that Israel has strategically used the gay rights movement to raise its international profile, promotediscourse has labeledgay gay the tourism, victoriesrights in Israel, as“pinkwashing.” Through the term pinkwashing,some have marriage conducted abroad. other any as manner same in the treated and government Israeli bythe are recognized abroad conducted marriages While most gay rights activists in Israel have lauded the government's recent recognition of gay family rights, a parallel Interview by author, Tel Aviv,Israel, May 2011.2, Interview by author,Galilee Israel,region, May,1, 2011. While gay marriage is not recognized within Israel, gay Unlike the dominant Israeli discourse, adoption was not considered a last resort by gay couples. In reproduction, whether or not this of importance to the parents themselves. While reproductive technologies are technologies reproductive While themselves. parents the to of importance this or not whether reproduction, The Guardian July 1, 2010 113 112 As one gay couple that recently immigrated to Israel from the 30 114 Michael who already has CEU eTD Collection discrimination. As I learned from my interviewees, despite their legal option to adopt, the reality is that 117 116 candidates' fitness to adopt.” sexual the orientationprospective of adoptive parents is a relevant consideration in determining the that thea child adoption by of a same-sex couple is not in the bestthe interest adoptee...However, of the Attorney General explained in a statement regarding his ruling, “There is nothing in principle that dictates seemingly moreof traditional families. This informal discrimination is illegalnot in itself in Israel. As the formulas for determining the theinterests child, of non-traditional families are often passed over in favor based on “the best theinterests child” of as determined by the adoption agency. As there are no set generally given to heterosexual couples. Thesystem for matching children with adoptive parents in Israel is 115 limit. process before34 to thehave age of a reasonableadopting chance a childof before passing the age sixyears. isapproximately a baby is very limited. Around 70 children a year are available for adoption in Israel, and the wait list for adopting not necessarily changed the reality for same-sex couples who want to adopt. Firstly, adoption within Israel rights activists as an important step in legitimizing same-sex families, but the improved legal standing has allowed toadopt children that are not biologically related tothem. either The rulingof was hailed by gay children in Israel since 2005. In 2008, theAttorneyIsrael Generalruled that of same-sex couples be international adoption by same-sex couples. same-sex couples in adoption within Israel, then I will discuss the options, or lack there of, for two distinct tracks: internal adoption and international adoption. First, I will address the current status of http://www.haaretz.com/print-edition/news/ag-okays-wider-adoption-rights-for-same-sex-couples-1.239054 qualified due to this requirement alone and Carmeli this number goes downto 50 forchildren under 2 years old. June June 2, 2011). http://www.adoptionpolicy.org/pdf/backgroundCS.pdf Yuval Yoaz,“AG Okays Wider Adoption Rights forSame-Sex Couples,” The requirement isthat the couple's average age be less than 40. Many couplesof the I interviewedwould have not Kislinger, Lara. “Inter-country Adoption: A Brief BackgroundCase and a Study.” 116 While legally both same-sex couples and single parents are allowed to adopt children, preference is As mentioned earlier, gay men and lesbians have had the right to adopt their partner's biological 117 Since placement is done on a case by case basis there unverifiableis a lot of 115 There is also anage restriction40 years old,of so one must begin the (accessed May 30, 2011): 31 Haaretz News Source, 7. According to Birenbaum-Carmeli February 11, 2008. (accessed CEU eTD Collection few looking into every possibility, “we've realized that this is our last option.” pursue surrogacy. As Aaron explained to me, having wanted children for years and having spent the last options lackavailable of to them as an openly gay couple was a determining factor in their decision to become a major industry, pushes couples towards surrogacy.my interviewees Many of expressed that the and yet restrictions surrogacy on the by use gay of men do not exist, notably in India where surrogacy has 121 120 119 118 it's not like we haveoptions.” a lot of decision to work with a surrogate Michael answered in asimilar manner: “we didn't havea choice, much of from their country. jurisdictions. to Israeli gay couples are limited not only by the regulations in Israel, but also by the regulations various of international adoption is beyond thisthe scopeproject, itof is important to note that the options available impose restrictions on who can adopt children born in their countries. While the complexity of system. adoption Israeli same-sex couples and gay men in particular do not havegetting a good change children of through the they have. they the case at all, but that with the obstaclesnumber gayof men face, surrogacythe is few optionsone of towards surrogacya becausedesire for of biological kinship, it appears from my interviews that this is not relationship structures under the umbrella of co-parenting necessitate a separate analysis. aseparate necessitate of co-parenting umbrella the under structures relationship theirsituation is quite different from the co- focus in are group who of men my two study. interviewed The dynamicsparenting I also relationships. Both ofof these surrogacy. men pursuedco-parenting parenthood asindividuals,pursuing andrather thanwithbefore apartner,the plethora and thereforedegrees of varying to unsuccessfully route this arrangement in which gay men pair upwith single womento jointly children.raise Several of my interviewees pursued interviewees expressed hesitations and discomfort about hiding their sexuality in order to adopt thus further limiting the options available to same-sex couples Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 1, 2011. Interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 