ECONOMY OF GOLCONDA IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
DISSERTATION SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF PHILOSOPHY IN HISTORY
BY Anwar-ul-Haque 80HS M.Phil.-05
Under the supervision of Dr. S. M. Raza Naqvi READER
CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY ALIGARH MUSLIM UNIVERSITY ALIGARH 1983 bs^j^^
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Thia la to C«ftify that Kc^ Annfarul Iteque has ecnpletcd hia diMert«feS«i •ati&ad * «Hi BCONOMY CF Gousomik IN THS s^mrtmrnn CENTOmr'^aer the award of H.Phil, dogroe • Tha work is bnsad on contaragporary aoorees and has been ccinpytad umler my superviaion • ^t may be forwarded to the Idamiiuut for afvaluation •
Dated 7/7/1983 ( S. KCmt^S^lRDl tlKZJi NAOVXl CONTENTS
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ACXNOffLSDOOlENT
Introduction 1-v
Akdbreviation vl
Chapter Zt Agrlcultoral Products And
Land ReTenue Adnlnistration ••. 1*24
Chapter IX i Mia^arals 2S->44
Chapter IlltCraits And Industries 47*79
Chapter IVt Trade And Commerce 80'->127
J^pendlxi A Note On Pagodas 129-139
Bibliography 131-135 Mapst 1. Outbshahl Dcmlnlons about 1670# Indicating roads and highways between pp.l&2 2, Bay of Bengal and the surrounding kingdoms between pages 97&98 ' ******* ***** *** * ACmONZiEOOBtBiT
It is my ao«t pX««««it duty to mspxmmm my d«ip
•«ks« of gr«titudo to my oatocmod Supondsor* Or S«M« R«S« Maqid.* His eonstwt guidsneo «nd austainsd intorost ha^vo mado it possiblo to prossnt this work« His sffoetion and 9uid«AC« wsro always availabla to ma and no laaount of tima and attantion waa avar too moeh for him*
Z «B grataful to Profaasor K.A, Hiaami* tha Chairman* Cantra of Advanoad study* Oapartmant of Hiatory* for hia aneouraoaaanta to puraua raaaaroh at thia eantra* X aa alao grataful to Profaaaor Zrfan Habib aa hia monumantal raaaaroh ifork *An Atlas of thattaghal fi^pira* haa halpad ma in many a ways to aolva nuaaroua problama of raaaaroh*
Z am Tary much thankful to Doctors Z^al tfuaain* Z*A* zilli and Afaal Husain for thair eonatant aneouragaRMMata and aolving aoma of tha intriguing preblama of raaaareh* My thanks ara alao dua to tha ataff of tha Raaaar<^ ULbrary* Dapartmant of Hiatory* and Maolana Asad Library* AMU** for making all tha raaaareh matarial availabla to ma* Z am alao thankful to my friands* Q*s* Usmani* Abdur Aidiman* Arshad Zalam* Zafrul Zalam and Zahaar Jafri for thair oooparations in eomplating this work* Z am axtramaly thankful to tha u*G*C« for providing ma Taashar-Falloirahip for this raaaaroh work* Z am also grataful to Mr M*A, Afridi for his kind consant to gat thia dissartation typad on a vary short notioa*
••ccontd**• Last but not thtt l«ast# Z ara thankful to mf wife who has willingly tak«a ovar to harsalf all tha raaponsibilities of tha household to panait ma to da^ota and eonc«itrata all my tima and anargy to tha eomplation of this rasaarch work with tha laast possible distrac tion.
^ ^' - I ^J^u^ Mwarul Haqo^ w (1)
IMTOOOOCnOW
Golconda has b««n attracting tha attantlon of many scholars in tha raeant past. Thraa notabla %iorks on tha history o£ Golconda hara so far qppaarad. Of thasa two in English wtittan by Profassors H.K. Sharwani and J.F. Richards ara vary wall known. ^ And tha othar work writtan by Profassor Abdul Majaad Siddiqoi in Urdu is also of considarabla importanca. So far as Profassor Sharwani*s work is concamad* it daals with mainly tha political history of Golconda and thus has providad a datailad history of tha kingdom which foundad in tha first quartar of l6th cantury aftar tha disintagration of Batmanl kingdom. Profassor Richard's work is indaad a walcoma adition to tha madiaval Indian history but it daals with tha Mughal Golconda. Thus a vary important aspact of tha pra-Mughal Golconda remains untouched* i.a. the economy of the kingdom of Golconda. Profassor Abdul Majaad*s work is precisely a political analy sis of the evw&ts on the traditional lines without maswaring some of the pertinent questions about the kingdom of Golconda. For axmaple %^at ware the reasons of prosperity* flourishing
1, H.K, Sherwanit History Of The Qutbshahi Dynasty. New Delhi* 1974. J.F, Richards I Muohal Adaninistration In Golconda. Oxford, 1975, 2, Abdul Majeed Siddiquit Tarikh-E-Golcoada. Hyderabad, 1964.
...ii (ii>
trade« comm«rG« and agricultura of the kingdom of Golconda. Nona of the abova wrltara has attempted to answer these questions* In this dissertation an attempt has been made to probe into some of the economic activities of the people of Golconda %^ich are considered as main reasons for the prosperity of the kingdom•'
The kingdom of Golconda was founded by Quli Qutb Shah« the 'tarafdar' of Tilangana under Shihabuddin Mahmud Bahman Shah in the year 1512 A.D, Quli Qutb's successors expanded and ••••• consolidated the kingdom considerably, 3y 1646 A.D. the %^ole o£ Eastern Kamataka was included into its territory. Its coastal belt stretched from Sikakul to St. Thome. During the 17th century the danger of Mughal invasion loomed large and ultimately the fateful year came vihen in 1687# Golconda could not resist the Mughal thrust. It was annexed to the Mughal Qnpire the sane year.
The Qutbshahi Sultans were highly prosperous and were considered as the richest princes in India, second only to the Mughal Bnnperor. In fact« the reasons for their prosperity and fabulous wealth were the numerous economic activities i^ich they generously promoted in their kingdom.
1. The boundary and geographical conditions of Golconda is discussed in the 1st Chapter. 2. There is a controversy over his coronation/ for details see# Sherwani# History Of Qutbshahi Dynasty# pp. 13-16.
...iii (lii)
From the very beginning^ the Xingdotn was highly productive of agricultural goods. It was an agricultural soils country with fertile^rrigated by various tanks and rivers. Its coastal regions as well as the deltaic area of Godavarl river were highly fertile and provided triple cropping of paddy rice« sufficient to support a d«ise population. It produced various Idnds of grains and fruits such as wheats* rice# millet« different varieties of pulses« mangoes* bananas* oranges grapes* etc. Though the klngdc»n was governed by the rapacious fanning system* it did not have ruinous effects or agricultural production. Thus the kingdon produced enough grains to sustain its population and to export elsewhere.
The kingdom was rich in mineral resources as well. Its diamond industry was feunous the world over. It gave employ ment to lacs of people and brought considerable sums to the state treasury. It attracted large number of merchants and traders* native as well as foreign to come to the mining sites and to the big cities to deal in the diamond trade. The country also produced iron in abundance. After meeting the home requirement* it was exported to many countries and thus it was a source of incone to the kingdom.
The crafts and Industries also were in a highly flourishing state specially Golconda's textile industry had a great name world over. The spice trade of South-East Asia solely depoided upon the barter of the Golconda's textiles.
. ..iv The fine varieties of cloths such as 'kalamando* chintz and fine ^ite muslin were in great d«nand in the Mughal Empire, Persia and Arab. The Dutch and English trading Companies carried Golconda's 'piece goods' to European countries where they were preferred over those produced at Surat and else where. The textile industry also provided jobs to lacs of people and brought large revenues to the state coffers. Other big industry was the ship-building industry. Narsapur ship-yard at the mouth of Godavari river was an ideal place for ship-building. Native merchants as well as foreign, Portuguese, Dutch and English used to build their ships there. Necessary implements for ship-building such as timber and iron were available locally. Among the crafts, fine wood-work, ivory and shell-inlay work were done with great skill. These works were in great demand in European countries. The kingdom of Golconda also earned rich dividends from custom duties imposed on export and import. The kingdom had flourishing trade connections with South-East Asian countries, Iran and Arab. The Dutch and English trading Canpanies established its connection with European and other Asian nations. The kings of Golconda took keen interest in the promotion of trade and commerce. They extended liberal terms to the traders. Specially the Dutch and English trading Ccxnpanies received very generous treatments at their hands. ...V (v) It is admitted that the available materials showing these activities In the klngdcxn of Golconda Is plenty. However^ some of the basic questions have been answered In the present work, A detailed study based upon the Portuguese sources* preserved in the Goa archives Is bound to bring some more interesting details about the economic relations of the kingdom of Golconda %idth European countries. ABBREVIATION USED FOR REFERENCES A'lni for A' in~i-Akbarl Hadlqiat for HadilJM's Salatin Khafi Khan I for Mxintakhab'-ul-Lubab Ruq'at I for Rug* at-i-Alaraqlrl Shaflquttt for Khulasat-ul Hind Letters Recelvedi for Letters Received By The East India Company From Its Servants Relations t for Relations Of Golconda In The Early Seventeenth Cwitury Bemleri for Travels In the Mocful Btnpjre Thevenoti for Indian Travels Of Thevenot And Careri Tavemleri for Travels In India E,F,R,t for The English Factories In India Marshall I for John Marshall In India Abbe CarreI for The Travels Of The Abbe Carre In India And The Near East Bowery I for A Geographical Account Of Countries Roxxnd The Bay Of Bengal Streynsham Masters for The Diaries Of Streynsham Master Fryers for A New Accoxint Of East India And Persia Manucci s for Storia do Mogor Hamiltons for New Account Of The East Indies *************** ***** * ********-•• ******** * ********* ******* ***** *** * 9fr^ptfy ; ASiaCULTURAL PROPUCTS AMD THE LAND REVEfflJK APMIMI STRATI QM Th« traet th«t formed th« klngdon of Qoleond* was on« of tho most fartilo region in India. This fortility of the soil was bscauss of various faeilitias of irrigation which was fully aaq^loitad by tha hard working and int«rprising paasantry* Tha kingdaai producad diffarant crops and was rich in othar agricultural procftacts* This eontributad to tha prosparity of tha paopla and tha rictaass of tha stata and« naadlass to say* that agriculture was tha bacMtxxia of Golconda's aoonomy* Goleonda was a vast kingdom* In tha north* it was bouadad by tha Mughal provinoas of Orissa and Barar and in tha wast by Ahmadnagar md Bijapur* In tha south it included tha wlK>la of eastern Kamataka up to San Thome* Its coastal bait stretched from Sikakul in the north to San Thome in the south* As regards to the fertility of the soil* the country may be divided into two parts* The coastal belt* a narrow strip of low land including the deltas of Krishna «id Godavari* tan to twelve miles inland from the CK>ast* was eKtrsmely fertile and all kinds of grains and victuals %fare produoedt^here in aloundance* The inland country* west of this belt* %dilch rose to the various ranges of Eastern Ghats and had high plateaux beyond them was 1* Relations* p* 68* • • • 2 :-aer.'X3^ (2) •Xao very f«rtlXtt b«o«ttM> of many rivwts that fXowad through it* B«aido«« thoro ^mrm alao mmmrcnm tanks (talab) in tho •tato^ and ooleonda rulers had got eoaatruetod dams on soma of th«R* l«;giQatiQn faellitiaai Apart fron aoctanalva mjommt raina« rivnra* t«n)ui# moontain atraaoui «id oanala eontrlhutad to the fartllity of the soil. Goicenda had many rlvera sueh aa Manjara* Kaolaa* Manar# Musi« Zal# Panar* Munaru* Tungbhadra* Godavrl and xriahoa* the Xaat tuo being the biggeat« River Oodavri* riaing in the weatern Ghata and than flotdng in a aouth«-eaaterly direction beXev the Vindhya range and paaaing through the kingdom it fell into the B^ of Bengal in aevan branehea forming a large delta at the month* Xhe river* thna* irrigated vaat traeta of landa in the northern region of the kingdom* Many maall rivera aueh aa Kaalaa« Hanar* Lendi* Manjara etc* Joined it on ita way* Likewiaa river >^i8hna« atiolian by many affluanta* flowed through the kingdom in the aouth 1* Shafiqfae* f» 179* 2* Tavemier* vol* I* pp* i21«122* • •3 (3) thm riv«r Kriahna* B«sid«s« th«r« tMor* ian«Bii«rabX« tanks mprm^A all ovar tha kiaydon which provldad a»ioallant faellitlaa to tha agrieulturiata* AajTMigaab* i^la on tut invasion to Golconda in 16M« raported to Shahjahan that ha had mat numarous tanka at avary ataga of his march ainca ha ant«rad into tha tarritoriaa of Golconda from tha diraction oiE Mandar* Abba Carra alao %aritas that during hia Joumay frtxa Jlwangl to Goloonda# ha saw aavaral t«>ka which faoilitatad wlda»apraad 2 cultivation and according to shafiqua in tlia aarkar of Pankal alona thara wara as many as tan tanka* A tiw straams fallan from aona mountains \mrm alao ona of tha souroaa of irrigation in tha stata* Abba Carra noticad irrigaticm by straams fallsn from tha hills and mountains batwaan Maiiciqparta (nialkapur* about 22 milaa from Hydarabad) and tha croaaing of Kriahna (parhqps naar Nandkonda and Maeharla}* ndiila on his way frcm Hydarabad to san Thcma. Tha atata had also oontributad its shara in providing irrigation facilities by building dams and canala* Tavamiar saw soma of thaaa dama* Ha doaa not dasoriba thair location but u i^aatsi* pp. ie5-86. 2. Abba Carra, Vol. II# p. 326. 3« Shafiqua, p« 179* «• BHatti* PP« 185«6, S. Abba Carra, Vol. II, p. 353. • •4 (4) •tat«s that nost of th« tanks w«r« aituatad on acmawhat alavatad poaitioaa« Zn ordar to rataln tha wat«r« th» atata had tooilt many dama on tha aidaa of tha plalna* At nany pXaoaa thaaa dama vara *half a laagua* (ona and a half ailaa) long* Savaral eanala ran from thaaa dama* During tha awniar aaaaona tha aXuieaa wara opanad to U^t tha watar run thr*ough tha canala to Irrlgata tha Xanda* Tha abova faeilitiea contrilsutad to ttia fartiUty of tha aoil and aoctanalva cultivation which in turn lad to tha planty of livaatock* Cropat Almost all tha forai^ travallara hava praiaad tha fertility and tha richnaaa of tha aoil of tha atata of Goloonda Tharanot writaa that "thaaa ara fair or no eoimtrias that dalight travail ara idth thalr vardura mora than tha fialda of thia kingdom baeauaa of tha rica and com that is to ba aaan avary- whara and tha many lovaly raaarvatorias that ara to ba found in it."^ Tavamiar also praiaas its fartility and statas that it waa a rich country abounding in all eoamoditias* naeaaaary to lifa*^ Describing tha Gingli coast Bowary writes that it vas ona of tha moat fartila lands in tha xmivarsa* Aurangstab was 1* Tavamiart Vol* 1, pp* 121-22* 2* |ifij|jKL£dL=MM9i>£i« P« 302* 3* Thevanot* p* 131* 4* Tavamiar* Vol* 1, p« 121* 5* Bowary« p* 121* • • • 5 (5) also •tunncid with tJnm fertility o£ th« soil ^md «xt«asiv« eultivtttion in the Hingdom a« h« did not ••• avan a single patch of land ^thottt eultivationi and wrota to Sh«9hjah«) that it would ba difficult to find auch fartila country in tha imperial dooiniona* Zt ia than not aurpriaing that tha Iwid in Golconda yialdad onm to t%«o cropa yaarly and in tha o:Lngli coaat it yialdad avan thrao crops** i^^niong the various cropa that viare gro%ci in Golconda* rica was the nost cultivated grain bacause vaat maaaea of the country aostly used it in their daily meals. 3 There was wida»spraad cultivation of rice in both the coromandal and (Singli eoaata apecially in the country-sides of warsi^pur* 5 Kasulipat«e« Karad^ watran/ and Gaojan* whe 1. Maahi* P« 185* 2* Relatione* p« 7| Bowery* p* 121; Tlttevenot* p. 145* 3* Relations* p« 1$ Khafi Kh«i* Vol* II* p* 369i Frayer* ^^>1* Z* p* 99i Tavemier* ¥ol* z* p« 121* 4* Helations* pp* 63* 80| Bowery* p* 121* 5* delations* pp* 63* 80| Hamilton* pip* 398* 400* streynahatn Maater* Vol* ZZ, p* 179» 6* Kalatiwis* p* 63| Bowery* p* 121; :rreyer* vol. Z« p«99« 7* Botnury* p* 121* • • •6 (e) and brown w«« nacto thsra*^ Good irariatlas of • muatorod aoods wucm also grown at tha ama eoaat yAth tha raault that tha Datoh and SngUah aattlad thara mada tha baat quality of oil in India, ^ Millat waa produoad* aooording to Anonymoua Ral«tion« in coaatal araaa whila Abba Carra notioad ita prodiietion batwaan Golconda and St« Thoma* Thm atata alao yialdad auch eaah erop>s a« cotton* indigo* ehay root and tobacco* Cotton was cultivatad in the aouthotMiatcm part- of Goleonda and contributad in tha gro%rth of fwnua taxtlla indaatry of tha atata* Tha qusitun of ita firoduction i», ho«r-> avar* not elaar and tha matter wLll be disevisaad in the third ohiq;>ter* Indigo was mainly cultivated in the grillages o£ Kondapalli* Maaulipaton* Game* Galupoady (J«ilipudi)« jusour (Ellore) ate* But tha baat quality of indJ.go was produced in Kagalwanaa* On the whole the production of indigo was not very 1* Hamilton* p* 400* 2* Bowery* p* 182* 3« Relational p* 68; Abbe Carre* Vol,. II* p, 353* 4* /)bbe Carre* vol* II* pp* 325<»26« 6. Ibid.* p* 61* ...7 (7) high In th« «t«tft and its quality vas also iH>t as good aa that of north Indian* It Riight b« tha raaaon of the fallutra o£ Goloonda'a indigo in tha markat in eompatition with tha north Indian indigo «ri^eh was also sold at lowar ratea. Ch4y« a anal! thin root* usad for making U K.F.H* (1665*67)« p* 68* 2* Relations^ p* 31i Hamilton* p* 398* 3* Ibid*, p* 77. 4* Hamilton* p* 398* 5* Relations* p* 36| Bowery* p* 107/ HaRdlton, p. 397. 6* Mughal noble* %^to w«nt on a diplanatic mission to Golconda* * • •v (8) in leOSito pir«s«nt b«for« A]db«r* Bljagnar nust hmyrm r«c«iv«id the dnig from th« Portugues* ferad«ri» It is possible that during the same period it wes eXso introdueed in ck>l0(Nid« because Methnold found its eultivstion in the state in 1618 ^p But tobacco was not a free conmodity in Golecmda and its cultivation was limited to a small area* The king had the sole monox>oly of fanning it out* Sk^vrery writes that# "tobacco ••••• is not adKiitted to be sold to any save to the coB^iieieioners that have farmed it from the king for more than hundredt miles round the town of Hasulipatam* ** By 1618 the people h^td not developed any sophisticated mcrthod of curing the leaves exc:ept that they dried them in the sun* They also did not have much use of it and iM>st of the t^aceo was exported to aouth«-east Aai.an countries* But by 1672 its use had become so popular among ^iie people of Golconda itself that if Bowery is to be belictved* even the boys I, of three or four years frequently amoked it** It is possible that by that time* people might have also developed some sophis* ticated method of curing the leaves* 1* Slliot and Dowson« Vol* vi, pp, 165-7. cf* Skiiith, Akbar* the Qyeat Muoha^^ p. 407, 3* Bowery, p, 107* 4. Relations, p. 36. 5* Bowery* p* 107* • • •? (9) yntitaI Apart from variou* kinds of grains i»d agricultural products* Golcemda also produced differont kinds of delicious arad juicy fruits* Orchards and groiras %f«re scattered through* out the stata end oranges* mangoes* grapes* lemons* bananas* pontegranates* pina^^E^les* citrtms* jaaoms cite* were produced in abundanea* Oranges* lamcms and other fruits of this fmily i#ara produced mostly in Memtlipatam and Nersi^pur Peta« As far mangoes* Bemi«r informs that the beat quality of mangoes came from B«igal* Goleonda end <«oa and they used to be A rmry delicious* Hangoes vera grown in almost all parts of the kingdom* Abbe Carre met tdlth inmmi«rable groves of mango trees during the course of his journey from Golcorida to st* Thome* But Xohir had the distincticm of producing 1;he best quality of mangoes* Likeidse Jsraun trees ware found nil over the kingdom. 7 People made a vary pleasant drink with jamixi, crape vines ware cultivated in the inland country mostly in and around Goleonda* Xhey ripened in the ac»:itl^) of January* Ther« were 1* Thevwiot* pp* 133*34f Bovrery* pp* 46* lOOi shafique* f* 189* 2» Relations^ pp* 63, 85| Fryer I* p., 99* 3* Relations* pp* 63, Q5. 4. Bernler, p* 249* S* Abba Carre* Vol* XI* p* 353* 6* Shafique* f* 180* ?• R,^atJ^of?f* ?• 85. *«.10 (10) •oma oth«r varlstiMi alao iriileh rip«ii«a in Ftfaruary* March and April* whit« will* wu> ai«d« by aKpoaing the gr^p«ui to th« »in« In April l«rg« quantitiaa of grapem w«r« brought from uolconda to th« eo*it«l arMMi ititmrm gtapm* did not grow owing to th« 2 braekishn««« of th« soil* Toddvi ULkm grape iiina# a kind of drink waji also obtained from palm and data treaa* Bowary calls this intoxicating drink as *Nap« da Cioa** Thase traas ware groun in the state in abundanea* Abba carra spaaka of groves of thcwe trae& vriiich he met %dth anroute from Goloonda to ot« Thiame* such a vast (juantity of drink was drawi from ttwse trees that the above travallexr saw on his way many times cm the roads carvan o£ 40 to 50 horses and bullock carts laden w4th tttis bevexay®* These %#are mostly taken to 1* Thevsnot* p* 145* 2* Ralations^ p* 8S* 3* Bowery« p* 78* 4* Abbe Carra# Vol* II# pp* 353*54* 5* Tavamier* Vol* I* p* i:^* ill) «Bd in bulXoekoearts* Cows*tou£f«lo««« shctsps «nd goats w«r« also in pisnty «id i^psrsntly of good brssd as buttar and ehoass woro produoad in tha stata on a larga seala*^ Tha viilagas of Masolipatfln and Narsapur produead buttar and ehaasa in good quantity* "^ Tha ialand of Diry naar Hasulipatwt produ oad imttw of sueh a high tasta and colour that Hamilton h«S to 4 adnit that ha navw tastad su«A)touttar i n Eiuropa* The fisgliiO} and Oiiteh# sattlad at Gingli ooast had also organised production of butt«r and eheaaa on a large iieala* Bowery says that their butter was the best in whole of 3:ndia«^ Besides there were hoggs* all sorts of poultry, several sorts of wild fowls and differwnt kinds of fish.