Health, Development, and Conflict: Lessons Learned
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												  FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING Innocenti DigestUNICEF Innocenti Research Centre Innocenti Digest CHANGING A HARMFUL SOCIAL CONVENTION: FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING Innocenti Digest CHANGING A HARMFUL SOCIAL CONVENTION: FEMALE GENITAL MUTILATION/CUTTING The opinions expressed are those of the authors and editors and do not necessarily reflect the policies or views of UNICEF. Editor: Alexia Lewnes Front cover picture: UNICEF/MENA/2004/1301/Ellen Gruenbaum Layout: Bernard & Co, Siena, Italy Printed by ABC Tipografia, Sesto Fiorentino, Italy © 2005 United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) ISBN: 88-89129-24-7 ISSN: 1028-3528 Reprinted in May 2008 ii Innocenti Digest Acknowledgments UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre in Florence, Italy, was established in 1988 to strengthen the research capa- bility of the United Nations Children Fund and to support its advocacy for children worldwide. The Centre (for- mally known as the International Child Development Centre) helps to identify and research current and future areas of UNICEF’s work. Its prime objectives are to improve international understanding of issues relating to children’s rights and to help facilitate the full implementation of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child in both industrialized and developing countries. The Innocenti Digests are produced by the Centre to provide reliable and accessible information on specific rights issues. This issue of the Innocenti Digest has been principally researched and written by Michael Miller and Francesca Moneti with additional research contributions by Camilla Landini. It was prepared under the guidance of the Cen- tre’s Director, Marta Santos Pais. Administrative support was provided by Claire Akehurst. The Communication and Partnership Unit are thanked for moving this document through the production process.
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												  Motives and Methods of Social Mobilization in Rural Senegal Antonia Morzenti SIT Graduate InstituteSIT Graduate Institute/SIT Study Abroad SIT Digital Collections Capstone Collection SIT Graduate Institute 2016 Motives and Methods of Social Mobilization in Rural Senegal Antonia Morzenti SIT Graduate Institute Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones Part of the African Languages and Societies Commons, African Studies Commons, Other Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons, Social and Cultural Anthropology Commons, and the Women's Studies Commons Recommended Citation Morzenti, Antonia, "Motives and Methods of Social Mobilization in Rural Senegal" (2016). Capstone Collection. 2939. https://digitalcollections.sit.edu/capstones/2939 This Thesis (Open Access) is brought to you for free and open access by the SIT Graduate Institute at SIT Digital Collections. It has been accepted for inclusion in Capstone Collection by an authorized administrator of SIT Digital Collections. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Running Header: MOTIVES AND METHODS OF SOCIAL MOBILIZATION IN RURAL SENEGAL MOTIVES AND METHODS OF SOCIAL MOBILIZATION IN RURAL SENEGAL Antonia Morzenti PIM 74 A capstone paper submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Master of Arts in Intercultural Service, Leadership, and Management at SIT Graduate Institute in Brattleboro, Vermont, USA. August 18th 2016 Advisor: Dr. Teresa Healy MOTIVES AND METHODS OF SOCIAL MOBILIZATION IN RURAL SENEGAL MOTIVES AND METHODS OF SOCIAL MOBILIZATION IN RURAL SENEGAL ii Acknowledgements My father, my rock, my hero, and an exemplary man, who has shown nothing but love and support in everything I do, thank you. And my Mother, I know you’re proud of me – your smile says it all. My three brilliant, beautiful, and loving older sisters who have overcome the most challenging situations with more grace than anyone I know, thank you.
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												  Part 5: Using the Principles of Human Rights to Implement Deep-Seated Cultural ChangePART 5: USING THE PRINCIPLES OF HUMAN RIGHTS TO IMPLEMENT DEEP-SEATED CULTURAL CHANGE ENDING FOOT BINDING IN CHINA AND FEMALE GENITAL CUTTING IN SENEGAL The two cases presented here are of particular interest insofar as they involve what was considered by many a cruel practice, yet one so old that its origin in the legendary mists of time made any attempt at modification or elimination inappropriate almost by definition. Futhermore, it was so fundamental a practice that its abolition seemed sure to condemn to ruin the culture as a whole and the individual lives of its members, since it would ruin all marriage prospects. The task was made daunting by the following social parameters, all of which conspired toward a peculiarly intractable dilemma for reformers: # the relationship between older and younger generations in societies which considered age a central structuring factor in social life # the fact that the practice served the interests, real or imagined, of men while confirming the status of matriarchs in societies where older women held positions of great personal (if not political) power by virtue of their fortitude and their willingness to face physical pain # the ritual function of the practice in readying the person for adult life # the near impossibility of finding a marriage partner for a woman who had not undergone the ritual # the practice had become an earmark of the local culture in the eyes of conquering outsiders and a last ditch holdout in the eyes of the locals, making reformers suspect by association. The fashion of foot binding in China (for aristocratic erotic fashion is what it was originally) can reliably be traced to the 10th century.