1, 2011. Another option which is available to gay men is co-parenting, an Some countries employ a “don't ask, don't tell” type policy whichin single men are allowed to adopt, but my Furthermore, some countries have imposed embargoes onadoptions to Israel in protest of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, International adoption by same-sex couples is equally,not more, ifdifficult as most countries 118 Asfar as I can ascertain, no country currently allows gay couples abroad to adopt children 119 The fact that international adoption is restricted to gay men by almost every country 121 Sowhile at first glance it may seem that gay men are turning 32 120 When asked about the CEU eTD Collection 125 124 123 we're treated like any other married couple.” Israeli society.of But once you're in a couple, it's different. Since my husband and I have been together, observation, “Being gay and single in Israel is different, the single gay scene is pretty separate from the rest 127 126 122 focuses gay community in the United States. encourages gay men in Israel to seek long-term, committed relationships as opposed to a more singles differences, political parties, the religious spectrum, and even sexual orientation. children, and grandchildren are among the major societal expectations” that cut across generations, class gay menin Israel are exempt from the social pressure to reproduce. In Israel, “starting a family, having have the anonymousculture ofsex that characterizes other gay-friendly cities. mainstream society rather than having separate book stores or clubs. He also argues that Tel Aviv does not married.” status because it is still considered men who can make the choice, men have little excuse for not getting explains in an essay on Israeli society, “while single women are tolerated somewhat for their unmarried 3.3 Societal ofGay ParenthoodAcceptance themselves outsiders. They feel they have no place in society.” said, “In Israel, a family without children is nothing... couples who do not have children soon find society, parenthood is essential for full integration into society. As an Israeli professor and IVF specialist approach. In other words, I believe that all desires are socially-constructed and therefore such questions are irrelevant. are questions such therefore and socially-constructed are desires all that believe I words, other In approach. questions are basedof on types a positivist those think I assumptionbecause children for that one desire has “genuine” of“internal” sort some or desires which pressure social is on contrary based were decisions to my constructivisttheir dismiss their choices as complicity withpronatalism or “homonormativity.” I also do not attempt to determine whether http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/life_and_style/article458210.ece Walzer, or parenthood pursue to choice their for interviewees my way judge I inno 393. Cosmopolitans,” “Closeted Shokeid, Shokeid, “Closeted Cosmopolitans,” 390-391. Nicky Blackburn, “I Will Become a Mother at Any Cost,” Interview by author, Galilee Region, Israel, May 2, 2011. Moshe Shokeid, “Closeted Cosmopolitans: Israeli Gays between Centre and Periphery,” and Centre between Gays Israeli Cosmopolitans: “Closeted Shokeid, Moshe In his book on the gay community in Israel, Walzer argues that Israeli's family-oriented culture The pressure to have children is not only applied to women or heterosexuals, as Moshe Shokeid 122 Between Sodom and Eden Shokeid argues that gay Israelis first see themselves as Israelis then gay and participate in , 179. 126 125 While coupling may be a step towards acceptance in Israeli Aaron, an American-born Israeli made the same 33 The Times (accessed June 2,2011). 127 (London) , July 19, 2004. 123 Global Networks Thus, neither lesbians nor 124 3(2003): 389. CEU eTD Collection 132 131 130 129 humanity and that parenthood is a human right. Irit Rosenblum, the organization's director and spokesperson repeatedly stated that family is the essence of same-sex families in Israel.my study of others, took pride in the fact that Israel is a family-oriented country and wanted that to be emphasized in in Israel. dream adistant remains a legal and medical perspective lesbian motherhood is encouraged, despite the fact that same-sex marriage are available without cost to all women regardlesstheir marital of status or sexual orientation. 128 important thing I want you to know for your research is that Israelis love children...” example, during our interview, Carlos interrupted me, pointed to my voice recorder, and said “the most point to tell to me that children, no matter how they were born or to whom, are cherished in Israel. For Israeli society.the peopleMany of I interviewed or even spoke with casually about my topic made it a society.” wider the children as a gay man or lesbian in Israel often grants greater legitimacy infamily, the eyes of friends, and Considering the emphasis placed on parenthood in Israeli society, it not so difficult tosee that “having reinforcing the assumption that the desire for children is universal and inherent to human nature. simultaneously bridges gaps between same-sex couples and mainstream Israeli society while also children is seen as a commonality that bridges differences in sexual orientation and lifestyle. Pronatalism children, the desire for children is such astrong assumption in Israel, that a same-sex couple's desire for strictly according managed to are Jewish andthus law. courts religious by the regulated are laws divorce and marriage all as soon time any legalized benefits and recognizes same-sex marriages conducted abroad,but same-sex marriage within Israel is unlikely to be Rosenblum, interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 1, 2011. Interview by author, Tel Aviv,Israel, May 2011.2, Walzer, identical almost with comes which couples same-sex between union ofcivil form a recognizes government Israeli The Kahn, In a meeting at New Family, anon-profit organization for the familypromotion rights inof Israel, For lesbians in Israel, the push to have children is reinforced by state funded IVF treatments which For same-sex couples, the transition to parenthood can serve as an entry point into mainstream Reproducing Jews, Between Sodom and Eden, 130 2. 