^ References have already b«Mn made of numerous tanks in the state* These tsnks produced the fish in abimdanoe and of good quality* A particular kind of fish found in these tanks had just one bone 7 in the mi^UUle and vmrn of vary good taste and flavour* Accord* ing to Bowery all these ghings were brought to the market of 1* Abbe Carre# vol* 2X« pp* 353«-54* 2* Relations* ]^* 63« 86| Bewery# iq;>* 58# 126* 3« Relations* p* 63* 4* Hamilton* p* 398* S* Bowery* p* 128* 6* Ralatiops* pp^ 63* 86| Bowery* |^« 58* 126* 7* Tavemier* Vbl* z* p* 121* *..12 (12) Nis«n«p«tt«n «nd aoI4 ir«ry eh««p«^ D««r«« har«s, wild hoggs and «ntilop«s iMtfr« «lao fofynd in thm state and according to Bowvry th«Lr viniaions vara brought to tha aama markat. roraat Brodttctai Tiabari Tha kingdom had a larga nunbar of £oraat8» Thara wara danaa foraata in tha diatricta of Kondlcul* siddhant, DavarXwida* i^arabad* Warangal* Rajandri« >iisamapatt«R# Maaulipattan* Naraisnur* Madi^eMtllan ate* Thaaa foraata pro- vidad anough tinbar to aaat tha raquirananta of ahip-49uilding and othar induatriaa* Tha foraata of MasuBpattim, Naraapur and Madiqpallam auppliad taak^tinddar to tha iriiip<4»uilding ft induatry loeatad on tha bank of (Sodavari in Narai^Nir, Timbar traa alao floatad down tha Godavari rivar from highar lands for tha a«na purpoaa* B«war atonaai Thaaa stonaa which wa:m an antidota againat 7 poiaon or vanom* graw in thaffiaXl intaatlna a of tha goata 1« Bowary« p« 58* 2* 2bid«» p« 59* 3* Ralaticpf. p, 63| Bowary* pp« 99* 103i Kmilton, pp. 3i7«9ai Shafi^a« ff, 181« i8S«e7, 189, 191. 4* For thaaa induatriaa m— chaptar III, »• Ralationa^ p. 6Z$ Bowmty, pp. 99, 1021 Hamilton, 397«98« 6* Ralationa^ p« 80« ?• stangaa« p* 50* • ••13 (13) which irartt mostly found in th» hills and jungles of north* «iast«m part of Goleonds* Thes* stones could be ons to four in numbers in the stomseh of a goat* Tha p4»asant8« by feeling ttm belly of the goat came to know the numb Gyalaet Oumlae was gro«m in Gingli coast particularly in the areas round Bimlipattam* 1* Halations* p« 34; Their«not# p* lJ9t Tavemier# Vel.li, p* 146* 2* Tavemier* Vol* xi« p* 146* 3* Relations* p* 34f Thevanot* p* 13S* 4* Thevenotf p* 138* 5* The^ranot, p* 138* with this evidence of Thevenot* Manueei*s statement that there was a district called Bitsoar in Golconda where besoar producing goats were found in great numbera and the stone bore its neme from that place and the identification of the district as Baisweda by his Editor i^pears ridiculous* 6* Zbid*« p* 146* • .•14 (14) Wild Ba—f I N««dl«s« to flay that there i««r« also many kinds o£ animals in th« forests such as tiger« alsphonts* bears# leopards* civet cats# different kinds of deers* foxea« monkeys etc.^ The nature had been# thiui« very generous to the lands of <3oleond« and the state abounded in all requirements of life. This resourcefulness of the G»>untry oontributad to a large extent in the richness of the state and prosperity of its people* Bowery says thatf "it is a most delicate country for the use of man and the air good and comfortable and the land abounding %dth all necessaries for the subsist«rM!e of mankind."^ Tbe land revwme fonaed the principal source of Ineone to the state* As the king considered himself the sole proprie» tor of all the lands in the state* he was free to extract maxlmm benefit from it* The land revenue was not fixed end the peasant did not have the prior knowle^e as to how much he had to pay to the state* From the days of M^id Tughlaciue farming system was in vogue in the Deeewi and the lands used to be given in farm to the highest bidder* inuring the 17th U jj^elationa. p* 65* 2* Bo%MMry* p* 136* 3*fielationa* p* 10* 4* Morelandt Aorarian System of Mosl« India, Delhi* 1968, pp. 181* 187* • ••15 (15) ovntiary thm •«mfi pr«otlo# pr«vttiX«d and aocording to •^h^vonot thm king o£ Qeleond* '*s«Rit« out t»o thoss who offer moat*"^ From • eloMi dtudy of Mor«l«n4*s relations* it mpprnvcm that th« coastal parts of tha atata wara undar tha diract control of tha gOTaramant and tha lands wars girma out in farms by its ravanua aganeias. Tha raat of tha parts %«ara assi^kad as jagirs to tha nobles (muqasadars) under tamperary 2 authority to naka land tax collection* Proceeds from theae specified lands enabled the holder to piqr the salariea to his soldiers and othmr subordinates besides maintaining himself and his family* Like the cwitral revenue ministry* the nobles alara collected the land taxes through farming system. Thevanot provides us with clear teatimony regarding this fact* He writes that **••••• they (noblaa) have gratifications from the king of lands and villagea wiMure of he allows them the use where they coGRmit extraordinary extractions by the Bramens who are their faimers*" Still there were certain parts which were held by local rajas and samindara who paid annual tributes to the atata* The lands in the trans Godavari region and the hilly border aone between Andhra*s cmastal plain «id the plateau of Telengana i*e* the districts of Khcsmamet and Mustafanagar* were 1* Thevenotf p* 142* 2* Ibid* 3* Thevenot« p* 143* 4* Ibid* *.*16 (16) h«ld by t^8« tributary rajaa. ive hav« no reccrda o£ the systan« th«y had adopted for ravaima collection in their ragioas. Tha «4Kila klngdoti w«a dividad into diatriets (aarkara)« tha diatrict into parganaa and tha pargana into villagas. rha whole diatrict was farmed out to highaat bidder* The auetioo 2 waa done every year in the month of J\ily« The Relatione Call theae farmer a aa govwmora (Sar<»Samt)« The governor aublet hi a diatrict in group of parganaa including big tovna to Hawaldara. Hawaldar auctioned hia fief to Karkuna, In every pargana there were more than one Karkun* £ven Karkuna aublet t^^eir fiefa to village he^Smen* This bargaining ayatem waa the salient feature of revenue collection throughout the 17th century, Methwold writes in 1618 that "Oovemmant (diatrict) is farmed immediately from the king by aorae eminent men, %«ho to other inf«rior farmeth out to lesser ones and thmy again to the country people at auch aocceaaive ratea that ia moat lamantabla to oonaider what toll «nd miaeriea the wretched souls endure." Again in 1667« a factory letter of 7th January informa us of the aame method of revenue oolleoticm* It deaoribes that the die* 1* IffP^liA ...17 (X7) triet "now is r«it«4 out to aom* of tho gr««t man i«ho l«t it out to othors and thay fana it out to othura again undar thorn." Boaidaa tha abova ravanua f amara« thara vara haradi* tary govanmant officials at pargana and TilXaga laval who halpad ^la farnara in oollaotion of land raYanua. At pargana laval thara war a two official a Daahimikh and Dashpand or 2 Thalkami* In big parganaa thair nunbara wara nora than ona« Tha Daahmukh maintainad an armad body of ratainara and aaaiatad tha farmar in oollaotion of land tax* in ratum of this aarvica tha king grantad than a fixad paroantaga of the land tax# uaually fiva paroant in additi 1* K«F«R. (166S^7)« p. 254. 2. Yusuf Husaint Fatmans And Canada ot the Deccan Sultans* Document 13* p* 39«> 3. Ibid** Document 15* pp* 42«»43* 4* Ibid** Document 5* p« 33* Cf* Richardat Muahal Adminiatration in oolconda, Oxford 1975* pp. 27-28* • ••16 (16) r«nun«ratloii was les««r than that of DashRukh* Likaniiaa at irillaga laval* thara wara muqaddaRia and Kulkamia. Muqaddm* Ilka Oashmukh* haipad tha farmar with his body of ratalnara to raallsa tha taxas* Ha waa also aaalgnad soma pacetntaga in tha eolXaetloo frora tha villagas* rha irlllaga accountant* ganaraXly a Bxahsln, hetd tha aimilar aat of dutlaa aa aaaignad to Oaat^and at pargona laval. H« t90^V9A hla salary partly fxxxn tha yovammant traaaury and pattly from tha lands assignad to thsra duty«»fraa* Tha DashBukh and Muqaddam g«narally beXongad to tha warrior castes of tha fiouth« t^ia Ra|aa« tha Valraas« the 2 Komas or tha Aaddis* In ordar to bring tham under tight stata control and to utiliza thalr power and Influence in tha countryside* the king of GoIooRdA used to appoint th«rn to above hereditary positions* Tha ii^ra important chiaxs among thsm wara appointed as muniwars* Their duty was to maintain a force for policing tha roads and keeping order over a number of parganas or even a full district* A Deshnukh could also be appointed aa muniwar* «r«hiia serving as a Desbniukh of his home pargana* ha could alao serve as muniwar of that pargana and several others* A small 1* Yusuf liusaini Farmans And San ads of tha Deccan Sultans^ Documents, 14» 15# pp» 40^3* ct, / Riehardsi Muohal /kininistration in Golconde.o.as. 2* E* Thurston 7 Vbls*, Madras, 1909i 'Rasu', VI, 247-56; 'Velama*, IZZ, 336-42; *K«Rma*, 111, 94-105; 'Kaoer*, 111, 222-49* • .*19 (19) p«reflnta0« of th« land tax eollaotlon constituted his salary and othar ciqMnsas* Ha was also grantad soma tax £re« villagas £roro tha stata* Tha reain raiq^nsibility o£ ravanua collaction usad to fall on shouldars of tha sui>*la«8a«s or hatraXdara. Thay took charga of tha to%ais and parganas surrounding them and wielded 2 full ravanua and magisterial poMm: over these lorritorles. They paid to the governor their share of the stipulated annual amoiint in three instalments and the governor# on his turn, paid 3 his ^are annually to the central treasury* The governor was allowed to retain a certain amount out of the farm for the maintenance of his position and those employed under him in the adrninistrati(»« Me may take the districts o£ i^iixamapatetm and Hasu6ipataa as an example of the financial arrangements enforced. In 1614 the farm of Nisamapatani was for 55000 pagod&s. Out of this 5000 pagodas were allowed to the governor for his own main- tenwuse and for disbursement of salaries to the officials; Whereas the farm of Hasubpatam was for 180«Q00 pagodas aind 6000 1. Hichardsa Mughal Adminiatration in Golconda. pp.30-31, 2, Streynshan Master, Vol* l"« p. 160« 3« Hqlations^ pp. 57* 81, 4. ilsl£t42n£« p. 31. • ••20 (20) pagodas w«r« I«£t for th« govvmor. It meemm that there was no vinlform system of paymwit to the governors, while the governor of Nlsemapatam was paid 9,09 percent of the total revenue* the governor of Masul&patam was paid (mly 4,4 percent. The governor was required to pay to the government treasury the %ihole of the stipulated amount by the end of the (me year term. If he failed to do this* he wd« aiet with dire punishment. Sometimes he was throw) to b« tirainpled to death under the feet of the elephant or som^timf^e ha k'&s flogged mercilessly. Methwold describes how one Bashell i^aw (Basu Bali Kao}« the governor of HasubpataTt ves b««ten for hi» failure to pay the dues. He was stripped on back* feet and belly until 2 he died. This was the reason why governors were very harsh in their adnoini strati on and treated their hawaldars with same severity. Failure in payments on their part meant severe flog ging. The hawaldars often abscjronded to escape the wrath of the yoveiiiors. In that event his sius were visited upon his family members who were required to pay the dues or to suffer in con sequence. And the hawaldars* on their part* gave the similar punishments to their subordinates. 4>o the cycle w«it on and the coffers of the state maintained the uninterrupted inflow of revenue. 2, K el at! on s* p, 11. 3, Ibid.* pp. 11, 57, 81. 4, Ibid. ...21 (21) Despite all these harsh measures the governors* some* times, did not able to collect the required amount to fulfil their obligatimis* In that ease# they borrowed money from the Persians at the rate of 5 percent per month* a crushing interest* This was the reason why >tusliros# specially the Persians did not like to take farms or indulge themselves in the intricacies of administrati cm* They mostly preferred the supervisory job as ^^mildar wiose main duty was to see that the 2 governors duly fulfilled their duties. U) the farmers %#ere mostly Hindus specially* Brahmins* out it never .tieans that farming witails only punishment and flogging for the governors. The fact was that they earned a good deal by applying hirsh measures to the tax payers and lived in a grand style. Ancmy* •nous relation says that the governor lived in magnificent style quite as a grandee might do in his own country*^ and ^eth%#old relation writes that ••they reign as petty kings not much unlike the Bashawes (Pashas) under the Tvirkish mtwarchy.*^ The lust of power and pelf was so great that rich persons even bribed the 5 higher officials to acquire the governorship of a district. 1. Ifeid*T-p?-^8. Jl^^U±^^^^ , {-> ''^^ 2* Relations* p. 82. 3. Ibid.* p. 81. 4. Ibid.* p. 11. 5. Ibid.* p. 82. ...22 (22) £urop«an acoounta Amwotlbm in detail the acts of raprassion and opprasaion praparatad on tha hapiaas paaaanta by tha govamora and tha havaldara* Thay had no intarast other than tha immediate exacti 1. Relations* p. 77. 2. Relations* p. 77. • • . 2 J (23) sowing his lands* Not «vttn the peasants Iwt the very petty officials who served under than suffered at their hands. They nevwr received their salaries in cash but in grain ana salt of inferior quality valued at least one third above their cost.^ There is no doubt that the state was alive to the danger irfiioh the farming system caused to the peasantry class and it had appointed Amildars (supervisors) at district level to exercise a check on the farmers and to see that they duly ful* filled their obligations* At pargana and village level also* there were Deshmulch and village headmen ^&\Ot along with helping the farmers* %#ere Aipposed to work as safeguards against en croachment to the peasants* right* Moreover there were pieces of lands granted free to the individuals as in-am or in lieu of salaries But all these safeguards i^iieh the goverronent had taken in the interest of the peasants served little purpose. The government officials were only interested to see that the farmers deposited their annual stipulated omoxint regularly. They were least concerned with the welfare of the peasants* xhe farmers oft«i bribed thorn to purchase their connivance against their Cf* Morelmdi From Akbar to Auranoseb* New Delhi, 1972, p. 242* 2. Hej.aUons, p. 81. 3* Yusuf Husaint Farmans And Sanads of the Deccan Sultans. Documsnts, 1, 6« 14« pp* 29, 34* 40-41* ...24 (24) activitiea*^ Thus with no reatriction from above* the\' were free to extort the money ae they liked. They even did not hesitate to realise money from the duty free lands and the king had to issue farmsis forbidding them to do so. with the gradual erosion in the authority of the king# the governors in the £ar->£lung districts had beoome more rapacious and arrogant tdth little respect for the king. Thevenot %friteB that the hawaldar of Bimlipatttn was a great tyrant and it anyone threatened to inform the king of his exactions, he would laugh at it and say that he was the king of Golconda and he/of nis 3 government. Thus the farming was the most oppressive system of adnrdni strati cm. And inspite of the government concern for the welfare of the peasants^ the system caused great hcunn to them. 1. Relations, p. 62. 2. Yusuf Husainj f armans And Documents ox the Deccan Sultens. Document 1, p. 29. 3. Thevenot* p. 148. ...25 (25) Chapter-II MINERALS Golconda was very rich in mineral resources. Iron, Amethyst, Garnet, Coriindum and Agate, Saltpetre and Saltpans all were foxind In the state* Though there appears to have been no mines of gold and silver, the state had many diamond mines. These minerals occupied an Important position In the econony of the state. They provided Job to the thousand of workers, attracted large number of foreign traders and yielded large revenue to the state treasury. Diamonds Diamond was perhaps the most important and the largest mineral industry. Diamond mines were scattered throughout the state as Thevenot remarks that the kingdom of Golconda may be said to be the country of diamonds. A large number of miners, merchants and traders, native as well as foreign, were engaged in the Industry, It brought a great sum to the state's ex chequer and played an important role in bringing about prospe rity to the kingdom. Tavemier has described only three diamond mines namely Kollur, Gandikota and the third (unnamed) lying between 2 Rannmalkota and Kollur. But Philosophical Transactions which was published only a year after Tavemier's first edition 1. Thevenot, p. 136. 2. Philosophical Transactions, Vol, XII, 1677,p.907, (26) app«ared« •nvunerates as many as 23 mines In the kingdom of Golconda. These papers were presented to the Royal Society In 1677 by Barl Marshal of England. It may be assximed that the papers were written by Cholmley who Is described by sir Streynsham Master as having been engaged for several years before 1679 In making the annual purchases of diamonds for the Company especially sJiieeiall) at the mines of Gollapalle and Malavalle. The 23 mines as described by Philosophical Transactions were as followst 1. Qoulure /This is Tavemier's coulour or ^hani (Kbllxir). This is said to have been the first mine worked in Golconda but was then in 1677 almost exhausted/ 2. Codawillicut (Kodavatakullu) 3. Malabar (Malawaram) 4. Buttiphalem (Barthenypadeonear Partial) 5. Ramiah (?) 6. Gxireen (7) 7. Muttampillee (near Karur) 8. Currure (Wajra or Wajra-Karur in the Guty Taluk of the Biliary District). This was the most famous and most ancient of all the mines. It was situated in Kamataka, conquered by Mir Jumla for Golconda«> These were found large stones of good water. 9. Ganjeeconta (Gunjeegonta) ...27 (27) 10. Lattawart These two places were respectively one and ten miles south-vest of Wajra Karur, 11» Jonasflrrl (?) 12. Pirai (?) 13. Dugulle (?) 14. Purwillee (?) 15. Anunlapelle (Anantapur is 20 miles from Wajra Karur) 16. Gerregeta (Goulagoonta) 17. Maarmood (?) 18. Wazzlrgerre (Wazerabad) 19. Mxinammrg (Munimadegu in Kamul). The last two are said to have be«i the deepest mines. They were carried to depth of 40 to 50 fathons. 20. Langumboot (?) 21. Whootoor (Hotoor) near Karur 22. Muddemurg (Madagula# in the centre of Pain ad Taluk, Kistna Distt). 23. Milwlllee or new mine (Maluvalle or Mulell mines were worked first frcxn 1670-71« then were closed, but reopaied again in 1673 by the king's licence owing to the Kollur mine being exhausted. Khulasat-ul-Hind mentions diamond mines in four districts of the state KanJiHota, Mustafanagar, Murtuzanagar and Sikakul. According to the same source, all the four mahals ... 28 (28) of the Mustafanagar district had diamond mines. Important a-nong thoa were Kolliir Ganjeeconta, Lattawar, Marmood# Wazzergerre (Wazerabad) and Malwille ( Maluvalle), of which the Kollur was very faroous inside and outside the country, Kollur mines were situated at the foot of a movuitain near the Krishna river# eastward of Golconda« 2 about hundred miles from Masulipatam, Tavemier has given an interesting accoxint of the 3 discovery of the mines of Kolliir. Apoor man while ploughing a piece of land to sow the millet sttunbled with a spinning stone. He took it to the city of Golconda where he sold it to a person who happened to be a diamond merchant. The merchant was astonished to see such a big diamond of 25 carats and ascertained frt^n the peasant the location of the place of his find. This discovery stirred the interest of many wealthy merchants to try to obtain the licence for the mining of Koll\ir. Methwold has also giv«i almost the same story about the dis covery of this mine. It was one of the largest mines of 1. Shafique, ff. 181, 186/ 192. 2. Kollur mines were situated on the Krishna river in lat. 16*42* long. 80»5*. 3. Tavemier, Vol, II# p. 57. 4. Relations, p. 30. ...29 (29) Golconda, According to Methwold nearly 3000 miners were 1 engaged In Its operation. Tayemler# who visited the mines twenty years later, found there 60#000 %K>rkers# men/ women and chlldrwi.* The mines, however, worked till 1677. After that It was almost exhausted. The Kollur mines were situated within the Jaglr of the famous Mir Mohd Saeed, Mir Jurala, the prime minister of Golconda and he farmed them out to his relatives and friends on condition that the largest and most perfect of the diamond would be reserved for him. These mines contributed consldera- 4 bly In making Mir Jvunla *the richest man In the kingdom.' Tavemler writes that the Kollur mines had tlie distinc tion of producing as much bigger stones as no other mines produced. Weights of the stones found there varied from tsiMs ten to forty carats. At one time even larger stone of 900 carats was found which Mir Jurala subsequently presented to Aurangzeb. Needless to say that like any patch of laixd, the mines too belonged to the state and the king rented them to the mer- 1. Relations, p. 31. 2. Tavemler, Vol, II, p. 59. 3. Philosophical Transaction, Vol. XII (1677), p. 907. 4. Bemier, p. 17; Tavemler, Vol. II, p. 58. 