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												  More Effective and Less Effective Programs to Abandon HarmfulMore Effective and Less Effective Programs to Abandon Harmful Practices in Five Countries by Gerry Mackie for Innocenti Research Centre March 2009 2 1. Introduction. The social-convention theory of the practice of female genital cutting/mutilation (FGM/C), and its recommendations about the process and content of abandonment activities, are largely supported by program experiences in five major practicing countries. The more that program activity is consistent with the several elements of the theory the more it tends to lead to the general abandonment of FGM/C. At the same time, people in different places creatively invent different ways of addressing those elements, often in response to the particularities of their local and national circumstances. The basic recipe works with either millet, rice, wheat, or teff. The theory of self-enforcing social conventions, originally developed by Thomas Schelling (1960), and applied by Mackie (1996, 2000) to footbinding in China and FGM/C in Africa, helped explain why such practices persist and recommended community-level strategies for the abandonment of FGM/C. Recent publications by UNICEF, Changing a Harmful Social Convention: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (Innocenti Digest, 2005) and Technical Note: Coordinated Strategy to Abandon Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting: A Human-Rights Based Approach To Programming (2007) present an in-depth examination of the social dynamics of FGM/C at the community level. The Platform for Action: Towards the Abandonment of Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting (2009) by the Donors Working Group of 11 United Nations agencies and other parties deem it the “common approach.” The theory was restated and several of its elements refined by Mackie and LeJeune (2009) for the multi-country study.
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												  Vers L'abandon De L'excisionMémoire de fin d’études présenté par Sabine Panet DESS Développement, Coopération Internationale et Action Humanitaire UFR 11 Science Politique Université Paris 1 - Panthéon - Sorbonne Octobre 2005 Vers l’abandon de l’excision ? Empowerment communautaire au Sénégal L’organisation non gouvernementale TOSTAN et les Déclarations Publiques pour l’abandon de l’excision Sous la direction de : Monsieur Philippe Ryfman Madame Susan Perry Avocat au Barreau de Paris Docteur en Sciences Sociales de l’EHESS Professeur associé à l’Université Paris 1 Professeur associé à l’Université Américaine de Paris Enseignant à l’Institut d’Etudes Politiques Directeur d’études - département des Sciences Politiques Auparavant, une fille qui n’était pas excisée, on ne mangeait pas son repas, on ne buvait pas son eau, et même ce qu’elle faisait à manger, on n’y touchait pas. On ne considérait pas une fille excisée comme une fille saine. Les gens ne l’impliquaient pas dans les activités quotidiennes de la vie du village. On la considérait comme une personne qui n’avait pas de religion. Mais aujourd’hui, aucun problème ne peut arriver à une fille non excisée. Les gens n’ont plus le droit de l’insulter, de lui faire du mal. Ni à elle, ni à personne d’autre. Aucune civilisation, aucune religion ne le permet. Maintenant, les gens connaissent leurs droits. Demba Diawarra, imam de Keur Simbara, sensibilisateur de Tostan dans les villages. To depict men’s consciousness as autonomous and coherent and women’s as dominated and fragmented overstates the case, and unwittingly replicates Western construct as it does.
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												  Dynamics of a Social Norm: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting1 handouts Dynamics of a Social Norm: Female Genital Mutilation/Cutting Manual on Social Norms and Change Cover Photo Alawia Ali sits with her five-year-old daughter, Fatma Salik, on a bed in their home in Aroma Village, near the city of Kassala. Ms. Alawia chose not to have Fatma cut. fgm/c was discussed at a training for traditional birth attendants and community volunteers, spurring public discussion about the practice. “People are becoming a lot more open to the idea of abandoning the practice,” Ms. Alawia said. © unicef/nyhq2009-1473/holt — sudan, 2009 handout 1.1 A Mother’s story: ChAllenges Faced by those Who begin the ProCess oF ChAnge © unicef/nyhq2009-1466/holt — sudan, 2009 Neshwa Sa’ad, 15, sits in her home in the Abu Si’id neighbourhood of Omdurman, a city in Khartoum State. Neshwa was subjected to fgm/c and is opposed to the procedure. “There is this new movement that is trying to teach people about the dangers of cutting their daughters,” she said. “It is good for us to be able to discuss these things in school…we have been able to form our own opinions about the issue.” Case study adapted from gruenbaum 2004 Khadija is a devout Ansar Sunna Muslim from the Beni Amer tribal group in Eastern Sudan. She lives with her extended family. When she leaves the house, she covers herself in a black abaya (garment) and face veil to be properly modest. As a girl, according to Beni Amer tradition, she underwent infibulation. This is the most severe form of fgm/c and known in Sudan as “pharaonic” cutting.
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												  Female Genital Cutting: the Beginning of the End13 Female Genital Cutting: The Beginning of the End Gerry Mackie In 1996, I published a more or less complete, although condensed, "convention" theory of female genital cutting (FGC), which attempted to account for the origins, distribution, maintenance, and possible abandonment of this perplexing practice. In that article I did what social scientists often preach but seldom practice: I made a prediction. I predicted that the formation of a certain kind of pledge association would help bring FGC to an end. If there is some critical mass of individuals (it definitely need not be a majority, and also the more genuinely influential the individuals, the fewer that might be needed), within a group of people whose children marry one another, who have come to the point that they would like to abandon FGC, a public pledge among such individuals would forever end FGC for them and also quickly motivate the remainder of the intramarrying population to join in the pledge and abandon FGC as well. Also, both the overlap of a successfully pledging group in neighboring marriage markets and the empirical example of successful abandonment might inspire neighboring groups to undertake their own pledges, so that the process would be contagious within some larger collection of overlapping groups. The practice of footbinding of women in China was swiftly ended by such pledge associations. I showed precisely why the Chinese reform tactics succeeded so well, and I explained why FGC is in essentials equivalent to footbinding, such that local adaptations of the Chinese reform tactics might work in Africa. In the summer of 1998, I learned that some villages in Senegal had invented, reinvented actually, the pledge technique, that the pledge had succeeded unequivocally in Malicounda, that nearby villages had after periods of deliberation devised their own pledges, and that the pledge idea was spreading further, all just as I had hoped.