129 192. While some people have qualms with same-sex couples raising 132 To me, thispolemic kind speech of raised red flags, but 34 131 Carlos, like many 128 Thus from CEU eTD Collection with atleast one gay parent. Dalia Cahana- Amitay in theirwhat study they of term “new-type families”which aremost familiesof Everyone was very happy for me.” people here, but when I came back with the twins, people were waiting for me with balloons and flowers. treated to awarm welcome when he returned from India with his twins: “There arereligious a lot of amongst her co-workers to alarge extent. Michael, who lives in afairly religiousJerusalem, part was of also her sexuality. According to Ayelet, the joy surroundinga childthe birth outweighedof homophobia eased tensions between herher and co-workerssome of who had previously seemed uncomfortable with Pregnancy and parenthood not only gave Ayelet an additionalconversation topic of with her co-workers, it pregnancy: her to responded figure in Jerusalem's LGBT community, was surprised by the way her mostly religious co-workers received upontheir the children.birth of For example, Ayelet Schnur, a lesbian mother and well-known 137 136 135 134 133 setting.” suffer alienation” in fact “most had trouble recalling negative reactions from others regarding their family children” but did agree that it helpedthe gay inacceptance parents.terms of of Aaron, a professor, saw the downsideIsrael's of pronatalism, because “not everyone wants to have as Ilooked around the room at the other students in attendance, I saw everyone else nodding in agreement. “everyone was happy” about the birth of birth the about happy” was “everyone Cahana-Amitay and Tamir, “The Hebrew Language,” 596. Language,” Tamir, Hebrew and “The Cahana-Amitay Many of the families they interviewed consisted of single womenwho joined with gay men to have children together. Interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, May 2011.1, Implicit throughout these conversations, but neverstated, isthat Ayelet Schnur, interview by author, Jerusalem,Israel, April 27, 2011. Interview by author, Tel Aviv,May 2, 2011. The The community acceptance relayed to me by my interviewees was also found by Michal Tamir and been accepted. I saw that really inyou Israel, have if children, you're accepted... doesn't matter what, you've very excited for me. Even the teachers that are more homophobic were very happy and excited. the other Most teachersof are orthodox... The teachers were very happy for me. They were the couplesSome of that I interviewed were shocked by positivethe amount of attention they 137 This is not to imply that there is no homophobia in Israel, far from it, rather that generally, gay 134 136 They explain that “new-type families neither experience social rejection not 135 Jewish children. 35 133 CEU eTD Collection 140 139 138 theirrecognition family of unit after having children.” relationship with their partner after having children: “Some fathers expressed that they had increased relay that theseveral fathers in of the study noticed a significant change in the theirperception of found that children often strengthened connections between gay fathers and their families. Bergman et al. parenthood is not considered more problematic, or a separate problem than homosexuality itself. about our decision... but once the twins were born, they have really brought the family together.” partner after children were added to the family unit. As Michael explained “at first they were a bit hesitant many couples noticed increased acceptance from theirtheir parents lifestyle of and relationship with their sex partnerships as families. in their relationship to their partner's family, demonstratingchildren the role inof the recognitionsame- of system in Israel describes parenthood as a basic human right and family as the society.cornerstone of above, New Family, the main organization that advocates for same-sex parenthood rights through the legal since the desire for children is seen to expand beyond the sexual boundaries orientation. of As mentioned assumed to be innate. This argument is often used to justify parenthood rights to homosexuals in Israel, sexual orientation, they can at least understand their desire to have children, a desire which is largely but also underlines a common world-view. While some parents may have trouble accepting their children's relates to the overall pronatalistsociety. culture of Having children does not just enable a common interest parents have with their daughter or son-in-law. relationship that is more easily recognizable in heteronormative society as it mirrors the relationship a common interestof and the identificationtheir son's of partner as thetheir grandchild,parent of a Family Studies Bergman et al., “Gay Men,” 127. Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 1, 2011. Kim Bergman et al., “Gay Men Who Become Fathers via Surrogacy: The Transition to Parenthood,” In a study on gay men who become fathers via surrogacy in the United States, David Bergman et al. Similarly, Bergman et al. found the thatparticipants most of in their study noticed a positive change In Israel, Iargue that this strengthened relationship between one's parents and one's partner also 6 (2010): 125. 