5. Tavemler, Vol. II, p. 58. ...30 (30) chants. He, however, reserved his right over all the dlaraonds weighing ten carats and above. He kept his spies to ensure that such diamonds were not concealed. But all the spy-net work proved at times ineffective and even the diamond of 40 carats escaped their guard and found their way to the market. Methwold hinself saw two diamonds of nearly twenty carats and many others of ten or twelve carats having very high prices in the market. As regards to the procedure for acquiring the permi ssion from the state to mine and the rates of duties to be paid, three contemporary authorities Streynshan Mastar, Tavernier and Thevenot give somewhat similar accounts, but Thomas Bowery gives a totally different version. Bowery writes that the merchants - interested to invest into the mining - Industry used to buy the lands of half an acre, an acre or more at the mining sites from the state at high prices "giving 8, 10, 20 thousand pagodas for a small spot of land". They were free to dig the earth as deep 2 as they could to excavate the diamonds. !• Relations, pp. 32-33, Thcsnas Bowery (p. 112) also writes that the merchants were not allowed to keep the diamonds of nearly 70 or 72 conderines (candareen) to themselves, for they were exclusively reserved for the king. The king's officers stationed at the mines had keen eyes over all such stones, 2. Bowery, p. 112. ...31 (31) Streynshesn Maat«r on the othar hand states that It is wrong to say that the merchants used to buy the lands. They, Instead* sought a licence from the state to dig the mines and after receiving the licence they started digging. They were required to pay to the state a duty of 3 pagodas per mensem, if they employed less than forty miners and five pagodas per m«is«m if they employed more than forty. Sometimes it happened that the merchants overbid one another for some good piece of ground and that one who paid to the governor higher amo\mt succeeded in getting the licence. Tavemier who came to Golconda earlier than Streynsham Master witnessed almost the same procedure governing the sale of diamond mines. He writes that the Xing received a royalty from the merchants for his permission to mine. The merchants gene- rally chose an area of 200 places in circumfer«ice and employed 50 miners or sometimes hundred if they wished the work to proceed rapidly. From the day they conmenced mining till the end, they paid a duty to the state at the rate of 2 pagodas per diem if they employed 50 miners and 4 pagodas per diem if they 2 engaged 100. Thevenot agrees %d.th Tavemier in this respect that the merchants had to acquire permission from the king to mine but as regards the duty they had to pay a pagoda every hour they worked* much higher than that paid at Kollur mine. He writes 1. Streynsham Master, Vol. 11/ p. 173. 2. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 46. ...32 (32) "the diamond mines pay him (king) like%id8e a great revenue and all they whom he allows to dig in« those that are towards Masulipatam pay him a pagoda every hour they work there* whether they find any diamonds or not." Frcxa the above accounts it appears that different systems of payment to the state were in vogue at different mines. At some places the duties were higher, i^ile at others it were low. But Bowery's statement that the lands were sold does not seem credible in the face of Streynsham Master, Tavemier's and Thevenot's accounts. In addition to above duties in mining itself* the king received 2 percent from the merchants on all purchases of diamonds. Besides* the state also collected a good amount from the custom and excise duties that were imposed on the corns* salt* hattlw and tobaccoes etc. sold near the mining sites. Prices were higher at the mining sites, ^om was sold at 50% more* and the remaining articles at double and triple the market rates. All the miners and their employers and the diamond dealers* native as well as foreign were ccanpelled to live in those towns where the duties were raised, streynsham Master writing about Malluvalle mines which he visited in 1679* states "the town of Gullapilli (Gollapalle)* though within a mile and half of the mines* is without those limits (i.e. i^ere the duties on edibles were not raised) and therefore none of the 1. Thevenot* p. 142. ...33 (33) miners or dealers in diamonds are allowed to live there. But at Mellidllee (Mallavilli) about 4 or 5 miles from Gullapalli. "^ Likewise writing about Kbllur mines Methwold describee about the custom duties and other exactions raised on necessary provisions which were sold to the miners and their employers at the mining sites. They (miners and their employers) were "sufficiently furnished with all provisions brought thither from the coxintry round about but at excessive rates occasioned by the many exactions raised upon them in their passage through several governments and villages.'N 2 As far the wages of the miners ^Tavemier informs that at Kollur mine even a skilled worker was paid only 3 pagodas per annum. This comes out to be a Mughal rupee a month %diich in the words of Moreland may be called a 'bare subsistence allowance** But Streynsham Master who visited the Maluvalle mines 30 years later# writes that the miners were paid 1% pagodas per mensem in money and com. At other place he writes that the people (miners at Malluvalle mines) were well favoured 1. Streynsham Master, Vol. 11/ pp. 173-74, 2. Relations, p. 33. 3. Taveznier, Vol. II# p. 46. 4. Morelandi India at the death of Akbar, 1974, p. 152. 5. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 173. ...34 (34) well clothed and looked as If they were fed well to undergo their great and strenuous labour. It seems that 30 years after Tavemier's visit the wage condition of the miners had improved and the employers had begun to give them better treatm«its. Better condition at Malluvalle mine can also be attributed to the practice of theft of small pieces of diamonds by the miners f«hich was a consnon practice among them, According to Tavemler the temptation among the workers to steal was so great that the employer had to keep twelve or fifteen watchers on every 50 workers. The workers sometimes swallowed small stones or concealed them in the corner of their eyes. Besides* the miners had also some extra incone from their vaployers themselves. Whenever a worker found a big stone of the weight of say 7 or 8 mangelln, the employer awarded him with a bonus. He gave him a 'Sarapa*, a piece of cotton cloth >*jich could be used to make a turban. With it he also paid him half a pagoda in silver or otherwise a pagoda when rice 2 and a plate of sugar were not given. And as Moreland remarks it was this hope of a fortunate chance or a fortunate theft prominent among the motives which attracted labourers to the field,^ 1. Streynsham Master, Vol. II« p. 174. 2. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 47, 3. Morelandt India at the Death of AJdpar, 1974, p. 152. ...35 (35) As regards the process of mining we find somewhat similar accoxints left by Tavemler and by Streynsham Master who visited the mines 30 years later. After the licence was granted for a particular mine the merchant chose an area of 200 paces with the help of the miners whom he employed for the purpose. He vngaged 50 or 100 miners for the work. There were many such type of working irnits at the site of the mines «igaged by different merchants. First the miners selected an area of equal or bigger extent adjoining the area of their operation* smoothened it and erected round it a mud wall of two feet height and made openings at two feet gap at the base. Men, then« started digging out their allotted area to ten or fifteen feet and women and children carried the earth to the nearby enclosure idiere it was drenched with water brought in earthen pots, the sllne was then allowed to run out through openings at the base of the wall. The residual sand was again washed two or three times and left to dry Thereafter 'they winnowed it with baskets such as were used at harvests, the coarser matter was throi«n on the ground and beaten with wooden stamps and finally the diamonds were picked out by 2 hands.' But if the dionond mine was situated in sandy and rocky place, the mining was carried on in the rocks. There were in these rocks many veins of a finger width and the miners drew from them the sand or earth %flth the help of a iron rod crooked 1, Tavemler, Vol, II, p. 59, 2, Tavemler, Vol, II, pp, 59, 60-61; Streynsham Master, Vol, II, p. 172. ...36 (36) at th« ends. It vas In this earth that they afterwards found diamonds. When the miners foirnd some grain of sand or other Imperfection in the diamond* they immediately cleaved it. There were many stone cutters at the site of the mines % The quality and the value of a diamond v/as decided by many factors. First among them was its 'water*. For ascertain ing it the stone cutters made a hole of one square foot in a wall and in the night placed in it a lamp witli large wick, in the light of which they judged the water and cleanliness of the 3 diamond by holding it between their fingers. As far other matters Tavemier describes in detail the qualities for ascer taining the proper value of a diamond. He writes* "It is necessary to ascertain the weight of the diamond/ and next to see if it is perfect/ whether it is thick stone, square-shaped, and having all its angles perfect, vihether it is of a beautiful white water and bright without points, and without flaws. If it is a stone cut into facettes, ii^ich is ordinarily called 'a 1. Tavemier, Vol. II, pp. 43-44. 2. Ibid., pp. 44-45. Thevenot, p. 138 writes, "v^en they would cut a diamond to take out some grain of sand or other im perfection they find in it, they saw it a little in the place where it is to be cut and then laying it upon a hole that is in a piece of wood, they put a little wedge of iron upon the place that is sawed and striking it as gently as may be,it cuts the diamonds through, 3. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 58. ...37 (37) ro8«'« it is necessary to observe %fhether the form is truly round or ovaly %fhether the stone is well spread; and whether it is not a lumpy stone; and moreover* whether it is of uniform water and is %dthout points and flaws as I described the thick stone. A stone of this quality* weighing one carat Is worth 150 levres or more* and supposing it is required to know the value of a stone of 12 carats of the same degree of perfection* this is how it is to be ascertained} Square the 12* this amounts to 144* next multiply 144 by 150 i.e. the price of 1 carat and it amounts to 21600 livres - 12x12x150 ^ 21600. This is the price of a diamond of 12 carats. But it is not enough to know the price of only perfect diamonds* one must know also the price of those which are not so* this is ascertained by the same rule and on the basis of the price o£ a stone of 1 carat." Thevenot has also giv&i the prices of diamonds of different weights. He writes* ''Diamonds that weigh but one or two mangelins are coRsnonly sold for fifteen or sixteen crowns the mangelin; such as weigh three mangelin are sold for thirty crowns the mangelin and for five crowns one may have three diamonds if all the three 2 weigh but a 'mangelin*. However the prices are not fixed.' 1. Tavemier* Vol. I* p. 74. 2. Thevanot* pp. 136-7. Thevenot* p. 136* writes that "the chief weight of diamonds is the mangelin. It weighs five grains and three fiftwM and the carat weighs only four 'Grains' and five 'mangelin* make seven carats," According to Tavemier* Vol. II* p. 48* a mangelin was equal to 1 ys carats. ...38 (38) Fryerjf >*io eanie to India In la»t quarter of 17th c«itury has also described the prices of diamonds and though his statsment is general and not specific to Golconda diamonds > licit the prices given by him are remarkably similar to one men- tioned above. The merchants local as well as foreign who came to the mines to buy diamonds were handed over many pieces of diamonds by the owner of the mines to examine with care. Once the mer chant selected the diamond and decided to purchase it* the price was paid to the miner, through the Shroff or person who issued and received the bill of exchange, on the request of the 2 merchant* The miners generally preferred the new pagodas which were coined by the English and Dutch for the Golconda state 3 with permission of the king. As the pagodas minted by the Dutch were better in quality from that of the English, the 4 miners preferred the payment in the former. 1, Pryer, p. 145. 2. Tavemier, Vol. 11/ p. 48, 3, Tavemier, Vol, II, p, 70. E.F.R. (1665-67), p. 256, describes about the system for mining the new pagodas by the English at their Madras mint. 4. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 70. ...39 (39) But raany merchants did not like to carry th« money to the mining sites because of the rumours of robbery on the way and the savage behaviour of some of the miners. They preferred to do their business at Qolconda itself. They made contacts %fith the miners through correspond«tce >^o brought diamonds to Goleonda for their inspection. Hax-lng agreed to purchase the dioncmcis the merchants generally made tlie pay ments in old pagodas vihich were worth 4'^ rupees* i.e. one rupee more than the new ones* The old pagodas however did not contain more gold than the new pagodas. But despite this anamoly the king did not withdraw or recoin these pagodas because as Tavemier says the shroffs or money changers paid him annually a large sum not to do so. They earned enormous profit by charging from both the seller and buyer at the rate of k percent as fee for varifying the old pagodas. It was be cause of this reason that the paym«nts in old pagodas were 2 always made in the presence of the money changers. Scxnetimes* however, the merchants for their ovn convwiience and to save time# got their pagodas examined by the shroff beforehand *^o affixed his seal on the bag containing the pagodas and the miner was paid from that bag. Xf« however, the miner doubted the genuineness of the pagodas, the merchant took the miner to the shroff ^o, seeing his own seal, stood 3 guarantee for the pagodas. 1. Tavernier, Vol. XI, p. 71. 2. Tavemier, Vol, II, p. 71, 3. Ibid, • « ,40 (40) The miners also accepted rupees both coined by the king of Golccmda or that of the Mughal Bnperor, Thus the miners accepted nothing but good gold in return of their diam onds, and diamonds could not be bartered vd.th spices« mirrors or any other thing of that kind. In the diamond trade at Raoulkonda mine in Bijapur, the merchant had to pay to the miner an Interest at the rate of 1^ percent per month, if he 2 delayed the payment. It is possible that same rule might have been in vogue in Golconda also. Other Minerals! Salt-petre and Saltt The other minerals which the state produced were the slat-petre and salt. We don't have any detailed information about the production of salt petre. We have only this much information that it was produced in Nizaraapatamand Raraaya- 3 patam. It seems that it was produced on a very small scale and could not fulfil even the needs of the state. Because we see that in 1667 the king Abdullah Qutbshah was in such a dire need of this article that he was prepared to grant to the English the sole monopoly of supplying it to the kingdc»n# if 2. Tavemier, Vol. II# p. 48. 3, Bowery, pp. 55-56/ Streynsham Master, Vol. 11, p. 134; Marshal, p. 53. ...41 (41) they could do it by supplying 500 candies of saJU^etre within two months. The transaction could not be materialised because it also required from the English a pay»ent of 500 old pagodas in cash. The English did not agree to do so. As far salt it was made in MasubpatRam/ Mahpatnam, Nyasapatalnon Kondarid (near Masu£patam) and the valley of 2 Petapoli (Nizamapatam) • It was made by means of evaporation of sea water. Thomas Bowery has described the method of salt manufacture in the valley of Petapoli. He writes* "Great abundance of white salt is made in the valleys of Pettipolli with very little industry, only fencing in the lowest of soil which is so brackish that the sun doth cause the water which lyeth there not above one foot deep to harden into a perfect good and clear salt. -3 The king had the sole monopoly over the salt industry. Only the authorised agoits of the state could deal into it. No private merchant was allowed to trade in this article. Once Sultan Abdullah Qutbshah transferred this monopoly to private enterprise. The result was that the price shot-up to sky rise 1. E.F.R. (1665-67), pp. 249, 253-54. 2. Relations, pp. 67, 79-80; Bowery, p. 56. 3. Bowery, pp. 56-57. 4. Ibid. ...42 (42) and the salt began to be sold 'in the price of silver.' Wieti this news reached the Abdullah's sister \iho was married to the king of Bijapfur, she wrote him to withdraw the private enterprise atonce to alleveate the people's distress. The king honoured his sister's %rlsh and recalled his previous order with the result 1 that the prices became nozHial. The salt was produced in abundance and besides ful filling the needs of the state# it was exported to the foreign countries. On 15th June 1624 a letter from English trading Company's headquarter Batavia came to Masulipatnam requiring its factors to s«id ten or twelve tons of salt yearly to Batavia, Salt yielded a great annual rev«iue to state exchequer. Bowery writes that he had heard from several eminent persons that this commodity brought into the king's treasury two millions of old pagodas annually. Serai Precious stones and Ironi Apart from diamonds* other sorts of precious and semi precious stones such as 6amet# ^ethyst» Agate, Topaz etc. were also found in Golconda. It# however* lacked gold and silver. There sesms to be no reference in our sources about the exlst- 4 ence of gold or silver m^^nes in the state. Similarly no mines 1. Khafi Khani Mxy|ita3diab-ul Lubab, Vol, II, p. 406. 2. E.F.R. (1624-29), p. 25. 3. Bowery, p. 57. 4. Relations, pp. 33-34; Bowery, p. 110. ...43 (43) 1 2 of tin and copper was found but there was Iron in abundance. According to the sources there appear to be four mines in the state* but unfortunately we have very scant information about the exact locations and working of these mines. Though Boweiry speaks of abundance of iron in the state* he does not give sufficitfit information about the location of the mines. At one place he gives only this much information that iron steel was brought down from Mootapallc in the highland behind Nizamapattam. Likewise from Thevenot's accounts only this much can be inferred that iron was foxind in or around Bimbpatam. He writes* "The traffic of these parts (i.e. Bimbpatam) consists in rice* fine cloth* iron etc. Thus he too does not mention the specific location of the mines. Streynsham Master* however* describes the location of two mines ii^ich he happened to visit. One of these mines was at Ramayapatam and the other at Nagal- wanze. The iron ores in Ramayapatam mine* which were dug out 5 from the sandy groxinds* had a very high percentage of iron. Similarly in the mines at Nagalwanze also the iron was in abundance. 2. Bowery* p. 110. 3. Ibid.* pp. 55-56, 4. Thevonot* p. 148. 5. Streynsham Master* Vol. II* p. 134. 6. Ibid.* p. 115. ...44 (44) We do not exactly know the actual quantity of iron that was available £rc»n these mines of Golconda state/ but the fact that there were many steel factories in the state owned by the Indians and foreigners like the Dutch, suggests that these mines did not only possess large quantity of iron ores but the steel produced from them was of a very high quality and was used in the production of some of the fine items in the country and outside. Golconda iron was an important item of export to Punjab and Persia for the produc tion of steel which formed the raw material for the manufacture 2 of world-famed Damascuss blades. 1, The Dutch had established an iron factory at Narsapur. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 115, 160. 2. Ball's footnote for Tavemier's Travels, Vol. I, p. 127. (47) ChaptT III CRAFTS AMD INDUSTRIES Qolconda was famous for many crafts and industries. There were textile and carpet industries* ship-building, iron and steel work, ivory and sell*inlay work and furniture industries. These industries were based mainly on raw material indigenously available, local know-how and large scale demand for these products from the country and abroad. Tfxtij^e ?n Jteong these the textile industry was undoubtedly the most flourishing and renowned for its high class production of Calicoes, muslins and chintzes 'the paintings'. Marco Polo has described Masulipatam, a famous port town of Golconda as a place which "manufactxired the finest cottons that are to be met with in any part of India". This superiority in textile industry could be achieved due to the availability of fine raw materials and skilled know- how indigenously. Cotton was cultivated at various places in the Deccan and Golconda was perhaps no exception though our authorities do not specifically mention the exact places of its 2 cultivation in Golconda. 1. Manual Komroffs The Travels of Marco Polo ed. 19 30, Book III, p. 298. 2. While describing his journey from the south-western (Footnote continued) ...48 (48) Large sczde production of fine cotton yam for which Golcords^ was famous and its extensive export to south-east Asian coimtriefl and svibsequently to European countries would not have been possible unless the cotton was produced indigwiously. At any rate cotton could have be«i imported from adjoining areas of its production. Similarly Bowery speaks of raw and wrought silk among the products of Golconda and he is supported (Previous Footnote continued) part of Bijapur to Golconda.Abbe Carre/ Vol. 11/ pp, 325-26/ writes about the cotton production in the region "Qth March 1673/ I continued on my road (in Bijapur territory) for the next two days always through fields of cotton which was now ripe. These plains/ therefore/ swarmed with crowds of men/ wcxnen/ children from all the neighbouring villages to pick the cotton just as we sec in September swarms of people gathering the grapes along our river ijoire.