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Fig. 24.1: Altar Shrine with St Erik of Sweden (To the Right) and St Olav of Norway (To the Left), Mid-Fifteenth Century

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Fig. 24.1: Altar Shrine with St Erik of Sweden (To the Right) and St Olav of Norway (To the Left), Mid-Fifteenth Century Fig. 24.1: Altar shrine with St Erik of Sweden (to the right) and St Olav of Norway (to the left), mid-fifteenth century. Noticeably, the scenes from the two saints’ lives depicted on the wings correspond with each other; the two royal martyrs are construed as saints of the same kind. From Länna Church, Sweden. Statens historisa museer, Stockholm. Open Access. © 2021 Biörn Tjällén, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110639438-025 Biörn Tjällén Chapter 24 Zion in the North: Jerusalem and the Late Medieval Histories of Uppsala The clergy of Uppsala referred to the site of their cathedral as the Mountain of the Lord,monsDomini.Thisisacuriousplacename,anditraisesquestionsabouthow the Uppsala clergy thought and talked about their church and its role in the Swedish nation. The name referred to the topographical fact that the church was built on a ridgethatraiseditabovethesurroundingplains. But it was also a biblical topos – mons Domini was a synonym of Zion and thus a reference to a whole set of ideas about the relations between God, man and human society. This chapter, however, sug- gests that the mons Domini place name was only one expression of a broader discur- sive development: in the self-fashioning of the Swedish archdiocese, two cities that were historically and geographically separated – Jerusalem and Uppsala – were be- coming discursively entangled. The following pages trace the development of the Zion motif in three texts that evince this self-fashioning of the Uppsala institution: the versified office for St Erik, king and martyr (compiled in the late thirteenth century)1; the versified office for the so- called patrons of the realm (c.1474)2; and the first national history of Sweden, the Chronica regni Gothorum (c.1471).3 They are all historiographical texts – the fact that two of them were hagiographies does not change the fact that they describe the his- tory of the Swedish realm. They are all from the cathedral of Uppsala. And finally, they all use the motif of Jerusalem – or its metonymy, Zion – to merge the Swedish history of Uppsala with the universal history of salvation. 1 The Historia of St. Erik: King and Martyr, and Patron Saint of Sweden, ed. Ann-Marie Nilsson, Bromma: Reimers, 2000. Nilsson’s edition reconstructs the liturgy for St Erik, including the vita and other readings, the poetic parts of the versified office and musical notation, as this ensemble would have appeared towards the end of the thirteenth century. 2 The text is edited in Sven Helander, Ansgarskulten i Norden (Stockholm: Almquist & Wiksell International, 1989), 259–65. 3 The text is edited in Ericus Olai. Chronica regni Gothorum. Textkristische Ausgabe, ed. Ella Heuman and Jan Öberg, Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1993. Biörn Tjällén, Associate Professor and Senior Lecturer of History at Mid Sweden University, Sundsvall Sweden 522 Biörn Tjällén St Erik: Rex, Martyr and Builder of Zion Major Christian feasts were celebrated universally, and the Psalms, which formed the core of the Divine office, were the same everywhere as well. The calendar of the saints, however, varied significantly between dioceses. Cults of historical individu- als from the locality served to bring the great Christian mysteries closer to home and allowed distinct traditions and identities to develop. In the cult of Swedish saints, clerics could express how God intervened in the history of their own realm. And no cult was more significant in this respect than that of St Erik, the twelfth- century rex et martyr who became one of the most prominent saints of Sweden’s later Middle Ages.4 As a royal saint, the discourse on Erik described two roles: that of a Swedish king who ruled his people, and that of a saint who succoured them. It rolled out two types of history: the history of salvation and the history of the Swedish realm. In the texts for Erik, these multiple roles and histories – celestial and terrestrial – had to be conjoined and reconciled into one single narrative. The motif of Zion was a versatile narrative device that helped achieve this unity. Erik was one of three Scandinavian kings who were venerated as saints in theMiddleAges.ComparedtoNorway’s St Olav (d. 1030) and Denmark’sStKnud (d. 1086), St Erik was a latecomer.5 He was killed c.1160, and extant calendars attest that veneration begun in the Uppsala diocese before the end of that century. The establishment of a new native and royal cult fit well with the needs of Uppsala at this time. In 1164, the rather peripheral church was made the metropolitan church of a new