140 The respondents in Bergman's study attributed this change to the creation 36 138 Ifound the same in my interviews. Ifound that Journal of GLBT 139 CEU eTD Collection clearly beseen innon-biological the struggles of parents in a same-sex partnership to be regarded as equal 143 perspective embodied in their [the oppressed group] cultural expressions as a perspective.” time that one is marked out as different” which occurs “when dominant groups fail to recognize the Marion Young defines cultural imperialism as “the experiencingparadoxas invisible of oneself at the same oppression, imprisoning someone in a false, distorted, and reducedbeing.” mode of Charles Taylor argues that “nonrecognition or misrecognition can inflict harm, can be a form of gay parents in Israeli society, alternative families suffer from misrecognition. In cultural imperialismthe asfive one oppression,of faces I of argue that despite the overall acceptance of parenthood in Israel society and the Israeli legal system. that the obstacles that same-sex families in Israel face are due to the privileginggenetic over of social reasons, these families still face obstacles in both alegal sensesocial and in recognition.terms of I argue 3.4 “Mis-recognition” continuation and the right to grandparenthood in Israel which was discussed in the previous chapter. between Ofir and his grandparents speaks to the importance attached to parenthoodfamily as a form of her son, “Ofirof they really love. They have aconnection with him that bypasses us.” grandchild. Ayelet explained that while her relationship with her parents remained strained after the birth their sexuality or their partner, were still overwhelmed by their parent's joy at the a newaddition of 142 141 University Press, 1990), 60. (Princeton: PrincetonUniversity Press, 1992), 25. Young, Marion Iris, “Five Faces of Oppression,” in Taylor, Charles,“The Politics of Recognition” in of Recognition” Politics Charles,“The Taylor, Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 27,2011. Using Charles Taylor'stherecognition politicstheory of of and Iris Marion Young's definition of While Iargue that Jewish-Israeli society is generallygay accepting parenthood of for a variety of Amongst my interviewees, even those who did not notice a change in their parents’ acceptance of Multiculturalism and “ThePolitics of Recognition”: An Essay Justice and the Politics of Difference of Politics the and Justice 37 h oiiso Recognition,The Politics of (Princeton: Princeton (Princeton: 142 141 Similarly, Iris The The relationship 143 This can CEU eTD Collection explained: insist on finding out whichthem gave one of birth to Ofir and thus who the “real” mother is. As Ayelet beyond genetics and recognizing that she and her partner are equallytheir parents child. of Many people non-recognition as the primary difficulty she faces as a lesbian mother: interviews revealed a similarmisrecognition. pattern of For example, one interviewee, Ayelet, expressed 147 146 145 144 mother,” the “other mother.” “co-mother” often represented as the proverbial “lack,” she is the “nonbiological mother,” the “nonbirth Ronit's exclusion is “expressed inestablished, the dearth of much less positive, for terms the the role of authenticity in which new-type families live, and the non recognition with which they are met.” argue that these families suffer from “ansocial absence acknowledgment of or a gap between the misrecognition. parents. Their perspective as parents is marginalized and their relationship to their child is distorted by reflects therecognition lack of thatkinship these forms have of in society. in Hebrew.appropriate The lack languageof with which to convey Ronit's position vis a vis her child Anthropology Corrine Corrine P. Hayden, “Gender, Genetics, and Generation: Reformulating Biology Lesbianin Kinship,” Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 27,2011. Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 27,2011. 575. Language,” Tamir, Hebrew and “The Cahana-Amitay feelsthe outsideconversation. of questions. She said that I answered as Ishould but then they would only speak to me. And she mothers. So they ask but who gave birth to him... Ronit felt very uncomfortable with these When Ofir was already born, people asked who is the mother? So we answer:us are boththe of the Whilepeople that most of Ayelet interacts with seem to be accepting, they have trouble looking always that we are sisters, or friends, and that ushe is theone childof of the outside world that never understands us as a parentscouple with of a child. The guess is In my opinion, the most widespread difficulty on a day today basis is that we are exposed to In a sociolinguistic andalternative legal study of families, Michal Tamir and Dalia Cahana-Amitay Because Ronit and Ofir have a stronger physical resemblance, she is often assumed to be his birth 10 no.1 (1995): 49. 147 While these are English terms, they are almost identical to the terms used 146 38 145 Cultural 144 My CEU eTD Collection 151 150 149 148 and our joint parenthood. The only option we have is to expose ourselves.not, they don't If see us.” With obvious angst, Ayelet explained: “Never [are we understood]we don't iftalk about our relationship mother. When this assumption is made, questions and praise are addressed to her, while Ayelet is ignored. mother and an egg donor. This example shows the difficulty that even open-minded Israelis have in children's mother. It was only after Michael corrected her, that she thought about the difference between a process and expressed full gay parenthood, support of she mistakenly referred to the eggdonor as the While Rebecca, an elderly heterosexual woman, wasthe aware entire of surrogacy and egg donation to be equal parents even though my sperm was used.” whose sperm was used “is often the first question asked. And, that really bothers me, because we are going who is hoping to have achild through asurrogacy arrangement by thenext beginning year, of noted that children and the theirorganization family of is often difficult forothers to understand and accept. Aaron, embryo using a third party donor,egg and a woman who overheard our conversation: my interviewees,one of Michael, whose twins were born to a surrogate who was implanted with an and leads to difficulties.a number of Take for example the following conversation that took place between child, no matter who's biological material was used inthe process, is hard for many people to understand and family, I heard the terms interchanged many times. Theidea that a same-sex couple jointly creates a sperm-donor was referred to as the child's mother or father. When discussing my thesis topic with friends parenthoodmeaning ofhaunts same-sex parents. Parents were upset by how often an egg-donor or a Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 1, 2011. eye color. and hair, skin, light mean