** And on 11th March 1673 "we reached Tabourg a little village/ the last in the kingdon of Bijapur and water ed by a large river which separates it from the king dom of Golconda. After crossing the river we entered Golconda territory and marched about a league to Jayvigni (Jiwangi) the small town and the first in the kingdom. ** From the above description it may safely be assumed thet the villages on the other bank of the river in Golconda territory might have been cultivating the cotton. This statement is strengthened by the follow ing statement of Abbe Carre describing his journey fran Jiwangi to Hyderabad he writes/ that he saw* 'large villages very wealthy owing to the manufactxire of cotton and silk goods of >^ich there is a large trade in this kingdom.** Cf. also Irfan Habib (An Atlas of the Mughal Bmpire« Sheet ISA and B)/ where cotton is m«itioned among the products of south-east Golconda near Jiwangi. 1. E.F.R. (1618-21), p. 49; (1624-29), p. 181; (1634-36), p. 327; Relations, pp. 38, 60; Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 113/ 135. 2. Bowery/ p. 111. ...49 (49) by Abb* Carre.^ A& far the (Eyeing and painting materials both Indigo and chay-root were cultivated in the kingdom. Chay, a small thin root, was used for dyeing red. Its quality varied from place to place. The best chay was cultivated at the island of Tarobrcne opposite Nizamapatant. The next best chay caine from Gansam and the one produced at Manar was also considered good. It was also produced in the island of Diu near t4asulipatit«i. The colour given by it did not fade. The more it was washed 2 the better it becane. It is also an interesting fact that 3 chay-root was grown at no other country except Golconda, Chief source of supply of indigo was MasulipatAam and its 4 hinter land but the best quality canae from l^agalwanza. So far skilled know-how is concerned^ the «^olconda weavers had# for centuries, acquired a high degree of specia lisation because of the highly specialised nature of demand from South East Asia n^ere it was exported. 1. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 326. 2. Relations* pp. 35, 77, 80-^1; Hamilton, pp. 397-98. 3. Relations, p. 35. 4. Ibid., p. 61 5. Each of the markets in Malay Archipelago has such a conservative taste of its own that sometimes a little difference in the pattern made the ^»*iole lot of the piece goods unacceptable to some particular market. Peter Floris, an English merchant who dealt in with Coromandal piece goods writes in 1613, 'A great over- (Footnote continued) ...50 (50) Beeid«8 Its local consisnption the Golconda* s textiles were in great demand in countries abroad. During the 17th century the export was increased manifold due to the estab- lishmtfit of European trading factories at many places in the state which exported bulk of these goods to south-east Asia where it formed the principal article of barter "and without these textiles it was difficult for merchants of any nation 2 to get spices on econcucic term." Likewise the fine v^ite muslin of Golconda which was used for turbans and girdles, was also in great demand in Persia and Arabia. And the famous 'Coronandal paintings* (chintz) had aaamoured the Mughals and Persians to such an extent that in 1636 the kirg of Golconda (previous Footnote continued) sight hath been committed in the bespeaking of the fore said Waleys cloth ..... for they have cdl of them, a little narrow white edge, and the upright (i.e. correct) Malays cloth must be without it ... itfiere in the Maleys are so curious (particular) that they will not once putforth their hands to look upon then and if I had not now found it by experience I had never believed it, that so antall a fault should cause so great an abatement in the price." Voyage of Peter Floris, Hak. Soc. London, 19^4,p.71. 1. Relations, pp. 37-39, 59-60. 2. John Irwin J Indian Textile Trade in the 17tn Century, Jotimal of Indian Textile History, Vol. II, 1956, pp. 24-39. 3. Relations, p. 37; Tavfimier, Vol. 1, p. 2C3. ...51 (51) had insisted upon all tha painters of Masulipat»ani and its suburbs to work only for thsra. Turkey also imported a parti cular variety of cloth manufactured near Masulipatnam. Besides, during most of the 17th century the dsmand for Corcxnandal 2 cloths remained high in £urope. All those f «ictors combined to give a great boost to the textile industry in Golconda dur ing the 17th c«mtury. Before i«e discuss the weaving and painting centres of textile industry of Golconda it would be advisable to describe first the various qualities of cloths and their trade names by which these were known in India and the countries of their export. All fabrics may be classified into three main heads, plain, patterned and chintz. Plain goods may further be svib- divided into muslin and calico. Calico was a tough and stout cloth i^ile muslin comparatively thinner in texture and lighter in weight. The quality of these cloths were determined on the basis of the fineness of yam and the number of threads to the inch. These could be obtained unbleached, bleached or dyed in various colours. Patterned goods were made of either calico or muslin. There were two methods of making patterns on the cloths. They were produced either by the use of dye or in the looms 1. E.P.R. (1634-36), p. 161. 2. Tapan Raychowdharii Jan CCTnpany in Coromandal, 1962, p. 160. ...52 (52) itself. Chintzes were also made of the same kinds of cloths. A- Plain Cloths (nW-te and dyed) This categozry included %rtiite cloths, consisting of both rough and fine muslin, produced mostly in the neighbouring towns and villages of Masulipa^ara, Pelapoli Viravasram, Palakallu« Narsapur, Montepoly etc. But perhaps the finest muslin came from the inland countny called by its trade name of 'Oringal 2 Betelias' ('Oringal' from Warangal). The usual length of a piece of this cloth varied between 14 to 20 yards and width 3 between 32 to 40 inches. These were sold by Gorge > a score of 20 picKses. Another category of white cloth was called long cloth. It ranged from super-fine grade to ordinary one. The super fine quality was wovwi in exceptional length of about 37 yards. Even the lowest quality was not less than 33 yards in length. 1. E.F.R, (1630-33), p. 309. 2. Hobson-Jobson, p. 708. 3. Streynsham Master, Vol. I, pp. 257, 272. 4. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 146. 5. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 375, Long clotht according to Hobson Jobson, p. 518; 'It was made of Iwigth usual in India; cloths for native use being ordinarily made in pieces sufficient only to clothe one person. Or it is just possible that it may have been a curruption or misapprehension of l\mgi. • ...53 (53) Sal«mpores« Murees and Porealles (Parkala) formed the second and third categories of plain \^ite woven cloths^ varying in quality and price iiAiile Salaonpores was usually 16 yards in length* Murees and Parcalles were only of 10 yards. The coarsest variety of calico was called 'Dungarees*. 2 Produced mostly at Petapoli/ it was g«ierally used as sail cloth and its usual size was 12 yards in length and 30 inches in width.^ There were also other varieties of plain ^ite cloths of different sizes such as DymitieS/ Dyapers# Izarees, Box- shees* Maravanes# Sawoies# Tapie-shine, Surassa patola and Dragaro Malaya etc. The above m«itioned cloths were also dyed in different colours. Dyeing was done mostly round Masulipatasant/ Palakollu and Petapoli. Pelapoli was specially famous for red cloths. Fine red cloths were known by the trade name of Sallo (Salu). 1. Streynsham Master* Vol. 1, p. 171. 2. E.F.R. (1630-33), p. 278. 3. Streynsham Master, Vol. I« p. 171. 4. Ibid., Vol. II, pp. 178, 375; Letters Received, Vol, II, p. 88. 5. Hobson-Jobson, p. 819. ...54 (54) B- Patterned Clothat There were two method* of giving patterns to the clothi I. Patterns glvsn by the dye* XI. Patterns produced in the loom itself. Mong the cloths patterned in the loom Gingham was the most important. It was made fron cotton yams dyed before being woven. Another kind of Gingham was interwoven with threads made from certain barks of trees. Therefore it was 2 specially noted for toughness of texture. It was generally 3 21 to 24 yards long. The next important variety of such cloths (Si called *Saserguntees' # so named because it had 5 hundred knots. This cloth was usually 16 yards long and one yard broad. C- Chintz or 'Painting•i Golconda was famous, the world over# for its fane qualities of chintzes. Both rough and fine muslins were used for chintz making. 1. Streynsham Master* Vol. 1, p. 257, 2. Hobson Jobson, pp. 375-76. 3. Streynsham Master, Vol. I, p. 257. 4. streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 149. 5. Hobson-Jobson, p. 708. 6. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 149. ...55 (55) Weaving and Painting Centre* The v^ole coastal belt of Golconda was dotted with centres of cotton weaving and painting industries which were mainly adopted to the needs of foreign markets. As mentioned above each of these markets had its own strictly conservative taste based on customs and traditions and the Corcxnandal fabrics always stood up to their specialised demands. itoong these coastal towns* Masulipatam was the fore most as the major producing centre of various kinds of cloths* an international mart and a big port. It produced varieties of fine cloths such as all sorts of fine calicoes* plain and 2 coloured* more specially fine palampores for quilts* diverse 3 sorts of chintz curiously flowered Both English and i>utch had 4 factories there to supervise their trade. North of Masulipatw) and on the south of Godavari delta was situated Narsapur which produced coarse and fine 1. Relations* pp. 6, 55-56; Thevenot* p. 146; Bowery* pp. 61* 71-72* 106. 2. Palampores was a kind of chintz bed cover* some times made of beautiful patterns (Hobson Jobson* p. 662). 3. Relations* p. 81/ Tavemier* Vol. II* p. 4; Bowery* p. 71. 4. Relations* pp. 55-6; Bowery* p. 71. Streynshara Master* Vol. II* p. 115. • * .56 (56) clotha specially fine Parcalees. Hamilton informs us that the English had a factory there to procure long cloths >rtiich they took to Masulipatsm to print them into chintz. Its adjoining tovn Modapallam also produced a kind of cloth 'chequered somewhat fine*. This cloth was known by the very name of the town (Modapallam). Fvurther north was the town of Talipaka which produced fine white dungarees called 'P£ta Dungarees' and betilles Dungarees were a very low grade of 5 coarse cloth and were mostly used for sail and sacking. !• Relations» pp. 63# 80. 2. Hamilton# p. 398. 3. Letters Received^ Vol, l, p. 74; Hobson Jobson* p. 532. 4. Relations* p. 80. According to Hobson Jobson (p. 90) Betilles was the name of a kind of muslin constantly mentioned in old trading lists and narratives. This seems to be Spanish and Portuguese word beatilla or beatilha for a 'vlel'« derived according to Caharruvias from certain beatas who invented or used the like. 5. Hobson-^obson* p. 330. ...57 (57) Five miles north of Narsapur was the town of Palakollu. The Dutch had a factory there. The town was first rented to them by the king of Golconda at 2000 old pagodas« but in 1679 2 he remitted the rent and made it free to thorn. The Dutch ramodelled the town and established there indigo factories, iron work and extensive weaving industries. Large number of weavers and painters had settled there under their protection as 'being easier living under them than under the yoke of the Moors. They made the best long cloths and salampores and chintz. The Dutch had set up 300 jars in the factory to dye the cloths into blue. Most of the goods were taken to 5 Masulipatam to be marketed there. Similarly there were many towns and villages along the %4hole of Gingli coast v^iich had flourishing weaving indus< tries and various sorts of coarse and fine muslins were manu factured there. toiong them Angarang had the distinction of 1. E.F.R. (1665-67), p. 330; Bowery, p. 105; Streynsham iMaster, Vol. II, pp. 115, 164. 2. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 164. 3. E.F.R, (1665-67), p. 330; Bowery, p. 106? Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 116, 164. 4. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 116, 164. 5. Bowery, p. 106. 6. Bowery, p. 121. • . «58 (58) producing the b«st and finest long cloth In whole of India. "^ North to it was the town of Viagapattam \d:iich produced the stripped muslin locally known as DarriJ^ that was considered 2 to b« the best in India. Komaravolu# a suburban village of the same town also produced a kind of cloth known as 'Comer- wely Betei««s' Further north were the towns of Watraw and 4 Bimlipatam* Some long cloths were made at Watraw and some coarse and fine cloths at Bimlipatam, At the later place the Dutch had a factory with four European employees^ to purchase 5 most of the cloths for their factory of Batavia, At Sikakul, 'the last town of the Kingdom of Golconda* on the side of Bengal'# a kind of mulsin vd.th woveai flowers was made. South of Masulipat«iam# along the coast were the towns of Hizamapattam (or Petapoli), Baptala, Vitapalli, Montopolli and Karedu, All these towns and villages around them had thriving textile industries. Nizamapattan had importance 1. Hamilton, p. 398. 2. Ibid. 3. Streynsham Master, Vol. II# p. 110. 4. Hamilton, p. 398. 5. Thevenot, p. 148; Hamilton, p. 400. 6. Shafique, f. 189. ...59 (59) second only to Masulipatnam and produced variety of cotton goods such as long cloth, rauris, salanpores, lAingi etc. But its fame was mainly due to the manufacture of high class chintz and d^ed cloths. It had also a good international market. English and Dutch had their factories there. The three coastal towns Baptala, Vetapalli and Molupalll had also 2 thriving cotton industries and produced varieties of cloths. The other important weaving ciwtre to the south of Masulipatnam was Karedu where salempores Dymities, Dyapers and Glinghams etc. were produced. Cotton goods were also produced in the inland towns and villages of Golconda. In the villages located between Jiwangi and Hyderabad cotton and silk cloths were manufactured. To the north-east of Hyderabad was the town of Nagalwaneita5e which produced some coarse and fine cloths, and to the south east v;as the town of Kondapalli which was faroous for fine 5 Percaleas. Narayanpet, situated to the extreme west and south of Hyderabad produced fine muslins. But perhaps the most 1. Bowery, p. 55; K.P.R. (1630-33), pp. 229, 243, 280; E.F.R. (1633-36), p. 45. 2. E.F.R. (1630-33), pp. 77, 230, 234, 309. 3. Streynsham Master, Vol, II, p. 178, 4. Abbe Carre, Vol. II, p. 326. 5. Relations, p. 80. 6. Shafique, f.l47, ...60 (60) important weaving centre for the finest white muslin was Warangal. This product was in great demand in Persia and Arabia and traded under the generic term of "Oringal betelaes". Another town eight miles north-west of Warsapur was Virvasram, Most of the v^ite and coarse clothe which were marketed at Masulipatnata were procured frcsn those small villages that were around Virvasram, It also produced some 2 painted cloths. In the district of Rajrauiidari were manufac tured large quantities of betelaes as well as Salenipores and 3 percalles* 'Paintings* or Chintz? Contemporary sources are all praise for the Coromandal 'paintings* commonly known as chintz, Masulipat^am was famous for the production of the finest work. It produced/ as Bowery says* diverse sorts of chintz curiously flowered ^ich much 4 represented flowered sattin of curious lively colours. As referred to above* Nizamapatam and Palakollu were another cen tres of chintz production which were considered of high quality. 1. Relations* p. 37. 2. E.F.R. (1634-36)* p. 45; (1665-60)* p. 39. 3. Relations* p. 80. 4. Bowery* p. 71. 5» Relations* p. 81; Tavemier* Vol. II, p. 4; c^cwery, p. 71* Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 116, 164. ...61 (61) Th« painters of Padakollu usually took Parkalas of 6 yards long to mak« into chints. They worksd with strenuous labour and extraordinary diligence and patience. The finished work which th«y produced were really so exquisite that one could wait for any stretch of time to procure such fine works. Methwold attributes the superiority of Coranandal chintz to the better dyeing materials available locally. He writes* "The painting (s) of this coast of Corc»nandal are famous throughout India and are indded the most exquisite that are se«i# the best wrought all with the p«icil and with such durable colours that# notwithstanding they be often washed the colours fade not ^ilist the cloth lasteth and this happens principally by a plant which groweth only in this country called by them chay mdiich dyeth or strayneth a perfect with thera,"^ The chintzes were used mostly as bed covers, safras or table cloths pillow-cases* pocket-handkerchiefs* mantles (Dupattas) and speciall waist cloths for the use of both men 2 and woram principally in Persia. Paintings were done on both coarse and fine muslins. The finest quality* known as 'Calasander' was much in demand in Mughal and Persian courts. 1. Relations* p. 35. 2. Tavemier* Vol. II* p. 4. 3. E.F.R. (1634-36), p. 161; Tavemier* Vol. I. p. 203. ... 62 (62) Bsmler tells that the Imperial tent pitched outside the Diwan->i-Aam at Agra had its 'inside lined with beautiful hand- painted chintz manufactured for the purpose at Masulipatxam the omamoitation of %^ich is set off by rich figured satin of various colours." Our authorities do not furnish the details as to how the painting was done. There appears no reference to flowered or patterned wooden blocks for chintz maJcing. Methwold, however # tells us that the designs or patterns were made with the help of a pencil and colour. But Tavemier says that a brush or qalam was used and/ hence# perhaps the term 'Calamander' 2 chintz.• The painting of chintz with the help of pencil or qalam was# indeed* a difficult job and it required hard labour on the part of the painters. Daniel Hovert who was a Dutch agent at the coast for sometime* has described the worlcing of the painters at Palakollu ii^ere Dutch had established their factory for chintz making. He writes* "chintzes are printed here according to musters which are given to the painters which they then imitate ccxnpletely an extremely well* for their national character is so stupid that they can not imagin any thing by themselves but can only imitate something so that it 1. Bemier* p. 365. 2. Tavemier* Vol. II* p. 4. ...63 (63) has a complettt likeness. ** The painters were divided in four categories each with its own family name. Some are considered higher in posi tion in their hierarchy and some were lower. The highers mostly did the supervisory work «Aiile the lowers did the actual vork of painting. Theam people were generally very poor and burdened with the obligation of paying yearly taxes to the govenunent. The apinters settled at Palakollu under the protection of the Dutch were* however* in better condition. They got regular employment ndiich enabled them to pay their taxes besides meeting their daily requirements. It was perhaps because of these factors that by the middle of the century the production of chintz was on decline Tavemier 1^0 visited Golconda during remarks that after engaging all cotton painters in the area one would have difficulty in getting from them as many as three bales of such 2 goods. Silk WeavingI Last comes the silk* though its production does not seem to have beoi on a large scale. As referred to above* Bowery speaks of raw and wrought silks among the products of 1, John Irwini Indian Textile Trade in the 17th Century* Journal of Indian Textile History* Vol. II* 1956* pp. 24-39. 2. Tavemier* Vol. II* p. 4, • • .64 (64) the Goloonda kingdom and Abbe Carre mentions manufacture of cotton and «ilk good« in villages between Juwangi and Hydera- 2 bad. We find in the trade lists of Streyncham Master the mention of a particular variety of cloth manufactured ar Golconda^ called Allejaes (Alachah) vriiich has been expalined as "a silk cloth which has a sort of wavy line pattern running 4 in the Iffltigth on either side." It could be procured both white and red. It was usually 32 covads long and 2 covads 2 5 inches broad. Irfan Habib, however^ is of the opinion that this silk could only have heen Tasar silk. According to him the districts of Warangalf Mahboobnagar and £lgandal« were the principal tasar silk producing localities in the old Hyderabad 6 state. 1. Bowery* p. 111. 2. Abbe Carre* Vol. II* p. 326. 3. Streynsham Master* Vol. I, pp. 257* 272; Vol. II* pp. 143* 148. 4. Hobson-Jobson* p. 13. 5. Streynsh^n Master* Vol. I* p. 272. Covad was formerly in use as the name of a measure* varying much locally in value in European Settlements* not only in India but in China (Hobson-Jobson, 269). According to Letters Received* Vol. I* p. 241* "A long coved %fithin one inch of our English yard wherewith they measure cloth* the short covad is for silk and containeth Just as the Portuguese covad." 