Swedish province, more or less independent from the former archbishopric of Danish Lund.6 A Swedish royal cult would manifest prestige, attract donations and hence support Uppsala in its new-found position of ecclesiastical leadership. The initiative to disinter the dead king and promote his veneration must have had sup- port from his dynasty; with all likelihood, Knut Eriksson, who was Erik’s son, heir and ruler from 1167–1195/96, was an enthusiastic supporter.7 However, no proper texts survive from these early days of the cult. Erik’s vita and versified office are products of the second half of the thirteenth century.8 At this second stage of cult development, the Uppsala church and Erik’s relics were transferred from its old site to a new location, and a new cathedral built on an elevated ridge overlooking the 4 For a recent overview of the cult development, see Christian Oertel, The Cult of St Erik in Medieval Sweden: Veneration of a Royal Saint, Twelfth–Sixteenth Centuries (Turnhout: Brepols, 2016). 5 For medieval royal saints in general and Scandinavian royal saints in particular, see Chapters 5 and 14 (Øystein Ekroll), 86–93 and 270–98. 6 The archbishop of Lund would have the right to consecrate the Swedish archbishop elect, but this practice was soon contested by the Swedes. 7 Ingrid Lundegårdh, “Kampen om den norrländske Olavskulten,” in Helgonet i Nidaros. Olavskult och kristnande i Norden, ed. Lars Rumar (Stockholm: Riksarkivet, 1997). 8 Nilsson provides an account of the coming into being and potential authors of the texts, Historia of St. Erik,16–22. Chapter 24 Zion in the North: Jerusalem and the Late Medieval Histories of Uppsala 523 river Fyris. The place name, Uppsala, was transferred as well. The first phase of the cult had been supported by Knut Eriksson, and this second phase had the support from the royal dynasty of Bjällbo, who were heirs on their maternal side of the old dynasty of Erik.9 Erik’s versified office is the product of the ecclesiastical milieu around Uppsala. And Uppsala, including both the old and the new sites of the cathedral, is the cen- tre stage for the historical events that these texts describe. According to the vita,it was in Uppsala that St Erik was elected king, that he enacted his important deeds as ruler, and that he was martyred.10 But behind the surface of this rather provincial historical stage, the readers and singers that performed and attended the liturgy of Erik would catch a glimpse of a city much more splendid. By the means of a consid- ered set of scriptural allusions, the author or authors of the proper texts made the mud and masonry of Uppsala refract Zion. How exactly was this done, and what type of relation between Uppsala and Jerusalem did the authors imply? The main account for Erik’s life, his vita or legend, was intoned in short pas- sages at the canonical hour of Matins on his feast days. It presents a straightforward narrative of events that take place in Uppsala. However, after only a few readings, these events are paralleled with similar occurrences in Jerusalem. The author estab- lished this link to Biblical history with the conventional statement that King Erik imitated the holy kings of the Old Testament. While the vita presents three chief areas of Erik’s activity as a ruler – law-making, crusading and building a church in Uppsala – it appears to rate his generosity to Uppsala the highest. If Erik was any- thing like the holy kings of the Old Testament, then, it was primarily because he contributed to the church: He followed the examples set by the holy kings of the Old Testament. First by the construction of churches and by the renewal and augmentation of the divine service . First and foremost, by the means of great and painstaking work, he endeavoured with care to complete the Uppsala church, which had been founded and built up a bit by the kings of old, who were his forefathers, and to station ministers there for the divine service.11 Erik followed the example of Old Testament kings. But which king or kings did he imitate? A reader versed in Scripture would probably come to think of Solomon and his building of the temple. But if the reader did not catch this reference right away, 9 Lundegårdh, “Kampen om den norrländske Olavskulten,” 118–26. 10 Whether the account of the vita and the rest of the office is historically accurate in its descrip- tion of Erik and his reign is a different matter entirely, and will not be discussed in this chapter. 11 “Imitatus namque sanctorum veteris testamenti regum exempla. Primo ad edificacionem eccle- siarum et divini cultus reparacionem ac ampliacionem . Nam upsalensem ecclesiam ab antiquis regibus suis scilicet progenitoribus fundatam et aliquantulum edificatam primo et pre ceteris aggre- diens ac ministros divini cultus inibi ponens opero pregrandi et laborioso sollicite studuit consu- mare.” Historia of St.
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