they By light eyes. blue and hair blond have twins The Interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 2, 2011 Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 27,2011. Same-sex couples are more accepted once they have children, but their relationship to their light like me” Michael: “It is not the mother, it is the donor. They don't have a mother. But yes, the egg donor is Rebecca: “Is the mother also light?” While their decision to become parents was mostly accepted, normative understandingthe of 151 150 39 149 148 CEU eTD Collection similar decisions in cases involving gay parents, for which he was heavily derided by the Association for necessary for babies to enter and be naturalized in Israel. Jerusalem did not approve apaternity test to demonstrate that the twins are genetically his, which is hisfor the twinsbirth butof was not allowed to return with them because a family court judge in paid a woman in India to be the surrogate their mother children. of In March 2010, Goldberg flew to India of Paradigms Kinship Dominant 3.5 Challenging become parents and failing to view alternative family configurations as legitimate families.” wish tofree themselvesthe paradox of Israeli society imposes on them, simultaneously compelling them to disadvantages same-sex couples. Writing about gay families, Tamir and Cahana-Amitay explain that “they societal assumptions about sexuality and parenthood but rather an adherence to biological kinship that one another. as siblings, their genetic connection is what interests Israelis and how they determine their relationship to 154 153 152 theyare biologically related.”ask if he said, children United States before immigrating to Israel. When describing the typical questions that he is asked about his I conducted with Jonathan, who along with his husband, adopted three African-American children in the genetic definitionskinship. of understanding, recognizing, and properly naming alternative kinship that forms doof not coincide with http://www.jpost.com/International/Article.aspx?id=175147 Ron Friedman,Ron “J’lem ManStruggles to Bring Twin Sons Home from India,” 598. Language,” Tamir, Hebrew and “The Cahana-Amitay Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 1, 2011. As described in the introduction, Israeli citizens and gay couple, Dan Goldberg and Arnon Angel Unlike in many other jurisdictions, the obstacles facing gay parents are not primarily based in Anotherthe exampleprevalencebiological/genetic of of kinship meanings is from of an interview “We get they areaskedcourse related. if they Ofare related, they're siblings. You should 152 Although all three children were adopted in infancy and were raised 40 (accessed 2, June 2011). 154 It was later discovered that the judge had made The Jerusalem Post, The Jerusalem May 10, 2010. 153 CEU eTD Collection discussion Doron explained his issue with the required paternity test: transnational surrogacy and the legal impediments presented by the Israeli government. During our 160 159 158 157 156 155 Civil Rights in Israel and even by the Israeli prime minister, Binyamin Netanyahu. to whom. Nobody knows actually... they stopped asking long ago...only the state cares.” they understand the weight it carries in society thus, “We don't tell the families who is related [genetically] people seekingdozens surrogacyof abroad. become a familiar face amongst gay parents in Israel, as his company Tammuz, provides services for Israeli government required a paternity test, them citizenship.” argues with the state’s right to conductchildren tests born of to surrogate mothers abroad before granting challenged the judge's decision and the situation was covered heavily by the Israeli media. United States to Israel. Israeli government for requiring him to conduct a paternity test before bringing his daughter from the 1.290847 scope of my current research. current my of scope prevalent throughout my interviews, andperhaps could be the focus of another academic inquiry, butisbeyond the entity which is district from the “field`” or everyday life. This understanding of the Israeli state by Israeli citizens was Israel. in available not is surrogacy whom for 2010. Mamet, interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. HereDoron weMamet, see that interview the “state” by is author,imagined Telby Mamet as anAviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. women single and requirement, age the above are do who couples heterosexual couples, religion mixed include These I interviewed DanGoldberg,but for sakethe of privacy,his quotes from the interview are attributed to a pseudonym. Man,” “J’lem Friedman, JonathanLis, “Netanyahu: Gay Father and Twins Must Be Allowed to Return to Israel,” the parents, regardlessthe genetic connection, of because it's simply irrelevant. check. We filed a lawsuit against the state. We are requesting that they recognize both not have checked, it doesn't interest us, it's not relevant. With the second child, we didn't agree to interest us to know. In the end the state forced us to theycheck... hadn't ifforced us to we would We both donated the sperm... what ever stuck, stuck... we didn't know until the birth and it didn't As Doron explained, the biologicalparenthood basis is unimportant of to him and his partner, but In astatement regarding this case, The Association for Civil Rights in Israel wrote that “no one Doron Mamet has gained notoriety for his role in the documentary film http://www.haaretz.com/news/national/netanyahu-gay-father-and-twins-must-be-allowed-to-return-to-israel- (accessed June 2,2011). 156 This, however, is not true. Not only did Dan express to me that he was upset that the The Jerusalem Post, The Jerusalem May 10, 2010. 