6. Irfan Habib* An Atlas of the Mughal Empire* (Notes Sheet 15B)* p. 62. •. .65 (65) Purchase price of some o£ the above mfloitioned 1 cloths at Kadopallam in 1680. Long cloth ordinary « ^itened and cured 67 covds long (approximately 33-5 yards) and 2 covds broad Iat category 27 pagodas per corge Ilnd •• 25 Ilird •* 23 " IVth * 20 " Sal«ampores ordinary + whitened and cured 29^ covds long 2 oovds less 2 inches broad 1st category 14 pagodas per corge llnd •• 13% " Ilird •• 12% Long cloth fine « brown 72 covds long and 2 covds broad 1st categofy 4% pagodas per piece Ilnd " 4 pagodas per piece Ilird " 3% Salempores fine » whitened and cured 32 covds long, 2 covds broad 1st category 32 pagodas per corge Ilnd " 28 Ilird " 25 •• 1. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 375. • . .66 (66) Purcollaes (ParkaXa) » %A\itoned and cured 14^ covds long, 2 covds broad 1st category « 15 pagodas per corge Ilnd " • 13 * Ilird •• » 10^ •• Izzarees (Xzar) m vt\itexi%d and cured 16 covds long# 2 covds broad 1st category « 26^ pagodas per corge Ilnd " -21% " Ginghams 3 thread# bro%m 40 covds long. 2% covds broad 1st category » 25 pagodas per corge Ilnd *> m 22H " Dungarees bro%m 24 covds long, 1% covds broad 1st category « 7 pagodas per corge Ilnd •• m 6k " Carpet weavingt Golconda is also said to be famous for carpet industry. Unfortunately we do not have much information about the weaving cttntres and the kinds of carpets which were produced. Our authorities speak of only two centres* One was Warangal where a kind of carpet called Ghali or Shatrangi was made. 1. Dilkusha, f. 116b. ...67 (67) And the other was £llore whcu:e# according to Streynsham Master, the best carpets of the kingdoni were produced. The weavers be longed to Persian origin whose ancestors had come and settled in the kingdom more than hundred years ago. They had brought with them the technique of carpet weaving from Persia which was famous for the finest work all the world over. Streynsham Master heis thus describes the method of carpet-weaving at Ellore. " the loom is stretched right up and down made of cotton threads and the carpet wrought upon them with the woolen yam of several colours by young boys of eight to twelve years old# a man with the pattern of the work drawn upon paper standing at the back side of the carpet and directing the boys that work it* how much of each colour of yam should be wrought in and every thread being wrought, they share it with a pair of sazers (scissors) and then proceed to the next. "^ Organisation of Textile Industxryi Thus the flourishing textile industry played an important role in the econcvny of Golconda, It provided Jobs to thousands of its people involved in the industry - the cultivators of cotton and silk, the weavers, the painters and merchants etc. - and brought considerable revenue to the state. 1. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 171. 2. Ibid. .. .68 (68) Larg« scale export of the piece->goods also brought in gold and silver bullions in uninterrupted continuation. But insplte of its importance^ the industry does not appear to have en- Joyed any special attention or encourageroent of the govern- ment and the secret of the prosperity of this Industry appears to be the active participation of the European nations in the industry as well as in the export of some of the products. It was because these products formed one of the most popular itons of barter for spices in South-East Asia. But very little of this profit reached the weaver himself and the main beneficiar ies were the middlemen • merchants Indians or foreigners. And although the government got huge revenue fran the industry in the form of duty both from the weavers and the merchants^ it provided little protection to tho weavers and their condition was generally very poor. The poor individual weaver or painter ecked out his livelihood by the sweat of his labour and also contributed his share to the building up of the state exchequer. These weavers had no organised private or public sector engaged in cloth manufacture. Generally the members of a particular caste, whose main occupation was weaving* was engaged In this industry. These weavers were scattered all over the kingdom and lived in towns as well as in villages. They had their own looms and 2 worked under the sheddy trees outside their houses. Likewise 1. Relations, p. 19. 2. Streynshara Master, Vol. II, p. 171. ...69 (69) there was «nother caste engaged In cloth dyeing and painting. They were mainly concentrated in coastal towns specially in 2 Masulipatitam and Palakollu. The weavers and painters* poor as they were« were unable to manufacture cloths with their own resources. They gonerally produced cloths on the orders of middlemen or the merchants who sometimes also advanced then scxne money for the procurement of weaving materials. These products were subse quently collected by these merchants to be sold in the local markets as well as to be exported to the foreign countries. At no stage the weavers came in actual contact of the buyers. According to Methwold these merchants or middlemen mostly be longed to the Komati caste* called by the English Records as 'Coranittees'* a well organised trading caste which employed its own secret trading language and Judicial code. These Komalis, by themselves or their servants* travell into the coiantry* gathering up callicoes from the weavers and other commodities which they sell again in greater parcels in the port towns to merchant strangers* taking their ccwnmodities in A barter or at a price." 1. Relations* p. 19. 2. E.F.R, (1665-67), p. 330. 3. E.F.R. (1624-29), p. 9. 4. Relations* p. 16. ...70 (70) The Kamatis also recelTed orders from foreign merchants. The English and Dutch Companies made contacts with them for the purchase of piece-^oods. The usual procedure adopted by thero was to issue to the middlemen the samples of the goods which they required.Prices were settled in advance. The middleman sometimes aoked for half or one fourth of the total money to be paid in advance to facilitate them in pro- 2 curing the goods. It took than nearly five to seven months and some times more to supply the goods. After the finished goods were delivered to the Company's warehouse, they were compared with original samples. And such goods which fell s short of the required quality were either rejected or they fetched comparatively lower price. But it seems that the weavers or the painters did not get suitable retxim for their labotir frc»n the middlemen. In any case they depended on the mercy of the middlemen and, perhaps, were not sure of regular orders for manufacturing cloths. Besides, they had to pay the levy imposed on them by the king and bear the oppression and harassment by the local officials and tax collectors. 5 It was because of these 1, E.F.R. (1518-21), p. 47; Streynshain .laster. Vol. I, p. 271. 2, Streynsham faster. Vol, II, pp. 142-43, 149. 3, E.F.R, (1633-36), p. 48; Streynsham Master, Vol. II, p. 95, 4, E,F.R, (1618-21), p, 47; Streynsham i-iaster. Vol. II, p. 149. 5, E,F,R, (1637-41), pp, 52, 67. ...71 (71) reasons that the weavers and painters preferred to move to the European Settlement %ihere they could enjoy peace and regular employment and hope for some Improvement In the terms of the contract as there was a keen competition between the Dutch and the English to monopolise their services. At Palakollu a great number of weavers had taken shelter under the protection of the Dutch "being easier living vmder them than tinder the 2 yoke of the moors." An English factory letter of 1622 in forms us that many weavers and painters had vol\intarily offered to follow the aiglish vrfierever they chose to go. Along with regular employment the weavers also received help in terras of materials. "At times the Dutch provided the weavers with the special material necessary for their work/ like gold yam required for the manufacture of goalongi" Iron IndustryI The availability of large quantity of iron in Golconda encouraged many industries in the state based on it and the local blacksmiths made everything frcnn household 1. E.F.R. (1665-67), p. 330. 2. Ibid. 3. E.F.R. (1622-23), p. 105. 4. Tapan Raychowdhari i Jan Company in Coromandal, 1962, p. 158. ...72 (72) articles to military hardwares. Modapallam was one of the Important centres of some steel products. Bowery infoims that at Modapallam many iron implements used in ship«>building such as bolts« spikes/ anchors etc %rere made by the local blacksmiths with great skill. The government had established karkhanas v^ere many important items and specially the arms and ammunitions were manufactured and the native blacksmiths employed by the state had acquired mastery in their production. Tavemier who happened to see the military arsenals of the Golconda army was very much impressed by the qualitative strength of the barrels of their muskets. He writes* ** the barrels of their muskets are stronger than o\ir and the iron is better and 2 purer* this make them not liable to burst. ** The quality and reputation of Golconda iron had also attracted the att«otion of the Dutch factors. From the begin ning of the 17th century* they had established many steel factories in coastal towns of the state. One such factory was at Narsapur and the raw material for it was procured frc»n Nagalwanze ironnmine. In these factories they organised the manufacture of pig iron* iron bands* iron bars and canon balls 1. Bowery* p. 102, 2. Tavemier* Vol. I* p. 127. 3. Streynsham Master* Vol. II* pp. 115* 160, ...73 (73) on a large scale under the supervision of the Dutch experts. They made an attempt to manufacture the Coromandal bars after samples from Japan. These Items were apparently sent by them to their Settlements of Batavia and Ceylon either for use in their fightings against the Britishers or for onward export to other countries. It seems that demand for these items was very great as the Dutch wanted to increase the production of these items. In 1672 the Dutch Company's headquarter Batavia sent a Swedish expert to teach the Indian blacksmiths, employed by the Dutch* a quicker method of manufacturing nails and canon balls which would quadruple the rate of production. "But the local authorities disallowed the introduction of this new method as it might evmtually deprive many blacksmiths of their livelihood". This incidentally indicates that the state exercised considerable control over their factories and was keen to protect the interests of these artisans. Ship-buildingt Another important and flourishing industry of Golconda was that of ship->building. Golconda had the long coastal belt and many harbours like Sikakul* Biiiilipatam, Viz^apattam, Coring a* Injaram* Kareder/* Masulipatant and Nizamapattam« the 2 last two being the most important. With the annexation of 1. Tapan Raychowdhari# Jan C<»npany in Coromandal # 1962, pp. 173-74. 2. Relations, pp. 6« 55-56; Thevenot, p. 146; Bowery, pp. 55, 57, 71-72, 106. ...74 (74) Eastern Kamataka to the kingdom in 1646, the porta of that region, including Pulicat and Madras were also added to it. Innumerable ships of various countries touched these ports, bringing foreign goods and loading stocks of foodgralns,textile products, iron and steel and diamonds etc. for foreign markets.^ Besides, Golconda had innumerable forests on its eastern coast belt, some of which produced the best timber and in plenty. The state also produced iron in abundance. All these factors combined to the establishment of ship-building industry in Golconda. 4 5 The twin cities of Narsapur and Modapallam were the ideal places for this industry as they were situated on the bank of Godavari, a deep and large river, only six miles in* land from the Coromandal coast. Narsapur, therefore, developed as one of the most important centres of ship-building in india^ 1. Thevenot, p. 102| E.F.R. (1646-50), p. 70. 2. See Chapter ZV, Trade and Ccxnmerce. 3. Shafique, ff. 181, 185-87, 191; Relations, pp. 63, 80; Bowery, p. 99. " 4. Relations, pp. 36, 63, 80; Bowery, p. 99. 5. Bowery, pp. 101-2. 6» R«lations, pp. 36, 63, 80; Bowery, p. 99. 7. A.J. Qaisert'Shlp Building in the Mughal Empire in the 17th Century* (lESHR, 1968), pp. 149-70, describes Lahore, Gaudevi and Balasore as other Important centres for ship building. ...75 (75) The advent of the Europeam traders in India in the beginning of the 17th century gave an impetus not only to trade and canmerce of the country but also to the ship-industry. There was a large number of skilled native ship builders in Narsapur« Modapallam/ i^ho* not only repaired the local and foreign ships but also built it from keel to the 1 hull and launched it. Bowery calls them as expert master 2 builders. At Modapallam# the local blacksmiths made iron- equipments required for ships such as spikes« bolts and anchors with best craftsmanship. Sail cloths were made at Masulipatam 4 which was not very far from Masulipatam. similarly, excellent cordage or stays of coir or hemp were also produced there and yUnen they were patched with European tar, they became more stout 5 and serviceable. The ships that were built at Narsapur - Modapallam, ranged from 200 tons to 1000 tons. A ship of 200 tons was built at Narsapur in 1668 on the order of Eiiglish agent Jearsey. 1. Relations, p. 36. 2. Bowery, p. 102. 3. Ibid. 4. Relations, p. 64. 5. Relations, p. 64} Bowery, p. 105. 6. E.F.R. (1668-69), p. 164. ...76 (76) Earlier a ship of about 800 tons was built there for Mir Jumla Mir Mohd Sayid in about 1638, A still larger ship of about 2 1000 tons was built for the king of Golconda himself. The skill and craftSHmanship of Marsapur ship-builders have bewi praised by the European travellers though they described the ships built by them as inferior to their o\m in beauty, con- 3 vwnience or defence. It may also be inferred from the above comments that ^art from passanger and cargo ships* ships for the military purposes were also built at Narsapxir, though 4 appar«itly of inferior quality* and that perhaps explains the naval weakness of the Indian rulctrs as compared to the Dutch or the English. Apart from building ships* large number of ships were also repaired at Narsapur. Bowery saw in 1672 a ship of the 5 king of Golconda of about 1000 tons being sheathed there. Even the English used to get their worn out ships repaired by the native builders at Narsapur. Thus the English ships Globe* 1. E.F.R. (1637-41), p. 80. 2. Bowery, p. 102. 3. Relations* p. 36; Bowery* p. 102. 4. Ibid. 5. Bowery* p. 102. i. ...77 (77) Clove and Solcxnon were careened at Narsapur as early as In 1 2 1612. The Globe was ready to be launched by 1614. With the establishment of their trade factories in India* however* and frequent visits of their ships to the east coast ports, the Dutch and the English established their own workshops at Narsapur* But these workshops only repaired the ships and ships were not built there* Apart from employing the native carpenters* the English also brought their own carpenters in their workshops* Bowery writes that the native builders learnt their art from these foreign builders* by diligently obscurving their method* But this observation of Bowery does not borne out by facts* because as m&itioned above as early as in 1614 the native builders sheathed the English ship 'Globe' in the Narsapur yard and made it 'a far better ship than when 5 she first came out of England*. Besides* the British ship builders had been forbidden to do so by a royal order of king Charles II of England dated 21*2*1662* It declared that no one should "teach the natives build and navigate ships in those parts to the great prejudice of the English nation* contrary to 1. Relations* p. 36. 2* Letters Received* Vol* I* p* 41* 3. Bowery* p* 102. 4* Bowery* p. 102. 5* Letters Received* Vol. II* p. 41. ...78 I^S .G^§~ (78) the royal charter granted to the said (East India) Company". Moreover, according to Bowery himself, there was intense rivalry betwe«n the native and the English carpenters and the former did not hesitate to poison the latter because they 2 affected their employment prospects. Other CraftsI Golconda could also boast of manufacturing some very fine pieces of handicrafts v^ich were in great desnand in many foreign countries. Fine woodwork with excellent shell and ivory inlay work was done with great craftsmanship. Beauti fully shaped chairs and tables were made with the abony wood. Chests of drawers and 'Screetores* (writing desks) were made with turtle shell or ivory-inlay work. These were in great demand in most parts of India, Pcursia, Arabia, China, England and Scotland, etc. Palanquins of exquisite beauty were also made at Masulipatam. Bowery writes that they were 'very neatly inlaid with ivory and turtle shell of excellent workmanship plated with silver."* 1. E.P.R. (1661-64), p. 99. 2. Bowery, p. 102. 3. Bowery, p. 71, 4. Bowery, p. 87. ...79 (79) Wine was also made at Golconda. Geisierally Hindus distilled it. It was called *Araq', It was distilled froro rice or coarse sugar with the mixture of some drugs. The 'Araq* was a very strong wine, stronger than any wine of graps. 1. Bowery, pp. 77-78. ...80 (80) q>^tf ly TRADE AMD COMMERCE Golconda had large surplus of agricultural products and different crafts and industries based on agricultural raw materials and minerals. There was great demand of these products of Golconda in the country and different parts of the t#orld« These products were to be transported from the centres of their production to different parts of the state and to the big commercial towns of the kingdom for distribution and sale. Many items had also been imported from inside the country or abroad. There were some particular caste like the Komatis %^o were professional traders of centuries. Besides* the vast avenues of trade in Golconda had also attracted large number of foredgn traders like the Persians* Arminians* the Dutch* the Portuguese* the French and the English. The European natives had established their factories at important conmercial centres. The state was eoncious of its duties to keep the roads in good ccmdition and wisure the safety of life and property of the merchants. Thus Golconda had all the requirements for flourish ing trade and consnerce during the 17th century. Trade may be classified into internal trade and external trade. il^ntemal Trade: We do not have enough information about the retail trade in villages and towns. But the business must have been carried ...81 (81) on there l^y shop keepers for local consumers. As regards to bigger deals and exchange of commodities* it was done in big tovns and convnercial centres like Hyderabad/ Golconda* ^'^asulipatam and Nizamapatam etc* Many merchants and traders* native as well as foreign* collected differesnt items from the centres of their production and brought them to these places. This trade was carried on both through the land route as well as through sea routes. All the important towns of the state were connected with roads. ?or example Hyderabad was connected by trunk roads %d.th Surat* Bijapur* Goa# Masulipatam« Madras etc. The state had taken great pains to keep the highways and roads in good 2 conditicm* provide necessary amenities on way and leisure the safety of travellers fraiu highway robbery. At every four or five miles there were'sarais'on the roads and travellers were provided with milk or congy (a kind of drink)* free of cost* to quench their thirst. The state made good arrangements to pro vide safety to the travellers and merchants. If a tr iveller was suspicious of being robbed in the way* he could have a seal (chhap) put on his wrist in black* %*»ich the governor of every important town could imprint. This signet was a proof that the 1. Thevenot, pp. 112, 131, 143-44* 146-47, 150, 329; Tavemier, Vol. I, pp. 115, 139, 142, 146. 2. Bowery* p. 117> Streynsham Master* Vol, ii, p. 178. ...82 (82) travsller was moving with his goods to a particular direction. If by chance, he was robbad In the way# *a thing less cannon in this kingdom'* restitution was made on showing the signet.^ There Is a specific case of one Isar Das# a merchant of Burhan- pur «dio« 1^1 le cxi his way from Nasullpataro to Hyderabad in 1662» was robbed of two bales of cloths in Malkapur. ^th&n the 2 theft was reported to Hakim Nlaamuddin# an influenclal courtier of Sultan Al:jciullah wutb Shah, he promised the restitu^ 3 tlon of the cloths. The vast tract all along the coastal belt, specially the Glngll areas, and the villages rouind iMasulipatam produced all kinds of grains, irdlk, butter and oil and these provisions were taken to Nlzamapatam and Masullpatam ii^ich was a big trade 4 contra. The volume of trade that was carried on In ! iasulipatam may be guessed fron the fact that the town ha^ three big markets 5 for all kinds of commodities. similarly grapes which were 1. Bowery, p. 117-18. 2. Haklni ^vlzamuddin was a famous physician of .yoiconda. The Sultan Abdullah C 4. RfjLatlons, pp. 39, 63; Bowery, p. 59. 5. Freyer, p. 27. • • • B3 (83) grown around Golconda ware brought to the coastal towns and the orange* lemon and other fruits of this fanlly were brought froni the places of their production in Masulipat^sn and "arsapur to the inland towns for sale. Golconda's mangoes were v ry famous* specially the variety produced at Kohir and therefore were an important item of trade dxiring the season. :rhey were supplied to many parts of the state as well as to lughal country, Xari (toddy)« a kind of intoxicating drink* drawn from date and palm trees* were taken to Golconda and Hyderabad on horse back and bullock carts fron the neighbouring villages 3 at 5 to 6 coss distance. Another important item of trade was cloth, iiasulipatem was a big centre of cloth trade. Most of the cloths which were marketed at Masulipatam were procvired by the traders frorr its neighbouring towns such as Pttapoli* Viravasram, Palakollu* 4 Narsqpur and Montepoli etc. Bulk of the ii^ite cloths and paintings w !