157 158 another interviewee, Doron Mamet, is in fact suing the Through his business, Doron has become an expert on 41 Haaretz News Source, Google Baby Google 155 Goldberg and Angel 160 159 Understanding but has also has but May 17, of us as of CEU eTD Collection 161 they could begin the process immediately. sperm donor would require waiting for several theymonths andagreed ifto use the same donor sperm, “biology is not important to us.” Their plans however changed when they were told that getting a new pregnancies, particularly in order to not give weight to the genetic connection between their children as not want their parenthood to be defined accordingly. material to their child, they refuse to tell anyone including their children and their parents because they do child as an Israeli citizen. While Doron and his partner now know whichthem contributedone of genetic disrupted by the Israeli government, which required a paternity test be conducted in order to naturalize the children, and society in general. Their attempt to circumvent the biologicalsystem of parenthood was relatedthem, to this one oftechnique would allow them to keep that knowledge from themselves, their genetic parent. While they are wellthe fact aware that of each resulting child would only be genetically their sperm before it was used to create embryos in attempt not to know or definethem which is the of the cultural importance attached to genetic parenthood, Doron and his partner, used a techniquemixing of months ago. The mother's tragic death has been expounded by the government's inability to recognize youngest one has not been recognized as her daughter because it was her partner that gave birth to her 10 example, a prison guard who died in the recent Carmel fires in Israel is survived by three children, but the process can take anywhere from 16 months to 3 years leaving everyone in a precarious position. For are legally recognized as married. Thus the biological parent's partner must adopt their own child. This genetically related to the child, one parent is seen as the real parent, even same-sexin cases couples of that notified or the paternity is contested. Insame-sex the case couples, of since only one parent can be husband is assumed to be the biological father, and registered on birth certificates as such, unless otherwise childrencertificates ofborn to same-sex couples. When a child is born to a heterosexual couple, the Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 27,2011. Similarly, Ayelet told me that she and her partner tried to use different sperm donors for their Another way in which the Israeli government reinforces biological kinship is through the birth 161 42 CEU eTD Collection 164 163 162 and the details, but that's not what is important.” my interviewees.most of Ayelet made a similar remark, stating that “people always ask about the process healthy child to the world – the details were not as important to us.” asked Michael about selecting the process an of eggdonor he responded that “our goal was to bring a aboutthe detailsreproductive of processes through which their children were born. For example, when I unilaterally placed social parenthood over genetic parenthood. This became most apparent when Iasked Although in all but one case, the children were biologically relatedthe toparents, one of my interviewees is reified. In contrast, this emphasis on genetics and biology was not expressed by my interviewees. from a strong concern with Jewish reproduction, through which the biological whodefinition is Jewish of society defines kinship. I argue thatIsraeli the root kinshipof as a genetically based kinship system stems 3.6 New Approaches Family to and ARTs their familial bond, an issue which her partner is now fighting in the Israelis courts. traditional family. model of I asked each interviewee about what they planned to tell their children and they gamete existencedonors andof surrogates from the start, and did not try to mold themselves into a to be forthcoming with every aspect from the start. The couples were open with their children about the not only had no qualms about explaining to their children how they were born but also that they planned desire to have children despite the complexitythe process. of Every person I interviewed told me that they born. On the other hand, they embrace their child's conception and birth stories as evidencetheir deep of While on one hand, they do not consider the technicalities particular important, especially once the child is gametes to create children. But, from what my interviewees told me, they do not want to hide these facts. http://www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4072254,00.html Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 28,2011. Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 2, 2011. (in Hebrew) Only Two Orphans,” Children, Three Raised Guard AvielMaganzi,“Dead In chapter 2, through adiscussionpronatalism of in Israel, Iexplored how mainstream Israeli Same-sex couples can not hide the fact that they used technological interventions and donor 164 (accessed June2, 2011). 43 163 I received similar responses from Y-NetNews, 162 May 22, 2011. CEU eTD Collection understand.” As his children are young, he explained that “the story is very simple at this point, because that's what they from the beginning. That they look at the donoregg and surrogate in a very positive light, but not to use When giving advice to clients, Doron advocates a similar strategy, “I recommend that they tell the story When I asked Doron about how he plans to tell his children about their birth he explained that, is different, and my parents are far away, the girl accepted the explanation, smiled, and continued coloring. why in our house we only have agrandmother and a girl. When my grandmother answered that each family be curious about family formations. At one point during the interview the little girl asked my grandmother mothers, and some each.have one of asked why she does not have afather. They told her that some families have two fathers, others have two but Ruth & Dana, a lesbian couple with a 5 year old daughter, told me that their daughter had recently don't have what insteadyou do of have?” interviewees’ views on this issue were summarized well by Jonathan when he said, “Why focus on what you 170 169 168 167 166 165 example, Ayelet explained that “Children are fine with just one mom. Ofir has twice what he needs.” themodel, interviewees none of expressed concern over the questions their children might ask. For I tell them?” all seemed surprised by the question. For example, Michael replied “I'll tell them the truth. What else would Mamet, interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. Mamet, interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. Interview by author,Petach Tikva, Israel, April2011. 