• delations* pp. 63* 85, 2. Bemier* p, 249. 3. Tavemier* Vol, I* p, 128; ^^bbe Carre* Vol, ll* pp. 353-54, 4, E,F,R, (1630-33), p, 309, 5, Ibid. (1655-60), p, 39; Bowery* p, 106, ,..84 (84) Mughal court. Their insistence for the regular supply of this variety of chintz rose to such an extent in 1634 that the king of Golconda had to order the painters at i'asulipatafTi to work exclusively for thera. The fact that the IXitch had established a factory at Hyderabad for the purchase of cloths indicates that it was also 2 a centre of cloth trade. There were extensive textile and craft industries located at Narayanpet* warangal* EHore etc. euid silk and cotton goods were produced in the areas between 4 Juwangi and Hyderabad. Apparently it were these products that were taken to Hyderabad and made it a big cloth market, Golconda also produced iron ores and iron barrs were carried from the site of their production at kanayapata: < and l^agalwanze to Modapallam, Hyderabad and JMarsapur to be sold to steel manufacturers. The Dutch also purchased the iron of Wagalwanze mines for production of diffcr«Mit itens at their 5 factory at Narsapur, Due to superior quality of its iron. 1. E.F.K. (1634-36), p. 161. 2. Thev«niot, pp. 135-36. 3. Shafique, f. 147; OJlkusha^ f. 116b; ;-;trei'nsha;\ Master, Vol. Ii, p. 171. 4. /-Oabe Carre, Vol, II, p. 326. 5. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 115, 160, ...85 (85) Golconda especialised in the production of military hardwares/ and apart from meeting its ovffi requirements, it had ready market for them. The neighbouring state of Eijapur used to purchase these articles from Hyderobad, Bahlul Khan, a noblti o. < li Adil Shah II salt his servant ^*unad to Hyderabad in 1661 to »uy bows, arrows and coats of mail. He also semt a request to Hai..im Mizamuddin Ahmad to the effect that orders might be issued to the Kotwal of Hyderabad to allow Ahmad to make his purcliases. This incidcoitally indicates that military hardwares were also manufactured by private firms and that government exercised some control on their purchase and export. As dtscimsed in an earlier chapter, Golconda possessed many mines of diamonds ii^ich produced one of the best quality of diamonds in the world. There was a flow of foreign traders for its purchase and it occupied an important place in the trade of Golconda, kpaxt from being sold at the mining sites, diamonds t^sre brought to the important towns such as Hyderabad Golconda and .Masulipatam and sold there to native as well as 2 foreign merchants. The merchants v^o carried or trade in the articles, mentioned above, were both Hindus and Muslims but the majority 1, Yusuf Husain, Selected Waguaya Of The Deccan, p« 7. 2. E,F.K. (1622-23), p. 335; Tavernier, Vol. IT, p, 71/ Thevenot, pp, 136~37, • . .86 (86) of them belonged to a particular Hindu trading caste, called Komatis. They used to collect fran countryside* grains, oils, cloths* iron-vorks and other necessaries and supplied them to the markets. They also carried their goods to the coastal tovms and sold them to foreign merchants in cash or in sarter. The prices of the goods bec^ne higher ^en they were carried to other places from the sites of production due to carriage and custom charges, ior example, according to leth- %fOld in 1618 hiindred barrs of iron or steel could be purchased at the production site in two and three Shillings respectively. While in coastal tovms i*^ere they were carried on oxen backs, covering a Journey of 15 days, they were sold at the rate of 5 2 and 8 Shillings. As far the carriage and custom charges, streynsham Master provides us with good information. In 1676 the carriage charges for an ox load of 8 mauncis for 30 days of Jouriiey were \ pagodas and the custom charges for it were 1% pagodas meaning thereby a combined carriage and cust(xn charges for 8 [aauncis of ox load and for 30 days of Jourtiey used to be 2 pagoddi or 6 3 pagodas par candy. But the anglish arid .Jutoh paid only 4 pagodas as they enjoyed exanrption of one pagoda by a f-arnian of 1. Relations, p. 16. 2. Helations, p. 34. 3. wuoting John Marsnall (harl. I-J.S, 4254) the _ditor of Streynsham Master's diary writes Uiat the v^reiyht of the maund at Masulipatam in 1671 used to be 25 pounds < that is 625 pound to the Candy (Streynshaia aster, II, p. 178). ...87 (37) king Abul Hasan in 1676. with the result that, in order to substantiate the loss, the native merchants, were forced to pay 6 pagodas for a candy. Apart from road, the internal trade was also carried on through the sea. Along the coastal belt of Golconda and Bengal, many of the native merchants had large coastal trade northwards to Bengal and southwards up to Porto hovo ana Negapattam. They usually employed smaller shipa and i:t<:?tioned them on the small porta of Gingli coast such as Corango, 2 Wlzgapattam, Bimlipattam, Watraw and Pondy, Every year in the month of Frt^ruary or inarch, the merchants set sail to ^ramgaon, Pullcat, St. Iliomes, lognapattam, Porto-i'Jovo, i^egapattar., carry ing rice, pulse, millet and other grains butter an<] oil. They sold these provisions there in exchange of children slaves. Each slave cost them not more than 3 or 4 Shillings, but tet-ched thern in Masulipatam and other places, forty Shlllinrjs a c o* i.;. Iliey also brought from Pulicat sane spices and salt,' he s ime merchants sailed to Bengal in the month of September, c irrying variety of cotton cloths, glass, iron, cotton y^irn (rf and white) tobacco and certain shells which were used in pl-ace of coins in Bengal. They also carried there some spices an,3 sandal 4 woods. 1. Ibid. 2. Bowery, pp. 121-24. 3. Rolations. pp. 39, 54. 4. Ibid., pp. 59-60. • • .88 (8B) From B«ngal th« mtrohants brought to Masulipatam rice* butter* augar* wax« honey* gundac* long pepper* diverse sorts o£ cotton cloths* ran^ oilk and muga (a wild silk, made of the bark of certain trees) and very beautiful quilts and carpets stitched vdth this muga. As above mentioned articles were produced in plenty in Golconda* the import of these things made Methvold to remark that it looked like carrying "coals to i>iew Castle", Then he himself writes "yet here tney sell thein to 2 contented profit," Centres of Trade and Commercet As far the c«Jtres of trade and Commerce* bly cities and tovms like Hyderabad* Golconda* Hasulipatam* Nizamapatani, Yentopallam* Hodapallati etc. had big international markets ^lere foreign merchants also used to buy and sell. Hyderabad and Golconda* the state's metropolicey, v/ere famous for brisk commercial activities. At Hyderabad* tJ^iere were many rich merchants* bankers and Jwellers and y v:ijt 3 number of very skllfxil artisans. Besides Indian merchcmts* there were many Persians and Armenians, Among European mer- 4 chants there were Pranks* Portuguese* English and Dutch, 1. Ibid,* p, 40; Bemier* p, 437. 2. Relations* p, 40. 3. Thevenot* p, 135. 4. Ibid, ...89 (89) According to /^be Carirei Hyderabad "is so full o£ strangers and merchants that trade is carried on by foreigners and others without any restrictions as to their nationality on particular business. There is such a concourse of every kind ot oeople merchandise and riches that the place seems to be the centre of all trade in the east*** '^"he Dutch «iw had established a factory there for purchase of cloths* Ihey brought 6.11 sorts of commodities to sell generally to those merchants "that mostly come down every year to this place. ""^ Like Hyderabad* '«»olconda was also a very rich city and brisk trade was carried on there* Abbe Carre writes t;hat he saw there such a crowd of all kinds of people that he vas amazed, '-Hie streets were thronged with an infinite multitude of tradcurs yitio made tliat town so rich and flourishine. Masulipatam was, undoubtedly, the biggest txade centre in whole of the Coromiandal coast. It had a great international market 'the great bazar of these parts for about 100 miles in circuit," ^oods from all parts of the kingdom and foreign countries were brouciht there and sold. It was the riici:- supplier of all sorts of cloths, because tliere v?ere flourishint textile industries round the villages and towns of this port city and varieties of cloths were brought there to be marketed. 1, Abbe Carre, II, p, 329, 2« ITievenot, p. 135, 3, Abbe Carre, Vol, i, p. 295, 4. Relations, p, 6; ITievenot, p, 146; 3owery, v-,, 61, 71, 106; Streynsham i;4aster. Vol, li, p. 113? freyer, p, 27. , , .90 (90) Thore were three markets in Masulipatarn for ditterent articles* Different kinds of grains, oil, butter, salt^fowls and fish, eggs, venisons, all indlgftnous products such aa, varieties of cloths, woven and painted, cotton yarns incuigo chay root, gumlac, saltpetre, cordage guflU/powder, iron and steel, diamonds, wood \4ork, ivory and i^^^-inlay works were sold in thase markets, ^he Dutch and ^^inylish brought lead, alum, quicksilver^ gold, brimstone, broad-cloth, mace nutineg, cloves, sandal-wood, turtle shells, copper, china roots, tin etc«« and sold them at good profit. In return they purchased 2 indigraious goods, ientopallam, ne;ar *'4asulipatam was also a good to'/jn and was famous for good trade in calicoes. Vvednesday was t-.e market day. Cotton yarn, fine cloths, fruits and corio^ etc were sold there and people from far and near carrie to do market- 3 ing there. Pelapoli or Nizarnapattam was another intern tic rd marketing centre. Both indigenous and foreign ooo s we-e brought and sold there to local ae well as forai a merc-iants. '"-Ice, butter, oil, fruits, cows, buffalc-^s, hogc,s, all iorts of poultry, several sorts of wild fowls, excellent voxii-ties of 1. Relations, pp. 61, 63r64; Bowery, pp. 71, 106; •. •^. • c (1630-33), p. 309; (1655-60), p. 39. 2. ii.£.R3 (1624-29), p. 181? (1622-23), pD. 335, 338; (1642-45), p. 211. 3. Streynshanri ilaster. Vol. II, p. 135. » . • ^a X1 (91) river and sea fish# venlslons of deer, i^are, wild hogg and antllope were available there at very reasonable rates. Besides lt> various sorts o£ cloth# woven and painted, fine red dye, best quality o£ chay-roots were also sold tlriere. ^ong the foreign 900<3s# v^ich the native and foreign mer chants both brought to the market, were pepper, mace nutrneg, cloves, sandalwood, eagle wood, led, spelter, tin, suipher, alum, raw silk, musk, vermilion, quicksilver and camphor and 2 porclain etc. /^othc^r town Montipolee, near iNiizamapatam was 3 also a famous mart. All sorts of cloths, salt-petre, iron and steel were brought there and sold to foreign merchants. 4 :-fi adapallam, the ajoining town of Narsapur was famous for timber and iron %iorks. ^"he best quality of timber and iron implements 5 were vended there. According to Tavemier, it was a custom in Golconda that business transactions were made through brokers. i:.ach class of goods had its own separate set of brokers. These brokers paid the money to those who had sold, and received it from those vtio had bought. There were certain categories of 1. Bowery, pp. 58-59. 2» Relations, pp. 54-55. 3. Ibid., p. 68. 4. Bowery, pp. 55-56. 5. Ibid., p. 102. . • . 7 <: (92) goods for ii^iich they charged their fee at the rate o£ one per cent* There were still some others for vtilch their fee amoxinted to one and half and even tvio percent. There was no state's prohibition on any cormr.odity produced by it# to be sold by private merchants to any buyer native or foreignw* except tohacco and salt, rhe merchant was 2 only required to pay the duty of 4 percent to the state, .^alt and tobacco had the state's monopoly and only the authorised government agents could deal into it. These two canmodities brought enormous income to the state and in the words of 3 Tavemier "these yield the principal revenue of the king". Private individuals were strictly prohibited to carry these conmodities more than their requirement. At every important place and at the gates of the towns* the state excise personnels used to search strangers and travellers to find %iAiether they were carrying the prohibited commodities more than their needs. In case they had surplus* they seized it and punished the 4 off«iders. 1. Tavemier, Vol, II, p. 139. 2. Bowery, pp. 55«56. 3. Tavemier, Vol. I, p. 125; Bowery, pp. 56-57. 4. Tavemier, Vol. I, p. 125; Bowery, p. 107. ...93 (93) Price Lgvel: Sch«oerer has given a very useful table of prices which were current in the market in the year 1610. tie has giveri the prices of the local products as well as of the article3 imported from abroad* Rice# 1 to I'i pagodas per bahar i.e. about 40 to 60 seers a rupee. Wheat of a better quality* 3 to 4 pagodas per bahar i«e« about 20 seers a zrupee. Butter* 7 to 10 fanams or about 2 rupees per maund. Ox, 1 to 2 pagodas i.e. about ^,4 2 to s, 5, Goat* 1 to 2 fanams i.e. about 5 or 10 annas. Fowl, 1 pagoda, i.e. about 4i rupees per 60 or 80. 80 eggs cost a fanam Spotted deer, from 2 to 3 fanams to '^ pagoda i.e. 50 to 75 paise to ?s, 2.50. Imported Articles! Pappmr, cost 25 pagodas per bahar i.e. <3.125 for about 240 seers. Nutmegs, cost 30 to 60 pagodas per bahar i.e. i^, 135 to 270 for about 240 seers. Cloves cost 5^ to 10 pagodas i.e. ;.:,25 to is. 45 per maxind. ...94 (94) Sandalwood cost 100 to 120 pagodas par bahar i.e. ?3. 450 to P5. 520 for about 240 seers. Lead, cost 17 to 20 pagodas par bahar i.e. i, 7/ to F^, 90 for about 240 seers. Tin cost 75 to 80 pagodas per bahar i.e. ^. 335 to ?^s• 360 for about 240 seers. Alum cost 12 pagodas per bahar# I.e. Rs. 54 for ^about 240 seers. Sulpher* cost 20 pagodas per bahar i.e. :.>• 54 for about 240 seers. woiicksilverf cost 20 to 25 pagodas i.e. ... 100 to Rs. 112 per maund. Camphor cost 4 to 20 pagodas i.e. Rs. 18 to .^s. 90 per seer. Musk cost 10 to 12 pagodas i.e. R£. 45 to >^. 54 per seer. Haw China Silk, cost 40 to 50 pagodas or about -.ISO to Rs. 202 per maund. Twisted China ^llk, cost one pagoda or about ^,4; per seer, the maund for textures being of about 12 seers. 1. Relations, pp. 62-64. ...95 (95) Kiethwold has given the prices of following thingsi Eight hens cost 12 pence. A goat or sheep cost 10 pence* A good hog cost Vt or 2 shillings. Iron and steel « 2 i^illincis to 5 shillinus per Cwt,^ Thevenot writes that a sheep cost twelve pence, a patri^ge half p«iny end a fowl cost leas than two pence.' Tavemier v^o visited Golconda in a number of times between 1638 and 1662 has given the prices of following articles: Sugar, 4 mahmudis or about Rs, 14*64 per maund of 17 seers. Myrrh, 30 mahmudia or about as78,20 per maund of 17 securs* Sugarcandy, 18 mahmudis or about Rs.43.92 per mauind 3 of 17 seers. It was an established custom those days that the first who fixed the prices of any articles of merchandize constrained all others, by his example, to sell at the same 4 rate during the year. 1. ^IS., pp. 8, 34. 2. Thevenot, p. 146. 3. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 112, 4. Tavemier, Vol, II, p. 16, ...96 (96) Normal prices did not greatly change as Moreland writes that "the absmce of compallnts regarding Increase In the cost of living Is a fact conslst«it with the theory that normal prices did not greatly change. ** The External Trade» The external trade of Golconda was as ext^islve as the Internal. It Included both export m\6 Import, ihe native as well as the foreign merchants carried the products ct the klnc,dan to the far-^ff countries and brought various Items to Golconda In their return journey. Golconda had many good harbours. Masullpatam« Nlzamapatam* Pullcat and i^adras were the International ports and Masullpatam among them, undoubtedly occupied the premier position. Thevenot writes that "the coast Is excellent and therefore ships come thither from all nations and go fran thence Into all countries. 1 saw tliese Cochin Chinese men of *i-ain» Pegu and of many other kingdoms of the east.*' Narsapur shlp-bulldlng yard at the months of river Godavarl and 45 miles away from Masullpatam port provided excellent facilities for ship-building and repair and thus helped in the growth of sea-borne trade of Golconda, According to Schorer's Relation "the G«itues (Hindus) do not go much to the sea" and apart from the European nations, this trade was mainly in the hands of Iranians and Anaenians who 1, Morel and J From Akbar to Auranqz^# p, 178, ...97 '97) had since long settled dovm in coastal cities of Golconda. It appears that some of these merchants had their own ships. They used to set sail laden with cargoes to the south east Asian covin tries in the month o£ September and returned vdth many articles in the month of April. The countries were xakan, Pegu* Tena8serim# Acheen# Priaman* Queda and Perak. Each of these countries had some specific requirements and their own standard for them, s© the traders took great care to supply goods as were needed by them and came up to their taste. 1. Relations, p, 59, 2. Pegu - The n;ame of the kingdom which forrrcerly existi3d in the delta Iravadi, to the city which was its capital (Hob,Job., , 69J), T«iasserira - belonged to the ancient kingdom of Pegu south of Iravadi river (Hob,Job,, p,914}, Ache«i «• The name applied to thie state and. t.o\m at the north-west anQle of ijumatra v*iich vas during 16th and 17th century, the greatest native power on that island (Hob,Job,, p, 3). Priaman - ihe name ^plied to the state and touti at the middle - west of Sumatra. Queda and Perak - The name >^ueda denotes the capital city of ^at is now the Malay state of Kedab. Perak is the state with river of the same name lying soutti of Kedab on the west coast oi Malay peninsula, 3. Relations, p, 39, . t'JG i ~— > I s- 8 r.o r ^ (98) Thus for example the traders took to Arakan variety of cotton clothS/ cotton yam (red and white) tobacco and certain shells v^iich were used in place of coins in that country, sandal wood and iron. It will be interesting to mention thut some of the exported items from Golconua were those that were brought -dhere from other countries. Thus the merchants took south-east Asian spices from Golconda to Arakan, Similiiriy -^ujret, clotins that were exported to /chin,was an import fran t^eir to ..asuli- pataKi, However, on their return from Arakan, tiie trodexs brought some gold and guniac, but their biggest import consisted o£ load of rice v*iich they disposed off at Pulicat and at the coast of Narsinga (Vijyanagar), Pegu was another good market for some Indian products. To this country the merchants brought silver in rials of eight, cotton yam and betilles (trade name for the muslin proJuced in Golconda) dyed red, variaties of chintzes and tobacco. In return they purchased fine mbies, a lot of gold, the Lest quality of gunlac, sane tin and quicksilver 2 and brought tliem to asuli- patam and frcxn there to i^olconda and hydcrabad aiid sold to native and foreign merchants, Tavernier once saw the sale ot Pegu 3 rubies at Masulipatam and Golconda, Next come T«iasserlm and the main iten of export to that country were red cotton yam, red and vdilte betilles, differoit 1. Ibid,, pp. 38, 59-60. 2» Relations, pp. 38-39, 59-60. 3. Tavernier, Vol, I, pp, 78-79. ...99 (99) sorts of chintzes. The Indian traders also took these goods from this country to ^km^ by land route and sold there in good profit. The commodities that were imported from there were nalnly China products such as porclain, sattins* damaskes, lankeen* silk* gignum aloes* benzoin of Combodia and great store cf tin, a special kind of i*ood called sappan which was used to rr.ake dye» large Jars called martbana and a drink called i^ipa. These goods were brought to the whole of Golconda's coast and 2 then to the Inside country and sold In good profit. The merchants also sailed to i'^cheen in '^^umatra -and carried iron and steel# varieties of cloths both vjhltp and 'painted', diamonds, rice, butter and oil. ihese articles were also imported to Priaraans in the same island and to l edah and 4 Perak in Malaka. In the return journey they brought from 5 these places sulphur, canphor of Earus, silk, tin, s^xne oujratl cloths, pepper trom Prlaman and Tiku, brimstone, all sorts of 1. Relations, pp. 39, 39-60. There was a regular trade between China and 3iam. Damaskes - twilled table-linen with wovan designs shown by reflection of light, ihis cloth was brought from Damascus. Lankeen - ^^ukeeii v/as originally a cloth produced from cotton fibre of a natural yellox.' colour. Legnumaloes represents aloss wood, or eagle wood, an aromatic wood. Nipa denotes a spirit distilled fran the sap of a palm, 2« delations, p. 60. 3» Relations, pp. 38, 60; Bowery, pp. 288-89. 4. Ibid., p. 60. 5. The most valuable fomj of camphor was produced in Sumatra and took its commercial name froai barus, a place on the west coast of that island fro*-; »^iich the commodity was exported. 6. Priaman and Tiku were at this period, the cnief ports for the export of pepper from the v;est coast of Sumatra. ...100 (loc; porclains and China commodities* purchased from the Chinese merchants there. These goods were sold In the 2 coastal towns of Golconda. Two more islands Maldives and Ceylons were also visited by the merchants. They set sail towards these islands in the month of January and exported 3 mainly the Golconda*s cloth. They brought back frcm Maldives coconuts* perhaps because the coconuts of some parts of Maldives were excellent antidotes for poison. Another item of import from Maldives was coir, vrt^ich v/^s used in Golconda for making cordage. From Ceylon they brought coconuts* cinnamon* fine mats and some precious stones. There was good demand of these items all along 4 the coast and chiefly in Masulipatam, !