29, Interview by author, Galilee Region, Israel, May 2, 2011. Schnur, interview by author,Jerusalem, Israel, April 28,2011. Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 2, 2011. another woman who youtook forcare nineof months. She gave ussome material, we mixed itwith dad's material andthen we putitinto the belly of needed a woman tohelp us. There is one woman in the United States whoagreed to help us. We've told them from age zero... dad and dad wanted children very much, to have a child we Most of the familiesMost of that I interviewed have young children who have yet to ask many questions, When discussing their family structure in comparison to the normative heterosexual, two parent 165 170 Healso told me that his daughter knows how to tell the story herself, and does so regularly. 168 Their daughter seemed satisfied with the answer but continues to 167 44 169 166 The CEU eTD Collection 172 171 the word mother... and to always focus onwhat the children have not what they don't have.” are really trivial.” really are more or less like us,” they all agreed that “in the end, once the child is born, you realize that these decisions While somethe aspectsselection of were coursenormalized we wanted “of someone healthy, who looks considered thegamete selection donor of to be a particular important or noteworthythe process. part of couples felt strongly about whether gamete donors should be anonymous or not, likewisethem none of 174 173 of their childrenof explaining to me that “We talk very openly about their adoption situation.” one couple who had successfully adopted children expressed a similar position regarding the birth parents trivialize thecontributionsthe donors, of but because biology does not determine kinship for them. The shame or secrecy surrounding this the way there tends to be in Israeli heterosexual couples. a definitionfamily unit of is flexible enough to accommodate various formations. technologies, including gamete donation, need not disturb thethe integrityfamily of unit, so long as the regarding gamete donor anonymity, but the experiencesgay couples demonstrateof that reproductive Lawmakers in Europe often express concern with protecting thethe integrity family unitof in decisions sheds light on discussionsthe ways of in which gamete donation can erode thethe family.integrity of couples do not have this option, and thus, perhaps, relate to gamete donation differently. This contrast contrast with heterosexual couples, who often try to hide the fact that external gametes were used, gay his relationship with the eggdonor, he proudly showed me picturesher sitting ofwith his children. In her the childrenpictures of on a regular basis and even hosted her in Israel for a week. When I asked about all the information they have about the children's birth parents and feel in no way threatened by their Insemination” Birenbaum -Carmeli, Daphna, and Yoram S. Carmeli. “Ritualizing the ‘Natural Family’: Secrecy Israeliin Mamet, Donor interview by author, Tel Aviv, Israel, May 3, 2011. Interview by author, Galilee Region, Israel, May 2, 2011. Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 2, 2011. Not only are these couples not able to hide the fact that they used donor gametes, there is no Doron keeps in touch with the woman who donated her eggs hisfor children.both of He sends Science as Culture 173 Gay couples do not accept the normative emphasis put on genetics, not in attempt to 9 no.3 (2000): 301-325. 45 172 174 171 None of the None of They share CEU eTD Collection openly discussingthe surrogacy. the role of inviting egg donors into their lives, by insisting on equal parenthood regardlessbiological of ties, and by system they can expose the ambiguitiesparenthood in of a way that is not allowed in Israel, for example by society that esteems biological/genetic kinship. Because gay men using surrogacy, work outside the Israeli biological relation between one parent and the child would strengthened their claim to parenthood within a they created their families nor to emphasize their biological parenthood, even when presumably the not disguise their families as “natural” biological families, choose not to hide the processes through which configurations, thea “natural” guise of genetic kinship is undisturbed. By contrast, gay couples who can Through these regulations, the government tries to ensure that, evenunorthodox in cases kinshipof the birth parents are kept anonymous in adoption cases, thus open adoption is not an option in Israel. party genitors and did not feel that their existence threatened their relationship to their children. Likewise, donation” 177 176 175 met her family... we're still in touch now.” “There were some that were anonymous, and we didn't want that. We met her, we met her husband, we establishrelationship some form of with the woman who would gestate and give birth to his children, line between gamete contribution and parenthood. In choosing a surrogate, Michael expressed his desire to donors egg contribution and surrogatesof in the theircreation children of while still maintaining a distinct without trivializing ordehumanizing donors and surrogates. Gay parents expressed appreciation for the couples challenge the normativereproduction narrative of by emphasizing social over genetic parenthood they attribute parental status to gamete contributors, as mainstream society often does. In this way, the children's curiosity about their birth parents. If the surrogacy law in Israel is ever modified to allow gay couples to contract a surrogate locally,Teman, it “Themight be Lastinteresting Outpost,” 117. Interview by author, Jerusalem, Israel, May 2, 2011. While theIsraeli regulation, “symbolically erases the genitors sperm andin cases egg of The The couples I interviewed did not trivialize thecontributions eggdonors and ofsurrogates nor did 176 through anonymity, the