• There was no direct trade between India and China at this period, Chinese commodities were brought to Bautam or Jakarta in Java at Achin in Sumatra and in Si am, Persians settled at Coromandal coast had great demand for Chinese goods, 2, Relations* pp, 38* 60, 3, Ibid,* p, 60, 4, Relations* pp, 60-60, ...101 (101) Th« native merchants also traded with Mocha/ a port on the south-western tip of Arabic peninsula at the entrance of the red sea. The merchants went there In the month of January and returned In Septenber or October, They carried there tobacco* small rattans for use In lances* fine muslins for making turbans# Iron and steel* Indigo benzoin and gumlac and sold them In hard Txirkish coins of Sultanees or the Spanish currency. They brought from there only a fine cloth, known as camlet* that was woven of silk and camel's hair and was imported there from Turkey. 2 1, ass., p. 37. Floris* p. 116. At this period sea going ships were not usually taken far Into the red sea because the prevailing southemly winds made the return journey very difficult. Mocha, just outside the strait of Babel Mand^ was their usual destination, the pilgrims making their way thaice to Mecca. 2. Relations, p. 37. ...102 (10.2> Th« king of Golconda also sent every year a load of rice to Mocha to be distributed as alms among the pilgrims at Mecca and Medina* He also sent some articles of merchsnciise there whose proceeds were invested in procuring fine horses. Likewise the king sent to Iran such export commodities: as muslin* and hands painted chintzes w^lich were in great demand in Iran, These commodities were despatched on a big shi > belonging to the king of Golconda himself* This ship used to 2 make an yearly voyage to Iran, The Dutch trading company supplied a pilot* a 8tib>pilot and two or three gunners to the vessel. French traveller Tavemier himself sailed in that ship from Iran to Masulipatam, There were fifty horses on the board *^ilch the king of Persia had s«t»t as pres«it to the king of Golconda and there were also nearly 100 merchants of Persia 3 and Armenia tiAio were going to India for trade. The state ships also made voyages eveiry year to Arakan, Tenasserlm and Ceylon to procure elephants for the kinc and his nobility. Some of the ships could bring 14 to 26 o£ this vast creature. Them were exceptionally blg^ exceedingly strong. 1, Relations* p, 37, 2, Tavemier* Vol, II* pp, 155-56, 3, Tavemier* Vol. II* pp, 155-56. 4, Bowery* p, 73, ...103 (103) The Dutch and Engliah Trading Coropaanlea* v.ith the establishment of Dutch and English f-nctcrlas at the Coromandal coast, tiie sea-borne trade of Golcon :a received a new impetus* The Dutch United East India Company that had been foxrmed in Holland in 1602 and wanted to monopolise the trade of spice islands of South-£a8t Asia, soon established tiieir Company's headquarter at Batavia (Jakarta) in Java, AS there was great donand o£ Golconda textiles in these islands snd these goods could prove ready barters for local spices^ the jL>utch Company started negotiation with the state ot Golconda for trade concessions and succeeded in estaJblishiny their toctories at l^izdmapatam and Masulipatam in 1606, In course ot time the Company expanded its base in Golconda and established factories at Palakollu, A^agalwanze, Sadraspatam* Bimlipatam, Hyderabad 2 and Golconda* Kith the same end in view, they moved iurther south, negotiated with the kinc^ of Vtliore and succeeded in establishing their factories in Negapatam (St. Fort David) in 1608 and in Pulicat in 1610. At Pulicat they built a fort called St* Fort Glarida and it became their headquarter at the 1* Moreland's introduction to Relations, pp. XXI, XXII. Cf. Tapan Raychowdhari i Jan Company in Coromanda:^, p. 16, 2. Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 115-16. ...104 (104) Coromandal. In 1646 this place waa also Included Into the territory of Golconda after the successful Invasion on the 2 northern Karnataka by its aruiy under Mir Junila. llie English £ast India Company of ii^igland was also exploring the possibilities of establishing their trade factories at 1. Morel and's introduction to Relations, pp, itxll- XXIII. Cf, Tapan Haychowdharl» Jan Company in Coromandal* p* 16* 2. E.F.H. (1645-50), p. 70. 3. Relations, p. 6. 4. Ibid. 5» f^elatlons, pp. 55-56| Bowery, pp. 55,71; Streynshan iiaster. Vol. II, p. 115; Hamilton,p.398, ...105 (105) factory in the Golconda city but later on they dissolved It in 1642, The English also# like the Dutch, moved further south and established a factory in Madras. This place was also annexed to the Golconda territory in 1646 after the conquest 2 of northern Kaznnataka, Both these Companies em joyed the favour of the Golconda kings vdio were interested in the expansion of trade and cotnmerce of their state* During the whole of 17th century these Companies always received sympathetic considera tion frosn the kings of 3olconda, Not only they enjoyed concessions in custom duties, that viill be discussed later, tJiey were also allowed to establish their own cotton weaving, painting and iron industries. They were also allowed to farm the towns of the kingdom. The Dutch had farmed the town of Palakollu in 2000 old pagodas annually and established there extensive weaving and painting, iron and indigo industries. Likewise the English had taken the town of Mallavcl near Viravasram on a rent of 600 pagodas per annijm and established a vast textile factory there. 1. E.F.R. (1637-41), p, 175, 2. Ibid, (164S-50), p. 70. 3. i.,r.k. (166S-67), p. 330; Bowery, p. 106f Streynsham Master, Vol. II, pp. 116, 164, 4. E.F.R, (1634-36), p. 46. ... 106 (106) Irade of the Corapanieg: Long before the arrival of the lAitch and ii^ngiibh Companies* Golccmda's textile products had already captured the markets in Java and further east, xili now this trade was mainly in the hands of Indian and Portuguese merci.dnts. After establishing their trade factories in India, tl.fe English and Dutch trading Companies also started supplying cloths to Pegu, K>alacca, Sunjatra and Java and in return purchased or bartered spices to be supplied to India and other parts of the world, Xhe trade and purchase o£ these goods were organised in tliis part by the iinglish factory oi Bantam and the Dutch factory of Batavia, both loC(ited In 2 Java, As the Coromandal textiles were also in great demand in Iran, Arab, Turkey, Japan, Holland and England, tne Dutch and English Companies used to supply the cloths to these countries in addition to the ^uth«>£ast Asian countries,^ In hAiropean countries the Coromandal textiles were preferred over those raanufactuzed at other places in India like ^urat. 4 1, Tapan Raychowdhari: Jan Company in Coroinandaj.i pp, 157-58, 2, E,F,.<. (1624-29), p, 181. 3, t:,F,K. (1648-50), p. 297, 4, E.F,K, (1646-50), p. 297, ...107 (307) As the trade proved to be very lucrative and had the potwitlals of providing thera exchange for the growtl; oi their commercial actlvitiea* the two Companies soon started display ing a kind of monopolistic tendency. Instead of procuring the cloths solely from Indian merchants or manufacturers, they began, for themselves, organising the production of. cloths,TTie Dutch Company was able to exercise a large measure of control on the textile producers settled in Pulicat, They were able to persuade the weavers there not to undertake production of any variety except thiose ordered by their Company, This consequently deprived the Indian exporters to Pegu, 61am, /^^raJcan and Acheen frcnv. their supply. Similarly the i-nqllsh had monopolised the sexvices of weavers and painters at many places. In 1634 they had farmed the town of Mallavol near Hasulipatam and had organised the manufacture of clotha on a 2 large scale with complete monopoly on their production. ;^art from textile products, cotton, cotton yer*.. Indigo, Saltpetre, iron and steel and ciunpowder, v/ere che other commodities, manufactured at Golconda which were supplied by 3 these Companies to various countries* The English procured salt from Masulipatam at a very cheap rate and sold it %d.th a 1. Tapan Raychowdharii Jan Ccanpany in Coromandal, pp. 157-53, 2. E.F.R, (1634-36), p, 46, 3. E,F,R, (1618-21), p. 49. ...108 (108) good margin of profit at Priyamam end Teccu. Their head quarter at Bantam supplied salt to various places o£ South- East Asia. According to an evidence the President and council at Bautam wrote to factors at Masulipatant in 1624 to supply ten 2 to twelve tons of salt. Ihe Dutch supplied even foodstuffs such as rice* paddy* quantities of butter* oil and honey to their headquarter at Batavia. They supplied iron and steel to their factories in 2ast-Asia and Ceylon* Arrakan and Tonkin, Coromandal iron barrs were also exported fron Batavia to Manila; Both the Dutch and English Companies had great interest in Golconda's diamonds. They invested large amounts in its 4 purchase. The other minor items i^ich they dealt in were bezore stones* coir-ropes* sail cloths etc. The English exported the Masulipatam cordage to Ba»tan to furnish the ships going to 5 Malakas. They also took long cloths to B^gland. 1. I*etters Received* Vol. I* (1602-13)* p. 75. 2. E.F.R. (1624-29)* p. 25. 3. Tap an Raychowdhari's Jan Company in CqromandfjL* pp. 167, 174. 4. E.F.R. (1622-23)* pp. 221* 336; (1624-29), p. 25. 5» Re;]|.ations* p. 37, ...109 (109) As far imports both the Dutch and ingllsh companies imported similar kinds of goods such es cloves# pepper, nutmeg, mace* sandal-wood* gumlac* turtle shells* China-wares, tin, brimstone frocn differcmt parts of )BOuth'-e items had good demands in Golconda's markets. As the merchants and weavers in Golconda preferred payments in gold* rather than in silver rials* both the Companies brought a good quaBtity of 2 gold from Java* Sumatra, Borneo and Pegu. They also orought 3 copper and silver from Japan, The iAitch brought frcwi their own country* Holland* gold barrs* lead and some kinds of cloths, and the English brought from their nation sone broad cloths lead 5 and ivory. Lead was the commodity which had t^ie state's mono- 5 poly. No one but the king's representatives could purchase it. The £4iglish also brought some coral iieads from iioki'ia dr^d horses 7 frons Persia. 1. Letters Received* Vol, I, (1602~13), D. "??. E.F.R, (1622-23), p;:. 137* 338; (1624-?'^), o. 181, 2. E.F.R. (1624-29), p. IBl. 3. L.F.R. (1622-23)* p. 338; (16 24-29), r.. 191. 4. E.F.R. (1622-?3), vyp, 107, 33e. 5. E.F.K. (1642-45), p-.. 210-11. 6. E.F.K. (1642-45), pr.. 210-11. 7. S.F.R. (1642-45), pp. 210-11. ...110 (110) The Dutch war« more successful in this trade than the English. Their volume of export and import was always higher than that of the English, Foster's writes in Suimnary of the English Factory Records of 1630-33# "We find the f-nglish merchants complaining of the competition of the I^tch wnose skill and prudence backed by irarnence resources had given them and indisputable supremacy in tl'ie Eastern trode we find than competing vigorously with the Knylish Company's servants in India and Persia outbidding tliem for silk, indigo and p£4c« goods and beating them too in the sale of European and other ccxTunodities," Mir Jumlai The reasons for this comparative successes of t^^e Dutch Company might have been the friendship and the patronage of Golconda's Prime Minister* Mir Jumla* which they enjoyed. Ho account of the trade and commerce of Golconda* indeed of its eccmomy* can be complete without a refermce to this many facets vazir of Golconda vtio may truly be called a 'Merchant Prince' of Colconda* I'he instances of 'nobles' in our period 2 indulging in trade and commerce are not wanting. ttut this wazir of Golconda did not only show his genius in solving the ackninistrative problems and gaining victories in the battle 1, Foster's Summary of E.F.R, (1630-33). 2« Athar Alii The Mughal Nobility Under Auranqzeb, bombay» 1966» pp. 154-55. ...Ill (Ill) fl«lds but also showed his talents as a skilful trader and acquired the position o£ the 'doyen of Golconda's commerce' in comparative a short period. Mir Mohd Saeed« the Mir Jumla« was a Seyed of Ardistan in the province of Isphahan. After coming to ool- conda sometimes before 1630 he was favoured and cherishcKa by Sultan Abdullah uutbshah and for a long time the goveminent and the managem«it of the affairs of the territory were In his hands* By his skill and energy he conquered in 1646 on his master's behalf a territory in the Kamataka* 150 kos in length and 20-30 kos in breadth and the revenue of which was 40 lacs of rupees. His grandeur and authority increased so greatly that he had 5000 horse in his own service and he was above all his contemporaries. On this account a nximber of his enemies under cover of loyalty but with a view to creating trouble made untrue reports to Outb Shah and arouad his suspicion. Later on his relation with the king became so strained that Mir Jvonla defected to the Mughals in 1655.Serving the Mughals as commandcur-in-chief in Assam« he died in 1663. The Mir Jumla was undoubtedly the richest and most powerful man in Golconda. His wealth was prodigious which he acquired from his extwisive trade and commerce with various parts of the world as well as by the diamond mines v^ich he 1. Shahnawaz Khani The Maathir-ul->lftnra. Patna, (1979), Vol. II# part 1, pp. 188-205. ...112 (112) 1 formed under feigned names. After he conquered a part of Kamataka on his master's behalf and became Its virtual over> lord* he plunged himself %4ioleheartedly Into expanding his commercial empire. Northern Kamataka was abound In all sorts of cloths* bezore stcmes* diamonds* cotton yam* Iron and steel and saltpetre. Mir Jumla used to buy a substantial quantity of all these goods on the prices fixed by himself and 2 exported these to far<-off countries. There was no state's prohibition on official trading and local governors and higher officials were free to ^mtcur into commercial trans«ctl(»>s. Some officials abusc»d their positions. The usual corrupt practice* they Indulged In* was the monopolisation of certain articles of trade. This made them rich at the cost of poor producers and merchants local as well as foreign. The system of monopoly developed to a subs tantial height xinder Mir Jumla. His agents used to purchase the local goods at the prices fixed by them and sold these at 3 high profit to the foreign merchants. Mir Jumla also sought monopoly over Imported goods by the Dutch and English. Once he ordered other merchants to be prevented from purchasing the spices brought by the Dutch. This made the Dutch Company bound 1. Bemler* p. 17. 2. fi.F.H. (1651-54)* p. 12. 3. E.F.R. (1651-54)* p. 22. ...113 (113) to sell their spices at the prices fixed by Mir Jumla and consequ«itly to au££er a great loss. Hard pressed the Dutch decided to keep their spices in godowns until the Mir vTumla agreed to purchase it at the price fixed by the Company or 2 allowed other merchants to purchase it direct from it. The failure in obtaining the sole monopoly of spices greatly in censed the Mir, He, an his turn, retaliated by monopolising the unbleached cloths. He reserved to himself the services of all the weavers of the 'new conquests', St. Thome and St. Fort George. No <»ie including the Dutch and English could purchase these directly from the weavers or middlemen. Mir J^onla's agents purchased all such cloths directly from the weavers and rated than at 20 percent profit. Thus the suffer ers %Mu:e not only the foreign trading companies but also local 3 producers and the merchants. A factory letter of 1651 inform: us that 'this course resolved to continue vuitll he brings a monopoly of all importeufitt goods'. In Masulipatam also Mir Jimla's subordinates carried out their master's policy of monopoly. -Hie i^'nglish factors at St. Fort George informed the Company headquarter in 1642 that at Masulipatam 'the Sarkhail (Mir Jumla) great jonke will 2. Ibid. 3. E.F.R. (1651-54), p. 22. 4. Ibid. ...114 ai4) monopolise all that is available'. For the distribution of these monopolized goods in different parts of the state* the Mir Jximla had maintained a vast fleet of pack-animals. He possessed as many as four thousand horses* three hundred el^hants four or five hundred camels and ten thousand oxen %ihich carried his merchandise for sale to different parts of Golconda. Bijapur and ^usjhal £Mpire. In all the above places he had his commercial agents 2 and merchants lAio looked after his business. The numi:>er gives us an idea of the extent of the internal trade that was carried on* on behalf of Mir Jumla. But apart from this extensive internal trade* ttie Mir Jumla had also flourishing trade relations with countries like Pegu, Tanasserim* Achin* Arakan* Persia* Sengal, 3~iokha, 3 Peruck* Maldives and Macassar, He had ten vessels of his own which always plied in the bay of Bengal and he always 4 oideavoured to enlarge his fleet. According to one evidence* a ship was being built for Mir Jumla at the Narsapur yard in 1638 ^ich had 800 tons as its weight. It was made £or 5 commercial journeys to Persia and Mokha. tivery year he used 1. i.F.R. (1642-45)* p. 67. 2. E.F.R. (1651-54)* p. 12. 3. Ibid. 4. Ibid. 5. E.F.R. (1637-41), p. W8. ^^"' ...115 (115) to sand his ovm ships to Persia laden with large quantity of goods under the guise that It belonged to the king to avoid the customs. '^e English treated him at par with the king as a factory letter of 1645 Informs that It was linmaterlal for the English whether the goods belonged to the Kir Jvunla or the king "since the Sarkhail (Mir Jumla) governs the king 2 and consequently the coiintry." 3 Pegu was the land of perfect Rubles and Sapphires. The country also afforded the finest quality of gumlac, Martaban Jars# different sorts of metals# gold, copper, tln# quick-silver, gauza (bell metal) and benzoin etc. Ccromandal coast had old commercial relations with Pegu. Now Mir Jumla, talcing advantage of Yiia position as Prime Minister of oolconda decided to establish his own comnnercial relation with Pegu. For this purp>ose# he sent one of his servants, Hasan Khan, who 5 succeeded in establishing commercial relation with its ruler. Mir Jumla'9 ships made an annual voyage to Pegu, but about 1651 the trade of Mir Jumla as well as that of the jJutch was adversely affected due to disorder in Pegu created by Chinese 1. t.F.R. (1642-45), p. 207. 2. Ibid. 3. Tavemler, Vol. I, pp. 78-79. 4. E.F.k. (1622-23), p. 338| (1634-36), pp. 16, 146; (1637-41), p. 94; Bowery, p. 290. 5. Mir -'umla's letter to the v^azir of Pegu. Tabrezi, f. 147b. ...lie (116) invasion. 1 The Mir Jumla sometimes borrowed from the i^nglish and the Dutch pilots and sailers to navigate his ships, lo oblige the wazir* they readily agreed to provide him with his demands. In December 1642# the English spared Roger Adams to sail his 2 vessel to MoHha. Likewise in 1647 another ship for the same 3 voyage was provided with a pilot namely Kichard ^f.alwyn. The r^ir Jumla is also said to have hired the Dutch vessels for the 4 same purpose. Besides* sometimes Hir Jumla contacted the English private traders to conduct commexclal operations on his behalf. ITiey readily agreed to this proposal because it proved more profitable to them than conducted on behalf of the 5 English Company. Skilful trader as he was# it was considerative, that the Mir Jumla g«arierally maintained good relations with the English and Dutch and it was with this end in mina that he often advanced loans* sometimes evexi without intere&t. In March 1646, the English had taken a loan of 1000 pagodas from him. He did not charge the interest «i»iich aniountect to 2350 pagodas at the rate of I'i percent per raontli* the lowest rate 1. E.F.K. (1646-50), pp. 98-99; (1651-54), p. 260. Encyclo. brit. (I4thi ed.). Vol. XV, p. 430. 2. E.F.K. (1642-45), p. 69. 3. E.F.K, (1646-50), p. 98. 4. E.F.R, (1651-54), p. 206. 5. E.F.R. (1646-50), p. 98. ...117 (117) current at Madras in 1647. He was only satisfied with a brass gun costing 641 pagodas* %^ich the English had presented to him,^ Custom Dutiesi The state charged the cu8t<»n duties at the rate of 2 4 percent advalorem on the arrival and departure of the ships. There was also a local tax called Chhapa-Dalali* fee for stamping and brokerage vAiich amounted to el In addition to the custom duties and Chhapa-Dalali# other duties \riiich a trader had to pay after entering the port towns were as followst Jankan (chungam* a toll)# Ushr, Rahdarl, a transit duty; Darwaza, a toll paid for the privileges of entering a 1. E.F.R. (1646-50), p. 213. ^* Relations* p. 64. 3, Ibid. 4. Ibid. ...118 (118) towif Bankash* a payment for the right of gathering fuel and grass; Banksal* port duties etc. From the very beginning of the 17th century v*en the Dutch and English established their trading factories in Gol- conda« they began to attempt at getting concessions in custom duties from the kings of Golconda, lliough the duties were already low, they succeeded in getting further concessions. In 1606 with Mir Jumla's help» the Dutch secured a Farman from the king, fixing the toll at 4 percent for both export and import throughout the kingdom# with coHplete exemption from 2 Chhapa-Dalali on cloths. Again in 1612 they succeeded in obtaining another Farman frcsn the king ^lich ccanmuted the toll 3 of 4 percent for an yearly payment of 3000 pagodas. t^ut as they had to deal with the local officials, they had to dis burse scxne money in the form of presents to tiia governor, harbour master and other port officials in order tc please them. ITiis bribery was a permanent phenotnenon at the ports 4 without t^ich business could not be carried on siiioc»thly. 1. E.F.a. (1634-36), p. 17. 