gay couples I interviewed saw no reason to hide theirthird- use of 175 177 46 CEU eTD Collection 178 about kinship among Jewish Israelis.” women to get pregnant via artificial insemination does not threaten to destabilize foundational assumptions system. In singleher study motherhood of in Israel, Kahn concludes that, “the unmarried choice of Taken together, gay parents expose the ambiguities and social constructednessthe Jewish-Israeli of kinship on kinship, they do not do so in an attempt to trivialize the contributionsgamete donors andof surrogates. genetic connection between the child and one parent. While gay parents de-emphasize the biological basis challenge normativebiological constructs kinshipof by insisting on equal parenthood regardlessthe of parenthood and the challenges“mis-recognition” of that gay parents face. I argue that gay couples 3.7 Conclusion bioculturalthe Jewish construct of collective identity. Jewish state, but simultaneously, destabilize the normativekinship paradigms that of are essential to the contributesthe state'sto one central of goals: reproducing Jews. Gay parents reproduce the members of to see how the dynamics presented here would be affected. would here presented dynamics the seehow to Kahn, In this chapter, I discuss the gayposition parents of in Israeli society: both the acceptabilitygay of Reproducing Jews, 63. 178 Likewise, she argues, single motherhood is welcome in Israel as it 47 CEU eTD Collection 179 pronatalist country would reveal very different challenges to gay parenthood. establishing a nuclear family as is often assumed in a Western context. Perhaps a similar study in aless reproductive technologies can serve collectivepronatalism goals of rather than just private goals of used and understood by various actors within culturally specific contexts. This study shows how with children. My findings indicate that further research is needed to address the many ways that ARTs are investigate norms about fatherhood versus motherhood and how they are negotiated by same-sex couples especially when used outside thea single confines jurisdiction.of Future research on gay parenthood could people are.” social, cultural, and legal context, affirming the argument that “technology is notsocial an agent change; of biological kinship constructs in Israeli-Jewishof society. discussions on the use reproductive technologies, gay parents expose the ambiguitiestraditional of on biological ties leads to “mis-recognition.” I argue that through the parenthoodrhetoric and of open parenthood. Meanwhile, legal restrictions limit the options available togay men and the importance placed pronatalism, with its acceptancetechnology andof emphasis on familial continuity, enables gay pursue parenthood through transnational surrogacy arrangements. I have demonstrated how Israeli answered. However, in their place, are a whole questions. new set of questions, which his story provoked, about the motivation to use international surrogacy have been Conclusion Franklin and Ragone, and Franklin Looking at reproduction locally, however, does not mean separating these practices from In broader terms, I have shown how technologies are given meaning by actors within a particular In this thesis, I have discussed thesocial, legal, and cultural context in which gay men in Israel It has been a little over a year since Dan Goldberg's story caught my attention.my Many of 179 This study demonstrates how ARTs have the potential to kinship,challenge norms of Reproducing Reproduction , 5. 48 CEU eTD Collection of the state? of transnational reproduction challenge traditional understandingsthe national of subject and the boundaries can they be considered the moral transnationalpioneers of reproductive technologies? How does reproduction used andgay why? couples areIf the mainthese consumers new transnationalof processes, transnational reproduction. For example, under what circumstances are transnational processes of jurisdictions intersects to enable certain reproductive options and limit others. processes that link local and global interests.” are impossible to disentangle around reproduction,the topic of as they often involve transnational 180 globalreproduction politics of information and technology. As Ginsburg and Rapp state in the introduction to their collection on the transnational phenomena, including power struggles enacted through medicalization and flows of 1995) Faye Ginsburg and Rayna Rapp, eds., Future research questions should address the intersectionlocal and globalof in the new field of , 2. Conceiving the New World Order, Conceiving the New World Order 180 This thesis also shows how legislation in various 49 “questionsculture, of politics, and biology (Berkeley: University of California Press, CEU eTD Collection interviewee waived anonymity and is referred to by their real name. * Interviewees referred to by first-name only are pseudonyms, first and last name indicates that the Doron Mamet Aaron Carlos Michael Rosenblum Irit Jonathan Ruth & Dana Yoel Schnur Ayelet Ilan & Tom Name* children via surrogacy Gay man with two arrangement surrogacy of Gay man in the process single mother arrangement with a through co-parenting Gay man with one child children via surrogacy Gay man with two same-sex couples including rights for “family rights” in Israel Family -organization for Lawyer,New Director of adopted children three with man Gay child Lesbian couple with one with a single mother parenting arrangement children through co- three with man Gay second child pregnant with their child and partner is Lesbian mother with one surrogacy Gay couple considering Description Appendix: List of Interviewees 50 May 3, 2011 May 3, 2011 May 2, 2011 May 2, 2011 May 1, 2011 May 1, 2011 May 1, 29,2011 April 28,2011 April 27,2011 April 13,2011 April aeo Interview Date of Tel Aviv, Israel Tel Aviv, Israel Tel Aviv, Israel Israel Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, Israel Galilee Region, Israel Petach Tikva, Israel Tel Aviv, Israel Israel Jerusalem, Petach Tikva, Israel Location CEU eTD Collection University Press, 1987. 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