2. Tapan Raychowdhari j Jan Company In CorotnandaX* p. 16. 3» i^elations, pp» 64-65. 4. Ibid. ...119 (119) The English also sought after a similer type of concession from the king as the Dutch «nJoyed, "he opportunity came in 1634 \dhen the Masulipatam agent Thoroas Joyce succeeded in obtaining >*jat is called a 'Goldwi Farman' from the king. It secured to the English complete exemption from all manners of duties in the Golconda kingdom on payment of an annual lump stOT of 800 pagodas and only stipulated in return that the royal officials should be allowed the fir?t opporturlty of purchasing whatever horses and curiosities the English might bring from Persia or elso^ere. To compensate than, the farmers of the Masulipatam customs were allowed to pay 800 pagodas less per annxom to the royal treasury,* Taking adv«itage of the '^^olden Farman*, marty servants o£ the £ast India Company began to carry on private trades without paying duties to the state. There was electr Instruc tion in the farman that "they (the i^nglish conpany) are not to ,.,. own the goods of any merchants (tliat come from Persia or any other place) or theirs, or to give tiiem assis tance or to intermix any goods of others with theirs to save or defraud the king of his duties, which if it once appear they do, the king disclaims his privileges granted," lo 1. K.F.K. (1634-36), p, 40. 2. Ibid., pp. 17-19. 3. 'Golden Farman' E.i.H. (1634-36), p. 18. ...120 (120) prevent thle loss of revenue Mir Jumla (Mohd Saeed) ^o was the governor of Masullpatam from 1635 to 1636» took strong steps against them and Informed the king about the violation of the *Golden Farman*. He pushed the matter to such an extent that the Sarkhail and Dabir of the kingdcxn demanded from the English Company the excess over 800 pagoda* the fixed yearly abatement. iJhen Mir Jwitla himself became the sarkhail« he exerciaed more pressure on the English to follow the dictates of the *Gold«i Parman* in toto and to prevent private trades of its employees. The English and Dutch had also established their factories in Eastern Kamatka. When this territory was annexed to the kingdom in 1546* fresh problems of custom arose. The English represented to Mir Jumla, the general of the Golconda army» to restore the privileges v*iich 3rl Range the ruler of Kamataka had granted to them. According to a settlement reached with Thomas Iric, the English agent, Sri Ranga had handed over to the Company the government and the territory of 'the village of Madras* and allowed it to deal with its ware duty free. The Company was further granted half of all the customs and duties recovered at the port of 2 Madras. Mir Jumla restored all these privileges in return 1. i..F,R. (1634-36), pp. 325-26. Sarkhail - Chief revenue officer of the state E.F.K. (1665-67), p. 242. Dabir - Secretary in charge of "liindawi" farman, *Ha«3iqa*, p. 80. 2, C.S, Sriniwaschari, History Of Hadras, Madras, 1939, pp. 34-35. ...121 (121) of a brass gxin %4ilch the English prescmted to him. But as an astout financier Mir Jumla appointed Adigars (Adhikaris) at Madras, St, llnome, Mylapur and other places to supervise the collection of customs and duties* He insisted that "such customs and duties as were usually paid in the time of Ayapa Naique and the Jontue kings time must and 2 should be paid still." The office-incharge of the custom at iMadras was one called in Factory Records as Kanappa or Mala- 3 ppa. He regularly attended the 'choultry to see that his master's sh re in the customs revenue was duly credited*. iTie Adhikaris under him were more particular about increaslnu the share of his master's revenue. A factory letter of 29 March, 1654 writes that "Nawab's adigar has strived tooth and nail to bring in custom upon petty things sold here in the market 4 as betel, herbs etc." In January 1656 Mir Jumla defected to the Mughels and Riazuddin uuli Beg nicknamed Neknam Khan took over the govern ment of Kamataka. His main concern was to see that the king- 1. E.F.^, (1651-54), p. 237-38. 2. Ibid., p. 254. 3. E.F.R. (1651-54), p. 254. 4. Ibid. • • • X <£ 46 (122) dcxn*a half share of the custom at Madras was realised and correct and honest account of export and Import should be kept. This led to the bitter bickering between the Mawab and the English, The Nawab besieged the Fort St. George and made several assaults. Ultimately eifter seven months* the siege was raised and an agreement was reached with the i^nglish in 1658. According to this agreem«it the Golconda officials agreed to accept 330 pagodas annually as half the total amount of custom duties collected. I'he agreement worked on smoothly till 1662 when they refused to accept such a small s\im in view of the rapid growth of the town and trade, ihey wished to revctilt to the old arrangement and to receive half of the actual yield. They further insisted that an agent of theirs should be installed in Madras to supervise the amount payable. Ihe 2 English refused to oblige. In consequoice assaults where made on the English servants here and there which forced the English to be on their guard. A letter of 10th January 1663 from Madras to the Company's headquarter at London demanded 20 3 or 30 more Englishman, to guard the fort. They feared that the Golconda's officials were bent upon cutting off their privileges and forcing them to pay more custom duties. So they pr^ared 1. E.F.U, (1656-60), pp. 175-76. 2. Ibid., (1661-64), pp. 278, 285. 3. E.F.K. (1661-64), pp. 180-81. ...123 (123) for a possible conflict for "It will be very necessary that either by fair means or foul we may bring things to a better pass or else farewell to the trade to East India", The differoices between the ii^nglish and Golconoa officials concerning the levying of the custom at Madras re* mained \insettled until 1672 when at last the English agreed to pay then 1000 pagodas for each of the eleven years and 2 1200 pagodas per annum in future. ihe l^tch were in better position than the i-nglish. In 1651 they sent a mission to the king of (^olconda for the restoration of the privileges vdiich they enjoyed in Pulicat, prior to its annexation to the Golconda kingdom, i-lne king graciously confirmed all the privileges* according to t^ich the Dutch were allowed to trade at Pulicat duty-free, ihey 3 were further allowed to «nlarge their castle at Pulicat, Again in 1654 >^en Mir Jximla w^it to Pulicat* he again con- 4 firmed all the immxinities «iJoyed by the Dutch. .^. i^u>;i-^-^)'1^f> ^^"^' 1. »^a. ^ ' ^ 2. Ibid., 176* 180, quoting Love, Vestioe Of Old Madras* Vol. I* p. 343. 3. E.F.R, (1651-54), pp. 101-102* quoting Hagufi Transcript* series 1* Vol. XVIII* nos, 539* 542* 543. 4. E.F.K. (1651-54), p. 238. ...124 (124) King's Attitude Towards the Trade and Ccxnmerce and his Helatlons with Foreign Trading Ccanpanlest The king of Golconda always took keen Interest In the promotion of trade and corranerce In his kingdom, l*he growth of Industries and extensive Internal and ctxtemal trade were the clear testimony to the Interest of the king. In his Farman granted to the English in 1634 he wrote, "ihe glory of the king consists In the welfare of his subjects and their welfare and benefit Immediately (under God) accrues by comnerce to %^lch purpose we In our royal favour have granted to all nations free egresse and regresse to our ports and dominions," The foreign trading companies, undoubtedly had their constant quarrels with the local governors but for many affronts received from them, they always looked towards the king for redress. The king by the farman of 1616 and 1634 had granted concessions In custom to the Dutch and English respectively. He always treated their representatives with respect and affection. When the English factor Joyce went on a mission to the court wlT:h a large train, he was treated very affectionately and honourably. He got six opportunities to present himself before the king. So long as he remained in Golconda he was treated honourably. He badchim off by "giving us an ample 1. Factory Records (1637-41), p. 149, ...125 (125) farman for quiet trade in all parts of his kingdom vd.thout paying of any duties i When the English agent, Cogan, made a representation to the court in 1639 against the extortionate behaviour of the governors, the king satisfied him by giving him a Farman in which he clearly stated that whenever the English gave money in advance to the weavers, painters and others, their vTork should be do«i-«iin time and the governors should assist them in getting their debts cleared. He further ordered the governors not to detain their goods, persons or servants on any pretence for he had freed them from all imposts and custom duties. They should not charge any ch^imgam, imposts, customs duties either 2 from then or from their servants. Likewise when in 1629, the Dutch factor Jacob de Witte went to the court to apprise the king of the plight they were suffering at the hands of the Governor of Masullpatam, the king gave him a sympathetic hear ing and granted a new Farman guaranteeing them the unhindered trade throughout the kingdom. 3 In 1636 he again granted them a farman guaranteeing all their rights and privileges at their representation in the court against the extortionate behaviour of Mir Mohd Saeed, the governor of Masulipatam, In 16 39, the 1. E.F.R. (1634-36), p. 40. 2. E.F.R. (1637-41), p. 149. 3. Tapan Raychowdharij Jan Company In Coranandal, p. 34. ...126 (126) king visited Masulipatam with his nobles and was pleased 1 with the presents offered by the Dutch and Knglish. During the **K>le of 17th century all the three kings, Mohd Uutb Shah, Abdullah and Abul Hasan Jutb Shah, had interested themselves in the promotion of trade and the wel fare of tradesman* In 1675 king Abdul Hasan visited r'^asull- patani along with his nobles and visited the English and Uitch factories "His majesty took great delight and affection to the i£ngllsh and granted than as much privileges by a new charter 2 as could in reason be requested," Thomas Bowery writes that all foreigners more expecially the English and the Dutch had great freedom in all parts of the kingdom. They lived in peace and lead a luxu rious life enjoying cheap provisicms. "Their cows are the largest and fattest 1 have se«n in India. They have excellent pasture ground, the fields and trees always green, their butter end rice and oil the best in India." The Dutch and English Companies oft^n made presoits to the king and his principal nobles to obtain favour. In 1. Tapan Haychowdhari* Jan Company In Coromandal, pp. 39-40. 2« Thomas Bowery, pp. 92-93. 3. Thomas Bowery, p. 126. ...127 (127) 1636 the Eiigllsh got the •Gold«i Farman' by offeriing a present of 6000 pagodas. In 1643 the Dutch uade a 'peshkash' to the king ^Ich included besides 6000 pagodas* elephants* horses and copper candelbra. They also took care that their offers be presented with much fanfare. Thus a Factory letter of February 6* 1661 says that the pres^fits meant for the king must be made by the principal servants of thu coastal facto ries and should be attended by a large train of followers with 2 proper music and pomp. The presents called by the English 'toys' generally included such things as large-sized mirrors* cut-glass* drinking vessels and tumblers* brass canon* pedegree dos and mastiffs etc. 1. E.F.R. (1642-45)* pp. 80-81, 2. Ibid (1661-64)* p. 54. 3. Ibid (1637-41)* p. 183. ...128 (128) APPENDIX P«qoda»» Pagodas or Huns wer« the gold coins. In Golconda, two kinds of Pagodas war* currants old and new. While old Pagodas ware those struck by the Vijyanagar kingdom which preceded the Muslim dynasty the new ones were issued by the latter. The English and Dutch Companies also struck the new 2 Pagodas with the permission from the king of Golconda. They were also current in Bijapur« Kamataka and Vellore. Though the new Pagodas were neither bigger in size nor more in weight than the new ones« they were worth about 25X more. For this Tavemier gives two reasons. One is the Shroffs (money changers) had a superstition that if their ancient coins were melted down* a disaster would befall the country. To avert this disaster they annually gave the king a heavy subsidy on condition that he took no step to recoin them. The other reason was that the Shroffs found considerable profit in maintaining the double currency."^ The old Pagodas were generally worn or for other reasons deficient in weight and the adjustment of value between them and the new Pagodas was 1. Thevenot/ p. 136. 2. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 70. ...129 (129) an elaborate business. The value of Pagodas rose and fell according to the state of trade and arrangement made with the king and governors by the Shroffs. This system remained the same throughout the 17th century. In 1667 we see the English factors at Masulipatam complaining to his Company's headquarters at London that 'it is strange abuse in this country that Shroffs have the power of raising and lowering the price of bullion as they please and it were worth the 2 while if it could be remedied.' In Tavemier's time the new Pagoda was equal to 3^ 3 Mughal rupees and old to 4^ rupees. Thevenot v^o came to Golconda three years later writes that old Pagodas were %4orth 5^ rupees and the new ones equal to 4^ rxipees. Thus the value of Pagoda used to be fluctuated at times. Scxnetimes the king himself raised the value of Pagodas on his own initiative. The following remarks made in a factory letter of Modapallam in 1667 clearly illustrate the state of affair. 1. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 71. 2. E.F.R. (1665-67), p. 255. 3. Tavemier, Vol. II, p. 71. 4. Thevenot, p. 136. ...130 (130) "••••••••••• ther« is a great scarcity of money and the people are so fleeced and harrased by the governors that there is no quick market for anything and the kind having got almost all the old Pagodas in his country into his o>m hands for want of th«m to pay in their rents have raised their value to a strange height* giving a while since seven rupees for an old Pagoda and nearly 170 new Pagodas for hundred old« ^en the real value of an old Pagoda* give it a knock with a hanmer is not worth more than a new. By this devise the king makes as much more of his country as will serve to his tribute to Aurangzeb, ** 1, E.F.R. (1665-67), p. 327. ...131 blBUOGyRI^PHy (131) Persian Documents and European Accounts and Travels have been arranged in chronological order v*iile the modem works have been arranged in Alpbabetlcal order. Abbreviation used in the Bibliography* Asafiya - Asafiya liibrazry# Hyderabad Btf. - British Museum (Now British Library, London) A. Persian Sources Abdul Hamid Lahori, Padshahnama# 2 vols. Bib, Ind,, Calcutta, 1866-72. In the printed ed. Vol. I, is divided into two parts, (1) & (XI), with separate pagination. Muhammad Waris, Continuation of Lahore's Padshahn ama (MS. Raza Library, Rampur), transcript. Department of History, AMU., Aiigarh, Salih Kambu Lahori, Amal-i-Salih, ed. G. Yazdani, 4 vols, (vol. IV, index). Bib. Ind. Calcutta, 1912-46. Muhammad Sadiq Khan Mamuri, Shahjahan Naroa, MS. BM, Or. 174 (Department of History, AMU., Aiigarh). Muhammad Kazim, Alamqlr Nama, ed, Khadim Husain & Abdu-1 Hal, Bib. Ind,, Calcutta, 1865-73, Mir Nizamuddin Ahmad A Sa'adi Shirazi, Hadiaatu's Salatin, ed,, Seyyid Ali Asghar Bilgrami, part I, Hyderabad, 1932, Sujan Rai Bhandari, Khulasatu-t Tawarikh, ed, Zafar Hasan, Delhi, 1918, Bhimsen, Nuskha-i Dilkusha, Ms, BM, Or, 23 (Department of Hist ory, AMU,, Aiigarh), Saqi Musta'idd Khan, Ma'asir-i 'Aiamqiri, 1658 to 1707, tr. J, Sarkar, Calcutta, 1947, Muhammad Hashlm Khafi Khan, Muntakhab-ul-Lubab, ed, K,D, Ahmad and Haig, Calcutta, 1869, ,..132 (133) Shah Nawaz Khan« The Maathlr-ul-Umra/ tr, H. Beveridge, revised and cc«npHed# Baini Prashad, Vol. II, part 1, Patna, 1979. B, Administrative Manuals and the Collection of Letters and Doctimentst ~~~ Abu'l Fazl Allami, A'in~i Akbari, Vol. I, ed. Blochmann, Vols. II & III ed. Jarret and Sarkar, New Delhi, 1977, 1978. Lachhmi Narain 'Shafique', Khulasatu-l Hind (Asafiya Ms. No, 768/492) transcript. Department of History, AMU,, Aligarh, contains pargana-wise revenue statistics of the Deccan provinces, ascribed to 1731 and earlier years, edited and arranged by 'Shafique* in 1789-90, with addition of much other matter. Rug'at-i Alamqiri, ed., Seyyid Najib Ashraf Nadvi, Vol, I, Azamgarh, 1930. Na^ru-1 Mamaliku-s Sultani HaJJi 'Abdu-l 'Aii Tabrezi, Munsha't (Letters), Ms, BM., Add. 6600 (Department of History, AMU., Aligarh). Selected Waqai Of The Deccan (1660-1671), ed. Dr. Yusuf Husain Khan, Hyderabad, 1953. Farmans And Sanads Of The Deccan Sultans, ed, Dr Yusuf Husain Khan, Hyderabad, 1963. European Accounts, Travelsi Marco Polo, The Travels of Marco Polo, ed. Manuel Komroff, New York, 1930. Peter Floris, His Voyage To The East Indies, In The 'Globe*, 1611 to 15, tr. W.H. Moreland, London, 1934. Letters Received By The East India Company From Its Servants in the East, 6 Vols., ed. F.C. Danvers (Vol. I) and W. Foster (Vols. II-VI), London, 1896-1902. Relations of Golconda In The Early Seventemth Century, a collection of the 'relations' of Methwold (pp. 1-50), Schorer (pp. 51-65) and an anonymous Dutch factor (pp. 67-95) ed/'tr, W.H. Moreland, Hakluyt Society, London, 1931. ...133 (133) Francois Bamier, Travels In The Mogul Eitnplr»« 1656 to 68, tr, on the basis of Irving Brock's version by A^ Constable, with notes; 2nd ed, revised by V.A, Smith, Dllhi, 1968, Jean de Thevenot, Accounts Of India, tr, Lovell (1687), rptd in Indian Travels Of Thevenot And Carerl, ed, S.N, s«n. National Archives of India, New Delhi, 1949, Jean-Baptiste Tavemier, Travels In India, tr, V, Ball, ed, William Crooke, 2 Vols,, New Delhi, 1977. The English Factories In India, 1618-69, ed, W, Foster, 13 Vols,, Oxford, 1906-27, The Vols, are not numbered and are therefore cited by the period of years which each of them covers and vAiich is indicated on the titles-page of each vol. John Marshall, John Marshall In India - Notes And Observation In Bengal, 1668-72, ed. S.A. Khan, London, 1927. The Abbe Caire, Journal, English tr, by Lady Facett, The Travels Of The Abbe Carre In India And The Near East, 1672 to 1674, ed. Sir Charles Faweett and Sir Richard Bum, 3 Vols., Hakluyt Society, 2nd Series, XCV-XCVII, London, 1947 (Vols. I and II) and 1948 (Vol. III). The Right Honourable Earl Marshal Of BBgland, 'A Description Of the Diamond Mines (in the kingdc»n of Golconda and Vii^pore)', obtained from an unnamed source, printed in Philosophical Transactions, issued for the Boyal Society, XII, No. 136, June 25, 1677, 907-17, Thomas Bowery, A Geographical Account Of Countries Roxind The Bay Of Bengal, 1669 to 1679, ed, R.C. Temple, Cambridge, 1905, Streynsham Master, The Djaries Of Strevnsham Master, 1675 to 1660, And Other Contemporary Papers Relating Thereto, ed. R.C, Temple, Indian Records Series, 2 Vols,, London, 1911. John Fryer, A New Account Of East India And Parsia, being nine years travels, 1672 to 1681, ed. w, Crooke, 3 Vols, Hakluyt Society, London, 1909, 1912 and 1915. Niccolao Manucci, Storia do Mogor, tr, William Irvine, 4 Vols. Indian Texts Series, London 1907, John Pinkerton, A General Collection Of The Bast And Most Interesting Voyages And Travels In An Parts Of The World, Vol. VIII, London 1811. This volume includes (a) the Journal of Sir Thomas Roe (pp. 1-56), and (b) Alexender Hamilton's 'New Account Of The East Indies' (pp, 258-522), 134 (134) D, Modem Works t Abdul Majeed Siddiqui, Tarlkh^E-Golconda, Hyderabad/ 1964. Banarsi Prasad Saksena, History Of Shahjahan Of Delhi# Allahabad, 1976. C,S, Srinivaschari, History Of Madras, Madras, 1939. E, Thurston, Castes And Tribes Of Southern India, 7 Vols,, Madras, 1909. H.K. Sherwanl, Hlstor-/ Of Qutb Shahl Dynasty, New Delhi, 1974. Irfan Habib, The Agrarian System Of Mughal India, Banbay, 1963. , An Atlas Of The Mughal Empire, Delhi, 1982, J.F. Richards, Mughal Administration In Golconda, Oxford, 1975. Jadunath Sarkar, History Of Auranqzeb, 5 Vols,, Calcutta, 1973, , Mughal Administration, New Delhi, 1972. , Shivaii And His Times, Calcutta, 1952. Jag dish Narayan Sarkar, The Life Of Mir Jumla^ '•^'he General Of Auranqzeb, New Delhi, 1979. M. Athar All, Mughal Nobility Under Auranqzeb, Bombay, 1966. Moreland. From Akbar To Aurangaeb, New Delhi, 1972. , Agrarian Svsttem Of Moslem India, Delhi, 1968, , India At The Death Of Akbar, An Economic Study, Delhi, 1974. Radheyshyam, Life And Times Of Malik Ambar, Delhi, 1968, Vincent A, Siftiith, Akbar The Great Mogul, New Delhi, 1958, VIthai Trimbak Gune, The Judicial System Of The Marathas, Poona, 1953, F, Gazetteer! Imperial Gazetteer Of India, Provincial Series, Hyderabad State, Calcutta, 1909. ...135 (135) G, Joiirnalai Indian Histoxy Congress, 1941. Joiimal Of Indian Textile History, No, II, 1956. Indian History Congress, 1958. Indian Economic Social History Review, 1968. Islamic Culture, Vol. 51, part I, 1977. ****************** i********* * * * * / * -A A -A * * * *** *x* *** if^-- A/-.